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The Nāṣirī Generations 258.4

Tabakat-i-Nasiri 258.4

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English

258.4.1

It would seem, therefore, that Tuk-Tughan, hearing of the movements of the two Mughal armies, and finding Juji was coming upon him, moved from Kum-Kunjak, with the remains of the Makrit tribe, and endeavoured to reach Kara-Kum [which, in some imperfectly or carelessly copied MSS., has been turned into Kara-Kuram], which was the dasht or steppe inhabited by the Kanguli Turks, and which tribe had been assigned, by the Sultan of Khwarazm, to his mother, Turkan Khatun, as part of her appanage. At page 267, it is stated that, in 615 H., the Sultan had moved from Samrkand to Jand because a body of those remaining of the supporters of Kadr Khan [Kadir Khan of others], respecting whom more will be found in the account of Juji Khan farther on, had broken out into revolt on the confines of Jand, for the purpose of suppressing it, and, that, after he had annihilated that faction, he returned towards Samrkand again. Some other writers, however, say that this took place earlier, before the total downfall of the last Gur Khan, and that, after quelling this revolt, the Sultan heard that an army of the Gur Khan had appeared before Samrkand, of Islam which were there stationed, reached Sultan and was preparing to march to its relief, when the Kara-Khitae army was withdrawn to operate against Koshluk, but our author twice distinctly states that this revolt, or its suppression, happened in 615 H., and immediately after says that "the calamity of the infidels of Chin — i. e.

258.4.2

the Mughals — arose." The Sultan being at Samrkhand, whither he had returned from Jand, hearing of the movements of Tuk-Tughan and the Mughals in the direction of Kara-Kum, moved towards Jand to guard his own territory, and to seize or stop Tuk-Tughan, if practicable, and marched beyond it as far as the frontier of the Turks. In the meantime Tuk-Tughan and his people, marching westward towards the Kankuli steppe, had been intercepted by Juji Khan near the great mountain range forming the northern boundary of the present Kashghar state, as previously related. I think I have here shown that Kodu, brother of the Bigi, Tukta, the Makrit, and Tuk-Tughan, the Makrit, are different persons, and that the Makrits were not wholly destroyed when defeated by Sahudah.

258.4.3

The author of the "Mongols Proper," on the authority of M. Wolff, states at page 73, that the destruction of the "Merkits" took place "near Lake Kossagol, between the Selinga and the Upper Jennessei" [sic], but I notice that he had some doubts about it, and, at page 712, he places "the Merkits," as "living probably in the valley of the Chu, and perhaps at Balasaghun," after stating that, according to Erdmann, the "Merkit chiefs" were "met and defeated on the banks of the river Jem (not the Kem or Yenissei [sic], as Wolff seems to read it)," but without perceiving that, at page 73, he had given, from the same writer, apparently, a much more correct version of the affair, and had even named some of the places tolerably correctly, but under vitiated orthography! I must, as briefly as possible, give some account of Koshluk's subsequent acts, after his seizure of the Gur Khan, his father-in-law, and benefactor, and his own fate, which immediately preceded the irruption of the Mughal barbarians into the countries of Islam.

258.4.4

After the seizure of the last Kara-Khita-i ruler, his dominions east of the Sihun devolved upon Koshluk, but he did not thereby become himself "Gur Khan," as we are informed in the "Mongols Proper." Had Koshluk known how to have managed the Gur Khan, after he became his son-in-law, he might have got up a formidable, and, perhaps, successful, combination against the Mughal ruler, to whom also he was related on the mother's side. Koshluk was an idol-worshipper — but-parast — a Buddhist, and his wife [or one of his wives?] was a follower of 'I-sa — Jesus Christ; hence they were both intolerant to the Musalmans, continually exhorting them to turn idolaters — the Rauzat-us-Safa says, to embrace Christianity — and those who would not were massacred. The Tarikh-i-Alfi, however, says that Koshluk, "for the sake of an idol-worshipping damsel, became himself an idol-worshipper too," but without mentioning what faith he previously followed, which we must presume was the Christian. Koshluk, for a period of four years, from 610 to 614 H. [May, 1213, to April, 1217, A.D.], continued to send forces against Kashghar, and they used to commit great ravages, and burn the crops, in such wise, that famine began to show itself in that tract of country. The inhabitants could do no other than give up the city of Kashghar and its defences to him, and the fort surrendered. Koshluk's troops took up their quarters in the peoples' houses.

258.4.5

Muhammad, Khwarazm Shah, who was then [encamped leaving them to shift for themselves, and violence, wickedness, and sedition, reigned supreme. Petis de la Croix, who quotes “Mirconde,” that is to say, Mirkhawind, the author of the Rauzat-us-Safa, makes the astonishing statement in his “Genghizcan the Great,” that the Gur Khan used to reside in Kashghar, which was the capital of their Turkistan possessions, and sometimes called Urdu-kand. That the Musalman religion prevailed there is, undoubtedly, correct—and had prevailed for centuries, it may be added—and the Nestorians had churches there, but that, “at this time the capital is Hyarcan, which is the same place as Caschgar was,” shows that De la Croix’s geography was a little at fault. Yarkand is just 100 miles S.E. of Kashghar. He moreover states, quoting, apparently, the same work, that the people of Caschgar refused to acknowledge any other sovereign than the Gur Khan’s son, and that “the siege lasted long,” and “the city was at last taken.” In the last para. of the account of the Gur Khans, I have noticed what has been said respecting the survivors of that family, but, although it is very probable that the last Gur and the former ones too, may have had descendants, they are not specified, nor is a son mentioned in any author that I am aware of. The statement as to “Gushluk” having killed “the sovereign” of “Kashgar,” contained in the Mongols Proper, is without any real authority, I fancy, and would be difficult to verify.

258.4.6

After obtaining possession of Kashghar, Koshluk moved towards Khutan, which ’Abu-l-Fida and some others say was of the I-ghurs, or “I-ghuria,” lying in the 42° of Lat., while Kashghar is said to be in the 44°, but correctly, according to the most recent observations, 39° 24' 26", and 37° 6' 58", respectively, which shows the correct direction of the I-ghur country at the period in question, and which extended much farther to the S. W. than shown in the map in “Mongols Proper,” and as the events mentioned clearly show. Koshluk took possession of Khutan, and acted towards its people in the same tyrannical manner, as at Kashghar, to compel Musalmans to recant. He commanded that all the learned men of the place should come out and hold a disputation with him on the subject, and more than 3000 ’Ulama and men of learning appeared. One of them was the Shaikh ’Ala-ud-Din, Muhammad, the Khutani, and he got the best of the argument, by the Musalman account, upon which Koshluk began to mock him, and the Shaikh, losing all patience, cried out, “Dust on thy mouth, O Koshluk! thou accursed enemy of the faith!” For this the Shaikh was seized and nailed up before the gate of the college he had founded. He lingered for several days, during which he continued to exhort the people to be staunch in the faith; and, at length, he was put to death, and thus attained the felicity of martyrdom.

258.4.7

After this, Musalmans were forbidden to exercise their religion, and the call to prayer and public worship were prohibited. At that period, there was a person dwelling on the confines of Almaligh, of great valour and intrepidity, and a champion—a pahlawan, but not “a herald with red arrows” [see Mongols Proper, page 130], and his name was Ozar also belonged to the or Kanghuli tribe. He was a freebooter, and did nothing better than steal horses from all parts, and carry on other wickedness, until vagabonds and bold spirits like himself gathered round him, and he began to acquire strength, and to ravage the parts around Almaligh, until, at last, he obtained possession of that place and parts around. before] Balkh, as has been already related, he became filled with despondency, and retired precipitately towards Igil—the "Turkish Prince" of which is said, by Abu-l-Fida, to have been absent at this time, and which city is said by him to lie in the same degree of Lat. as Kashghar—he set out for Fulad-Sum, which was one of the greater cities in that part [afterwards buried in the sands, like several other cities], and gained possession of it likewise. Koshluk used continually to lead troops against him, defeat him, and ravage and lay waste his recently acquired territory. When Uzar’s position became dangerous, he despatched an agent to the Chingiz Khan, and complained of Koshluk’s tyranny.

258.4.8

The Chingiz Khan sent him a friendly answer—his being hostile to Koshluk was enough to ensure that—and Uzar proceeded to his presence and was well received, a dress of honour and other favours were bestowed upon him, and Juji sought his daughter in marriage. The Chingiz Khan advised him to abstain from hunting excursions [the mode of hunting of the Mughals and other peoples of Asia, often referred to in our author’s, as in other histories, is very different from our ideas of hunting, but I have not space to describe it here], lest he might fall a prey into the hands of a hunter foe, referring to Koshluk, and presented him with a thousand sheep in order that he might not have occasion to go forth in search of game. However, when Uzar returned to Almaligh, he again went out, when suddenly and unexpectedly the forces of Koshluk came upon him in a hunting-ground, captured him, and brought him before the gate of Almaligh. The inhabitants, however, shut the gates of the city, and resolved to defend it. Fighting commenced, when, at this crisis, news arrived of the coming of the hosts of the Chingiz Khan, for he began to grow alarmed at Koshluk’s continued success. On this Koshluk’s troops retired from before Almaligh, and, on the way back to their own territory, put Uzar, the Kankuli, to death.

258.4.9

The Chingiz Khan showed favour to his son, Saghnak-Tigin [In the account of those who presented themselves to the Chingiz Khan on his way to Utrar, which occurred very shortly after, the chief of Almaligh is styled Tukta-Tigin. See note, page 969] gave him one of Juji’s daughters to wife, and sent him back to Almaligh [from this it would seem that he had been kept in the Mughal camp as security for his father’s behaviour], where he took up his residence; and Arsalan Khan, the Karlugh, who, at this period, was a vassal of the Mughal ruler, who had betrothed one of his daughters to him, was, by him, permitted to go back to Kaialigh or Kaialik.