The Nāṣirī Generations 288: AN ACCOUNT OF THE MISFORTUNE WHICH HAPPENED TO THE MUHTASHIM, SHAMS-UD-DIN.
Tabakat-i-Nasiri 288
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AN ACCOUNT OF THE MISFORTUNE WHICH HAPPENED TO THE MUHTASHIM, SHAMS-UD-DIN.
288.1.1
This account is derived from a recluse among the recluses of Islam, who is worthy of credit, and is here recorded in order that it may come under the observation of the Sultan of Islam. This servant of the victorious empire, Minhaj-i-Saraj, who is the author of this Tabakat, on the first occasion that he chanced to undertake a journey into the Kuhistan, and saw the Muhtashim, Shihab, the Hakim, the friend of the Musalmans, saw, in his presence, a recluse, an aged man of Nishapur, who was one among the esteemed of Sultan Muhammad, Khwarazm Shah, and his mother, the Malikah-i-Jahan—on whom be the Almighty’s mercy!—and, during the time of that monarch and his mother, he enjoyed their intimacy and esteem. This recluse used clandestinely to take care of the interests of the Muhtashim, Shihab, before the Sultan’s throne, and was wont to show honour towards his emissaries; and, such of their important affairs as used to be before the Court, he would get brought to a successful termination.
288.1.2
When the misfortunes [attending the irruption] of the Chingiz Khan arose, and the people of Khwarazm, of the capital, and of Khurasan, became dispersed, this recluse, for those reasons [above referred to], threw himself into the Kuhistan; and, on account of previous obligations, the Muhtashim, Shihab, the Hakim, was under towards him, this recluse obtained great favour with him, and received abundant honour and reverence. On the Muhtashim, Shihab, being removed from the government of the Kuhistan, and his proceeding to Alamut, when the Muhtashim, Shams, arrived, this recluse did not obtain the same respect from him; and, as he was not on terms of intimacy with the Muhtashim, Shams, the absence of Shihab greatly affected the heart of the recluse. He desired, in order to perform the debt of gratitude [he owed] to the Muhtashim, Shihab, to take vengeance upon this Muhtashim, Shams, who was the displacer of the former, and thereby attain, for himself, the felicity of martyrdom, and also perform an act of holy warfare [upon an infidel].
288.1.3
One day he entered the place of audience of the Muhtashim, Shams, and represented, saying: “It is necessary to give me a private audience. I have important business, which I will communicate in private.” The Muhtashim, Shams, had his audience hall cleared, but the recluse said: “I am not satisfied to proceed lest it should so happen that I might be in the middle of my statement and an interloper might enter, and the matter be interrupted. If the Muhtashim will direct that I may fasten the door of the audience hall on the inside, my heart will be freed from that fear.” The Muhtashim replied: “It will be well: it is necessary to put the chain across the door of the audience hall on the inside.” The honest [!] recluse got up, and fastened the door on the inside, and came and seated himself down in front of the Muhtashim. It was an habitual custom with that Muhtashim constantly to have a finely-tempered palarak poniard in his hand. Sometimes he would place it at his side, sometimes before him, and sometimes he would take it in his hand.
288.1.4
The recluse turned his face towards the Muhtashim, and said: “I suffer tyranny in thy city and territory. Why have they placed this poniard in thy hand ? [Is it not] for this purpose that thou shouldst ward off tyranny and violence from the weak and oppressed ? Give the weapon into my hand that I may see whether it be sharp or not.” The Muhtashim, inadvertently, the recluse being an infirm old man, and thinking that from him no mischief would arise, gave the poniard into the Darwesh’s hand. The latter seized it, struck at the Muhtashim, and inflicted upon him several severe wounds, in such a manner that his body was wounded in several places. It was the winter season, and the Muhtashim wore two garments of hair [cloth], one over the other; and, the recluse being old and infirm, the wounds proved not so very deep. Had the recluse been young, and had it been the summer season, without doubt, the Muhtashim would have gone to hell. Notwithstanding he was wounded, he got up, seized the wound-inflicting recluse, and cried out for assistance. A number of Mulahidahs were in the vestibule of the place of audience, and they burst open the door, and came in, and martyred the recluse — the Almighty reward him !
288.1.5
A cry now arose in the city of Tun; and the Mulahidahs conspired against the Musalmans to put those poor unfortunates to death, but the Muhtashim promptly directed so that they issued a proclamation, to the effect that no Musalman should be hurt in the least, since it would not be right to slay all the Musalmans through the act of one individual. During that short period of tumult, however, an eminent Imam, and learned man, whom they used to call Imam Najm-ud-Din-i-Sarbari, the Rumi, attained martyrdom, because a Mulhid was at enmity with him, but of the rest of the Musalmans not one suffered any molestation. Subsequently, command was given so that they impaled the Mulhid who had killed the Imam. The object in [relating] this incident was this, that it is essential that sovereigns should ever be circumspect and vigilant, and should never leave [their] arms out of their own possession, and should not place confidence in any one. I now return to the thread of this History.
288.1.6
When they placed Mangu Khan upon the throne, he conferred the dominion of I-ran and 'Ajam upon his younger brother, Hulaku ; and another younger brother, named Kubilan, after he had returned from the conquest of 'Irak, he installed over the tribes of Turkistan, and a third brother, Artuk Bukah, he placed as his deputy over the kingdoms of Tamghaj. He [Mangu] then assembled a numerous army, and marched into the country of Chin and reached a place where the horses of his forces, through the insalubrity of the climate, and want of forage, apparently, they found grain and forage excessively scarce. They accordingly despatched information to the Ka'an, stating that it would be impossible to proceed by that route, and asked permission to march by another road into Kara-Jang. This is the tract of country which Rashid-ud-Din, quoting Al-Biruni, mentions. After noticing Dew-gir and the Ma'abar in the Dakhan of Hind, he says: There is also another large territory which is Gandhar, and called by the Mughals Kara-Jang or Hamil, and its people are descended from Hindi and Khita-i parents. In the reign of Kubilae Ka'an it was subdued by the Mughals. On one side it joins Tibbat, on another, the frontier of Khitae, and on the third, Hind. Learned men have said that the people of three different countries are particularly celebrated for three different things: Hind for its numerous armies, the territory of Gandhar for its elephants beyond computation, and the Turks for horses.”
288.1.7
I have previously narrated the Fanakati’s account of the geography of some of these parts, and the names of various countries of Khitae, Chin, and Maha-Chin, but it will be well to mention what refers to this very tract under discussion again, as great discrepancy exists with regard to the mode of writing the name of it. The Fanakati says: “To the S. W. of Khitae is another country, which they—the people of it—style Dae-liu—in one MS. written Dae-lu—and the Mughals call it Gandhar—another MS. has Gandah-har. This country with us—the writer’s native country, Mawara-un-Nahr, and Turkistan—is known as Kandhar. It lies between Hind and Tibbat, and in one half of it the people are black [dark], and in the other half, white [fair]. The Mughals call all this white half Chaghan-Jang, and the other Kara-Jang. It is doubtful what the meaning of Jang is, in fact it is very doubtful what is the correct word, for it is written which may be read in various ways, but if one take the first form in which perhaps it is chiefly written, it may be read, in the absence of vowel points, Janak, Janag, Jank, or Jang; and from its being used with chaghan and kara, which are Turkish words for white and black, it must, without doubt, be Turkish likewise. I am doubtful, however, whether the last form given above Jamak, is not, after all, the correct word. I have taken some trouble to search it out in several works, and am sorry that there should still remain any doubt upon it.
288.1.8
But, from comparison, we arrive at some other facts. The Fanakati and some others say, that, east of Khitae, the of the Hindus, and Jakut of the Mughals, inclining south-east, is an extensive country called Manzi it is also written in some MSS. and and sometimes, by the Fanakati also, or by the Chinese, Maha-Chin by the Hindus, and Tingnash by the Mughals. This latter name too, as I have previously remarked, is written in so many different ways that it is difficult to determine which is the most correct. It is written Tingnash—in several very correctly and carefully written MSS., also Tingbash—Biktash,—Tingtash,—Tingnas, and the like, but I believe, after all, that the way in which it is written in the “Nuzhat-ul-Kulub” is the correct one, namely, Ningias, or Ningaish. This country is said, by the Fanakati and others, to be separated from Khitae or Chin by the Kara Mur-an or Black River, that its capital was Khunsae or Shunsae, that it is also called Karawere perishing. He despatched swift messengers into Tur-
288.2.1
Jang by the Mughals, and Dae-liu in the language of Khitae—that is, by the Chinese. Consequently, from these various statements, Ningaish or Tingnash is the ^Cara and Chaghan Jang and the Gandhar of the Mughals, which constitute the Manzi and Dae-liu of the Chinese, the Maha-Chin of the Hindus, and Kandhar of the Musalmans of Turkistan and Ma-wara-un-Nahr. I now return, after this necessary digression, to the request of the Ko-yang, Mukali, to enter this territory of whatever it may be. His request was complied with, and he entered that territory with his forces, plundered it, and obtained what his troops were in want of. I notice, in Elliot, vol. i, page 63, that “Waihind, capital of Kandahar, west of the Sind” is said to be called “Karajang” by the “Moghals.” This is a little out of the way, and must be an error certainly. This army under Kubilae and Mukali was “to enter Khitae [which nearly all historians say was finally subdued in Uktae’s reign, and that the Altan Khan disappeared or hung himself. See note at page 1139], Kara-Jang, Tibbat—doubtful: the word is written—and Tingkut, Solika or Sulika Kolt, and parts of Hind which adjoin Chin and Maha-Chin.”
288.2.2
The Chinese say that “Mengko,” as they style Mangu, made his brother Hu-pi-lay, governor of all the territories south of the great Kobi or Desert, that is, Tartary bordering on the Great Wall of China, Lyan-tong, and the conquered provinces of China. In Decr., 1252 A.D. [Shawwal, the tenth month of 650 H.], Hu-pi-lay was directed to attack Tai-li-Fu, in Yun-nan, and took along with him the general Hu-lyang-hotay [Mukali?], and Yanshi [Mahmud, Yalwaj ?]. About the same time envoys arrived at the urdu from Intu or Hintu [Hind], to render homage. This was about the very time that Malik Sher Khan-i-Sunkar, the cousin of Ulugh Khan-i-A’zam, left his fief of Tabarhindah, withdrew from Hind, and proceeded to the presence of Mangu Ka’an. See pages 695, 784, 792, 798, and note page 1223. In the same year—650 H.—Mangu Ka’an began to consider in what direction he should himself lead an army, and, therefore, he held another great feast at which the Shah-zadahs and Amirs appeared. This was held at a place called Kortukui Jiwan—the Jidan doubtless, referred to in note page 912, para. 4—which is situated in the middle of Mughalistan. This is the place where, according to tradition, Kublah Khan, the eighth of the Buzanjar dynasty [see the note on the descent of the Turks, Tattars, and Mughals, page 896, para. 6], and his followers, danced so much in the hollow of a tree, after he had obtained success over the Tattars, and the Altan forces, when he avenged his brother, Ukin-Barkak's death.
288.2.3
At this feast, Mangu was advised by Darkae, the Gurgan [one of the sons-in-law of the Chingiz Khan], an Amir of the tribe of Angiras-Kungkur-at Mughals, to invade Tingnash or Biktash [Ningaish]. Darkae added, as a reason for invading it, that it was near by, was that is to say here, unreduced and independent, and that it had hitherto been disregarded by them. This was not correct, however, if, as previously mentioned, the Mughals call this Tingnash or Biktash by the name of Kara-Jang, for that was invaded and plundered by the Mughal troops under Kubilae and Mukali, the Ko-yang, just before. Mangu Ka’an, in reply to this advice, remarked, that each of his uncles and brothers had subdued some country or other, and he would do the same [he had already done so in the campaigns in the west under Batu Khan, but before he succeeded to the throne], so, in the sixth year of his reign, in Muharram, 653 H. — February, 1254 A.D. — he determined to go to war with Tchukau [possibly, Tchukang], the Faghfur — the particular title given by Muhammadan writers to the ruler of Chin, but what language it is, is not said. Mangu accordingly left Artuk — or Artugh — sometimes written Irtuk and Irtugh — Bukah, his next younger brother, in charge of the uluses and urdus, and associated with him his eldest son, whose name is written in many ways equally uncertain — Asormaktay, Asorangtash, and Asomigias; but, as he makes no figure whatever in history, it is immaterial.
288.2.4
Respecting these events, the Chinese say that, in February, 1253 A.D. [the last month of the year 650 H. The year 651 H. commenced on the 2nd March, 1253 A.D.], “Mengko” assembled the Princes and Grandees at the river Onon, and determined upon sending armies to make further foreign conquests, “one into India and Kashmir, another into Korea, and a third against the Khalifah,” which was to be the most numerous, under his brother “Hyu-le-hu” [Hulaku]. Among the generals was “Kakan [the Manjanik-chi?] son of Ko-chey, son of Ko-pan-yu,” who were generals of the Chingiz Khan, a native of Ching, dependent on Wha-chew, in the district of Si-gan-Fu, capital of Shen-si, a very learned man. Hu-pi-lay [Kubilae] had assembled his forces the previous year [1252 A.D. — 649-50 H.], at Lin-tau-Fu, in Shen-si, entered Sew-chwen, and by difficult roads, through mountains and by precipices, reached the river Kin-sha or Kyang. At this period, great part of Yun-nan was ruled by Princes independent of China. Tali had a king of its own, and he was taken, with that city, in December of that year. “Hu-pi-lay” subdued several neighbouring Princes, and reached Tibbat, where several others submitted to him. After this he returned to his government, leaving Hu-lyang-hotay [the Ko-yang Mukali?] in command.
288.2.5
Again, in 1254 A.D. [652 H., which commenced on the 20th Feby. 1254], the Chinese writers state that “Mengko” again assembled the Princes and Grandees at the source of the river Onon, made many new regulations, and ordered the commanders of troops in China to lay in great magazines of provisions in such parts of Ho-nan as had walled cities. Hitherto the Mughals had only made incursions into Sew-chwen to pillage, and had often to retreat, subsistence [as in Kubilae's case, to which this evidently refers], and “Mengko” directed the general Wang-te-chin to rebuild several towns, and lay in stores of provisions. In 1256 A.D. [the beginning of Rajab, the seventh month of the year 654 H.], another great feast was held, and “Mengko” received the homage of all the Princes of his house.
288.2.6
Then it is related that “Mengko considered the urdu at or near Kara-Kuram too small for holding kuriltaes and keeping his Court; and so he commissioned Lyew-ping-chong to select a place in Tartary, who, from his great scientific attainments, made choice of a place, to the east of the city of Whan-chew, called Long-kang; and there a city was built, which was named Kay-ping-Fu, and afterwards, Shang-tu.” built, which was called Kay-ping-Fu, and, afterwards, Shang-tu: yet Kara-Kuram [although neither a city nor town] still continued to enjoy a jurisdiction of greater extent” — it was still the asl yūrat of the Ch͟hingiz K͟hān. The foundation of this place therefore has been wrongly ascribed to Ḳubilāe, who founded K͟hān-Bālīgh, instead of to “Mengko,” but that it was more convenient, as to position, than the vicinity of Ḳarā-Ḳuram, and Kalūr-ān, is absurd, unless for the convenience of his eastern subjects and dominions alone. There may have been another reason, and an important one. Ḳarā-Ḳuram depended a great deal on provisions brought from a long distance, and, should supplies, by any chance, have been cut off, famine would have arisen, as was subsequently proved.
288.2.7
This new capital, “Kay-ping-Fu,” afterwards “Shang-tu,” is apparently the Shandu, and Ciandu of Polo, “Xandu” in Ramusio, and “Ions” of Hayton. “It stood,” it is stated, “in the country of Karchin on the river “Shan-tu,” N.N.E. of Pekin, and “seems to be,” says a writer in Astley’s “Collection,” “Chau-nayman-suma, which is one of three ruins marked in the Missioners’ map, on the river Shangtu.” Hayton calls it Ions. “Passing out of the gate, Hi-fong-kew in Pe-che-li, you find yourself in Karchin, Ohan, Naman [Naeman], and Korchin. It is divided into ten standards; and the country of the Mughals of Korchin extends to the Sira Mūr-ān — the great river Sira. Mūr-ān in the Mughal language signifies a great river, and Pīrah a smaller one.” To continue the Chinese accounts before returning to the Mughal records quoted by the Musalmān writers, in whose time the Mughals had to a considerable extent become Musalmāns likewise, they say that, in 1257 A.D. [the year 655 H. began on the 18th January, 1257 A.D.], “Mengko” sent orders to his generals in Se-chwen, Hu-quang, and Kyang-nan, to prepare to attack the Song [empire] on all sides, resolving to begin himself with the first, that is to say, Se-chwen, which therefore is equivalent with Tingnāsh [Ningyā-īsh] of the Musalmān writers, Mahā-Chīn of the Hindūs, and Manzi of the Chinese, as described by the Fanākatī and others.
288.2.8
After the month of July [the seventh month of 655 H.] he appointed his brother, Alīpū-ko [Irtuk or Irtugh Būḳah], in charge at Ḳarā-Ḳuram.” There is some discrepancy between the Musalmān and Chinese dates, because he was appointed in the first month of 652 H., as before mentioned. “In the same month, Mengko” set out, reached the mountain of “Lewpan in Shen-sī,” where the Ch͟hingiz K͟hān died [which place, as stated before at page 1087, was situated on the frontier of Tingnāsh, or Ningyā-īsh, and K͟hitā-ī]. He was scarcely arrived there when he understood his brother Hū-pī-lay, with his family, and without any attendance, in the manner of a criminal, had come, in order to submit himself to the Ḳā’ān. This news so affected “Mengko” that the suspicions he entertained against him were removed and he was completely forgiven.” I shall refer to this matter presently.
288.3.1
“Hū-pī-lay” was directed by “Mengko” to return to his government, and prepare for the siege of Vu-chang-Fu, the capital of Hu-quang, then to march to Hang-chew, the metropolis of Che-kyang, and the empire of the Song; and the general Chang-jau was nominated to command under him. I will now return to the Mughal accounts from where I left off, when, early in 652 H.— about March or April, 1254 A.D.— Mangū appointed Irtuk Būḳah to remain in charge of the great urdūs and ulūsis, along with his eldest son, but some say his son Serki. lieutenants and governors, who were in Turkistan and Ma- To enumerate all the names, and give all the details, respecting those Shah-zadahs, Amirs, and troops, which accompanied him, and the preparations made, would occupy far more space than can be afforded here : at some future time I hope to do so. Suffice it to say that they included a great number of Shah-zadahs, Amirs, and forces, both of the Dast-i-Chap—the left hand—and Dast-i-Rast—the right hand—which latter they style [i.e. the territory they occupy] Jaukut or Jakut, which signifies the forces of Khitae, Tingkut, Khurjah, and Solanka because the Mughals, in their dialect, used to call those parts Jaukut or Jakut. The army of Mangu Ka'an amounted, it is said, to the immense number of 600,000, one half of which belonged to the Dast-i-Chap, and whose leader was the Shah-zadah, Taghachar [there is no such name as "Tkugatshur"], son of U-Tigin, the younger brother of the Chingiz Khan.
288.3.2
As Mangu issued forth on his way, he received the news of the death of the Nu-yin, Belkutae, half brother of the Chingiz Khan, who had attained the age of 110 years, and who had done good service in the latter's time. Mangu also received an account of his brother Kubilae's movements with his forces ; and that, as Kubilae, at this time, was indisposed—he was afflicted with gout, or dard-i-pae—if he were allowed to take repose for a time, it would be well. Kubilae was permitted, accordingly, to return to his urdus, as a temporary measure, to get better. This evidently is what the Chinese histories refer to as a disagreement between the brothers, and Kubilae’s being suspected, and forgiven, but the Musalman writers never so much as hint at anything of the kind, and the two accounts are wholly contrary to each other. Although Kubilae had permission to retire to his Urdus he did not do so, but again returned to his post. It was at this time likewise, that Shiramun, who was not to be trusted, was put to death before Kubilae departed. Perhaps it is this incident that the Chinese writers got hold of.
288.3.3
Having set out, in the summer of 653 H.—about June, 1255 A.D.—Mangu reached the boundaries of the territories of Tingkut and Tingnash or Biktash [Ningaish], at the place named Alwan or Aluan Shan it was Lewan Shan—before. See note, page 1088], within the confines of Tingnash or Biktash [Ningaish], which is the place where the Chingiz Khan died. Towards the latter part of the year he moved forward for the purpose of attacking the Masul Kahlukhah or Pass, and forced it. With little effort he subsequently captured twenty fortresses, and subdued a territory known as Khan-Sindan—in one copy of Alfi the first word is Jan—and, having taken possession of the whole of it, turned his face towards a great fortress [a fortified city] called Muli Sang. There is considerable discrepancy with regard to the name of this place, caused by the careless copying of scribes, and the facilities which the Arabic characters offer for making mistakes when carelessly written. In the best written copies of Alfi and the Fanakati, respectively, it is Muli-Sang, as above, and Doli-Shang while in other copies of the former, and in other works, it is without points. The place in question is the Ho-chew of the Chinese historians, and Ho-chew or Ko-chew of the Jesuits' map.
288.3.4
Before setting out into those parts, he had despatched the Nu-yin, Taghachar, with a numerous army, by way of the great river called Ma'an Ling wara-un-Nahr, in a very short space of time — less than that he might reduce to submission the fortified cities of Fang-ching — the words are without points, and may be meant for Mang-ching — and Mang-Fun. Taghachar reached the foot of that fortress [the last mentioned place], and invested it for a week, but, during that time, having obtained no sign of success, he marched away, and returned to his own urdus. Mangu Ka’an was excessively wroth at this proceeding, and vowed he would punish Taghachar in such a way that others should take example therefrom, but he did not live to do so.
288.3.5
The place before which Mangu Ka’an sat down in 654 H., was, according to the Habib-us-Siyar, “a fortified mountain of prodigious height and circuit, and furnished with all things necessary to withstand an enemy. Winter came and passed, and spring set in, and the summer of 655 H. arrived [the summer of 1257 A. D.]. The excessive heat brought on a pestilence among the troops, and most of his army perished. Mangu, who, for a long period, had been investing this strong place, took to drinking deeply, in order to ward off the danger of catching the disease, but his health gave way in consequence, and he was taken ill, and died eight days after, in Muharram — the first month — of 656 H. [about the middle of January, 1258 A.D.] on the banks of the Kobighah Mur-an after a reign of eight years.” The circumstances related by our author, although very brief, contain some interesting particulars respecting these events, which no authors I have been quoting mention. There is considerable discrepancy, too, and some doubt, concerning the date of Mangu’s death. Alfi, and its authorities, the Rauzat-us-Safa, the Fanakati, and the Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, say it happened in 655 H. The Habib-us-Siyar says it took place in 654 H., while Guzidah and Fasih-i say it was in 657 H., and that he reigned nine years, and was forty-eight — some say forty-six — when he died. The Fanakati says his reign was six years and two months.
288.3.6
The last of these dates — 657 H. — is undoubtedly correct, because his brother, Hulaku, in Rabi’-ul-Awwal, 655 H., sent Nur Shah, Badshah of the Mulahidah, to his camp, after obtaining possession of Alamut; and, by Mangu Ka’an’s command, he was put to death by the way. Mangu, therefore, could not possibly have died in 654 H., nor in the first month of 655 H. Another proof is that Hulaku sent the news to Mangu of the capture of Baghdad, and the murder of the last Kha-lifah, together with an account of events which had happened in ’Irak in 656 H., and which news reached him. Therefore, allowing for the immense distance which separated the brothers, the first month of 657 H. — January, 1259 A. D. — is, evidently, the more correct date. Our author, who finished his history in the fifth month of 658 H. — about the end of February, 1260 A.D. — appears to have very recently become aware of his death by report. I must now give the Chinese version of these events for the sake of comparison. “Hu-lyang-hotay” having made conquests in the countries bordering on “Yun-nan,” subsequent to his subjugation of Tibbat in 1255 A. D. — 653 H. — penetrated as far as “Tong-king,” and “Kochin-China,” then comprehended under the name of “Gan-nan,” ruined its capital, and plundered the country. He was returning to “Tali,” when “Mengko” ordered him to join “Hu-pi-lay” in the siege of Vu-chang-Fu [capital of the province of Hu-quang].
288.3.7
“Mengko’s” forces entered “Se-chwen” in three bodies, each in a different direction. As soon as the army passed the mountain of “Lu-pan” [this is one week — purchased 80,000 horses from Samrkand and the Chinese name for the place where the Chingiz Khan died], “Po-li-cha,” a great Tartar [Mughal] lord, was appointed to command the first body, Mu-ko, the Ka’an's brother, the second, while “Mengko” commanded the third, and took the route of Han-chong-Fu in Shen-si. He was vigorously opposed by the troops of the Song in Se-chwen. “Mengko” now sent on, in advance, Nyew-lyen of the Chanchu tribe, whose father and grandfather were greatly renowned in the army, in the beginning of the year 1250—656 H.—to obtain information. He learnt that Ata-hu, the Mughal general in Ching-tû-Fû, was in great extremity, being invested on all sides by the Song. He, Nyew-lyen, having reached Ho-chew, resolved to succour Ata-hu, but his efforts were of no avail, for the Song took it, and Ata-hu died. Nyew-lyen, now grown desperate from want of success, posted himself between the Song army and Ching-tû, to which he immediately marched, and soon after succeeded in gaining possession of it. Finding that the Ka’an had reached Kang-chong-Fu, he left the city in charge of another officer, moved to Mahu, and sent forces to facilitate “Mengko’s” passage of the river Kyan-lin by a bridge of boats.
288.3.8
The other two bodies of troops having rejoined him, Long-gan-Fu was captured, and Lan-chew [now Pau-ning-Fu] surrendered. The general Hû-lyang-hotay entered China, on his return from Gan-nan, by Tung-quin, moved forward to Quang-si, and seized Quey-lin-Fu, the capital of that province. The Chinese were surprised to find him penetrate as far as Chang-sha, a city of Hu-quang, which he invested in the beginning of 1259 A.D., equivalent to the first month of 657 H., which ended on December 16th of that year, and which completely agrees with the year given in Guzidah.
288.4.1
On the first day of the same year, 1259 A.D. — the 28th of December began the year 657 H. — “Mengko” reached the mountain Chong-quey, where the Chalar [Jala-ir], To-whan, affirmed that the war in Se-chwen would turn out unfortunate from heat and moisture, which would destroy the troops, and advised a retreat. Pa-li-che, the Orla [Arlat], said that To-whan spoke thus through fear, and advised the Ka’an to continue the campaign; so “Mengko” determined to continue the war, and to invest Ho-chew, which he accordingly did in February. Nyew-lyen advanced to co-operate with him, and constructed a bridge of boats near Fu-cheu-Fû, while another leader went and took up a position near Quey-chew, on the borders of Hû-quang. An attack was repulsed on Ho-chew in February, another in March, while, in April, there was thunder and rain for twenty days. One day, however, the Mughals succeeded in scaling the walls, and made great slaughter among the defenders, but they were finally repulsed. A Chinese general attacked the raft bridge, at Fu-cheu-Fu, and got to Kon-chin-Fû, eight leagues S.S.E. of Ho-chew, collected 1000 barques to ascend to Kya-ling [Kyan-lin?], but was attacked by a Mughal force, and pursued to Chong-king. The Mughals were, however, still much harassed by disease, want, and sallies. In July “Mengko” resolved to assault it with his best troops, and carry it at any cost.
288.4.2
On the 10th of August the Ka’an visited the works, and gave orders for scaling the walls the following night. The Mughals gained the top of the walls, but were repulsed with great slaughter, and even pursued. “Mengko,” in desperation, now ordered a general assault, and went in person to direct it. A storm arose at the time, and during the attack several ladders were blown down. On this, a fearful carnage ensued; vast numbers of the Mughals perished, and among them was the Ka’an, whose body was found pierced with many wounds. Bukhara, and, adding them to those which they had purchased in Upper Turkistan, despatched them [to Mangu Khan's army]. They also related, that, after some time, the king of Chin brought such an immense army, as cannot come within the compass of number or computation, and, in the end, Mangu Khan, and his army, were overthrown, and reached a mountain [range] round about [nearly] the whole of which range was the sea, and morass; and, in that mountain [range], Mangu Khan, with the whole of the Mughal army, perished from famine. The reign of Mangu Khan was nine years. May Almighty God prolong the reign of the present matter concerning the Dihli kingdom, which happened in the reign of his patron, and during the reign of Mangu Ka’an.
288.4.3
Early in 646 H., Malik Jalal-ud-Din, Mas’ud Shah, the elder brother, it must be remembered, of Sultan Nasir-ud-Din, Mahmud Shah, who had hitherto been feudatory of Kinnauj, was made feudatory of Sanbhal and Buda’un, this last being one of the most important fiefs of the Dihli empire, but, without proceeding thither, he became frightened at something which our author conceals, and fled, by way of Sihnur, towards Lohor [see pages 684 and 818]. His flight may have been caused through fear or suspicion of Ulugh Khan, in whose hands the whole power now centred, and who very shortly after married his daughter to the Sultan. What Jalal-ud-Din, Mas’ud Shah, subsequently did, or whither he went, is also made a profound mystery of. Lohor, too, is mentioned at this period in connexion with him, after its never being once mentioned since its capture and sack by the Mughals, in 639 H., when it was lost to Dihli. A few months after this Prince’s flight, in the eighth month of the same year, we find the Sultan moving with his forces as far as the river Biah — which then flowed in its old bed — and his marching back again, but why he marched, and what his army did, is not mentioned anywhere by our author, but it was, without doubt, connected, in some way, with his brother’s flight.
288.4.4
Again, in 650 H., the Sultan set out, intending to march to Uchchah and Multan [pages 692 and 825], but only reached the banks of the Biah when the Rayhani plot broke out [pages 693 and 826], and Ulugh Khan was banished to his fiefs. This was in 651 H. Nothing more is mentioned about Malik Jalal-ud-Din, Mas’ud Shah, until 652 H., when we find him, in combination, with Ulugh Khan, and other Maliks, advancing towards the capital, in order, it would seem, merely to upset the Rayhani faction; and then our author says [page 830], that the Sultan’s brother “came from the side of Lohor,” but where he had been all this time, from 646 to 652 H., is not allowed to transpire.
288.4.5
In another place [page 700], however, it seems that more than the upsetting of the Rayhani faction was intended, for we are told that “a party of Amirs now interposed between the two personages” — the Sultan and his brother — and after, that “Lohor became the fief — not that the Sultan conferred it — of Malik Jalal-ud-Din, Mas’ud Shah.” In another place [page 793], we are told that Malik Sher Khan-i-Sunqar, who had left Hind and gone into Turkistan, to the urdu of Mangu Ka’an [see note page 1198], returned with honour from thence, and went to Lohor, and joined the Prince [Jalal-ud-Din] there, but that disagreements arose between them, and the Prince “retired in disappointment, and his dependents and followers fell into the hands of Malik Sher Khan’s train.” From this time Jalal-ud-Din, Mas’ud Shah, disappears from the scene, and is heard of no more.
288.4.6
Fortunately a few others throw some light on what our author keeps so dark. Among them the Fanakati says, that several of the great Mamluks of the late Sultan, I-yal-timish, rebelled against his son, Malik Jalal-ud-Din, Mas’ud Shah, and set up another in his place, as though he had been actually reigning. He says, in fact, that Raziyyat was set up by Ulugh Khan, but the date he afterwards gives, which is quite correct, shows that he has confused the names a little, and refers to Nasir-ud-Din, Mahmud Shah, whom he afterwards mentions as having been set up by Ulugh Khan. Then he continues “Malik Jalal-ud-Din fled from Hind, and, in 651 H., presented himself in the urdu of Sultan of Islam to the end of the existence of mankind, and preserve the Khan-i-A’zam, Ulugh Khan, in power and authority, to the end of the world! Amin.