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Travels in the Mogul Empire (Bernier) 2: THE HISTORY OF THE LATE REBELLION IN THE STATES OF THE GREAT MOGOL

Travels in the Mogul Empire (Constable) 2

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English

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THE HISTORY OF THE LATE REBELLION IN THE STATES OF THE GREAT MOGOL

2.1.1

THE desire of seeing the world, which had induced me to visit Palestine and Egypt, still prompted me to extend my travels, and I formed the design of exploring the Red Sea from one end to the other. In pursuance of this plan, I quitted Grand Cairo, where I had resided more than a year, and in two-and-thirty hours (travelling at a Caravan-rate) reached the town of Suez. Here I embarked in a galley, and was conveyed in seventeen days, always hugging the coast, from Suez to the port of Gidda, half a day's journey from Mecca. Contrary to my expectation, and in violation of a promise which I had received from the Beig of the Red Sea, I was constrained to land on this so-called holy territory of Mahomet, where no Christian, who is not a slave, dares set his foot. After a detention of nearly five weeks, I took my passage on board a small vessel, which, sailing along the shores of Arabia Felix, brought me in fifteen days to Moka, near the straits of Bab-el-mandel. It was now my intention to pass over to the island of Masotva, and Arkiko, on my way to Gonder, the capital of Habech, or Kingdom of Ethiopia; but I was informed that Catholics were not safe in that country, since the period when, through the intrigues of the Queen-Mother, the Portuguese were slaughtered, or expelled, with the Jesuit Patriarch whom they had brought thither from Goa; and that, in fact, an unhappy Capuchin had been recently beheaded at Suaken, for having attempted to enter the kingdom.

2.1.2

It seemed, indeed, that less risk would be incurred if I adopted the disguise of a Greek or an Armenian; and that when the King knew I could be of service to him, he would probably make me a grant of land, which might be cultivated by slaves, if I possessed the means of purchasing them; but that I should, at the same time, be compelled to marry immediately, as a monk, who had assumed the character of a Greek physician, had already been obliged to do; and that I could never hope to obtain permission to quit the country. These considerations, among others which may be mentioned in the sequel, induced me to abandon my intention of visiting Gonder. I embarked, therefore, in an Indian vessel, passed the straits of Bab-el-mandel, and in two-and-twenty days arrived at Sourate, in Hindoustan, the empire of the Great Mogol. I found that the reigning prince was named Chah-Jehan, or King of the World. According to the annals of the country, he was the son of Jehan-Guire, or Conqueror of the World, and grandson of Ekbar, or the Great: so that in tracing his genealogy upwards to Houmayon, or the Fortunate, the father of Ekbar, and to Houmayons predecessors, Chah-Jehan was proved to be the tenth, in regular descent, from Timur-Lengue, the Lame Lord or Prince, whom we commonly, but corruptly, call Tamerlane. This Tamerlan, so celebrated for his conquests, married a kinswoman, the only daughter of the prince who then reigned over the people of Great Tartary called Mogols;

2.1.3

a name which they have communicated to the foreigners who now govern Indoustan, the country of the Indous, or Indians. It must not, however, be inferred that offices of trust and dignity are exclusively held by those of the Mogol race, or that they alone obtain rank in the army. These situations are filled indifferently by them and strangers from all countries; the greater part by Persians, some by Arabs, and others by Turks. To be considered a Mogol, it is enough if a foreigner have a white face and profess Mahometanism; in contradistinction to the Christians of Europe, who are called Franguis, and to the Indous, whose complexion is brown, and who are Gentiles. I learnt also on my arrival that this King of the World, Chah-Jehan, who was about seventy years of age, was the father of four sons and two daughters ; that some years had elapsed since he elevated his sons to the vice-royalty of his four most considerable provinces or kingdoms ; and that he had been afflicted, for about the space of a twelvemonth, with a disorder which it was apprehended would terminate fatally. The situation of the father having inspired the sons with projects of ambition, each laid claim to the empire, and a war was kindled among them which continued about five years.

2.1.4

This war, as I witnessed some of the most important of its events, I shall endeavour to describe. During a period of eight years I was closely attached to the court ; for the state of penury to which I had been reduced by various adventures with robbers, and by the heavy expenses incurred on a journey of nearly seven weeks, from Sourate to Agra and Dehly, the chief towns of the empire, had induced me to accept a salary from the Great Mogol, in the capacity of physician ; and soon afterwards, by chance, I procured another from Danechmend-Kan, the most learned man of Asia, formerly Bakchis, or Grand Master of the Horse, and one of the most powerful and distinguished Omrahs, or Lords of the Court. The eldest son of the Great Mogol was named Dara, or Darius: the second Sultan Sujah, or the Valiant Prince: the third was Aureng-Zebe, or the Throne's Ornament; and the name of the youngest was Morad-Bakche, or the Desire Accomplished. Of the two daughters, the elder was called Begum-Saheb, or the Chief Princess; and the younger Rauchenara-Begum, the Light of Princesses, or Princess of the Enlightened Mind.

2.1.5

It is usual in this country to give similar names to the members of the reigning family. Thus the wife of Chah-Jehan — so renowned for her beauty, and whose splendid mausoleum is more worthy of a place among the wonders of the world than the unshapen masses and heaps of stones in Egypt — was named Tage Mehalle, or the Crown of the Seraglio; and the wife of Jehan-Guyre, who so long wielded the sceptre, while her husband abandoned himself to drunkenness and dissipation, was known first by the appellation of Nour-Mehalle, the Light of the Seraglio, and afterwards by that of Nour-Jehan-Begum, the Light of the World. The reason why such names are given to the great, instead of titles derived from domains and seigniories, as usual in Europe, is this: as the land throughout the whole empire is considered the property of the sovereign, there can be no earldoms, marquisates or duchies. The royal grants consist only of pensions, either in land or money, which the king gives, augments, retrenches or takes away at pleasure. It will not, therefore, appear surprising, that even the Omrahs are distinguished only by this kind of title. One, for instance, calling himself Raz-Andaze-Kan, another Safe-Cheken-Kan, a third Barc-Andaze-Kan; and others Dianet-Kan or Dostechemed-Kan, or Fazel-Kan: which terms respectively signify The Disposer of Thunder, The Destroyer of Ranks, The Hurler of the Thunderbolt, The Faithful Lord, The Learned, and The Perfect; and so it is with others.

2.1.6

Dara was not deficient in good qualities: he was courteous in conversation, quick at repartee, polite, and extremely liberal: but he entertained too exalted an opinion of himself; believed he could accomplish everything by the powers of his own mind, and imagined that there existed no man from whose counsel he could derive benefit. He spoke disdainfully of those who ventured to advise him, and thus deterred his sincerest friends from disclosing the secret machinations of his brothers. He was also very irascible; apt to menace; abusive and insulting even to the greatest Omrahs; but his anger was seldom more than momentary. Born a Mahometan, he continued to join in the exercises of that religion; but although thus publicly professing his adherence to its faith, Dara was in private a Gentile with Gentiles, and a Christian with Christians. He had constantly about him some of the Pendets, or Gentile Doctors, on whom he bestowed large pensions, and from these it is thought he imbibed opinions in no wise accordant with the religion of the land: but upon this subject I shall make a few observations when I treat of the religious worship of the Indous or Gentiles. He had, moreover, for some time lent a willing ear to the suggestions of the Reverend Father Buzee, a Jesuit, in the truth and propriety of which he began to acquiesce.

2.1.7

There are persons, however, who say that Dara was in reality destitute of all religion, and that these appearances were assumed only from motives of curiosity, and for the sake of amusement; while, according to others, he became by turns a Christian and a Gentile from political considerations; wishing to ingratiate himself with the Christians who were pretty numerous in his corps of artillery, and also hoping to gain the affection of the Rajas, or Gentile Princes tributary to the empire; as it was most essential to be on good terms with these personages, that he might, as occasion arose, secure their co-operation. Dara's false pretences to this or that mode of worship, did not, however, promote the success of his plans; on the contrary, it will be found in the course of this narrative, that the reason assigned by Aureng-Zebe for causing him to be beheaded was, that he had turned Kafer, that is to say an infidel, without religion, an idolater.

2.2.1

Sultan Sujah, the second son of the Great Mogol, resembled in many characteristic traits his brother Dara; but he was more discreet, firmer of purpose, and excelled him in conduct and address. He was sufficiently dexterous in the management of an intrigue; and by means of repeated largesses, bestowed secretly, knew how to acquire the friendship of the great Omrahs, and, in particular, of the most powerful Rajas, such as Jessomseingue, and others. He was, nevertheless, too much a slave to his pleasures; and once surrounded by his women, who were exceedingly numerous, he would pass whole days and nights in dancing, singing, and drinking wine. He presented his favourites with rich robes, and increased or diminished their allowances as the passing fancy of the moment prompted. No courtier, who consulted his own interest, would attempt to detach him from this mode of life: the business of government therefore often languished, and the affections of his subjects were in a great measure alienated. Sultan Sujah declared himself of the religion of the Persians, although his father and brothers professed that of the Turks. Mahometanism is divided into various sects, which occasioned the following distich from the pen of the famous Cheik-Sady, author of the Goulistan, I am a drinking Derviche ; I am apparently without religion ; I am known by the seventy-two sects.

2.2.2

Among all these sects there are two leading ones whose respective partisans are mortal enemies to each other. The one is that of the Turks, called by the Persians Osmanlous, or Followers of Osman, whom the Turks believe to have been the true and legitimate successor of Mahomet, the Great Caliph, or Sovereign Pontiff, to whom alone it belonged to interpret the Koran, and to decide the controversies that occur in the law. The other is that of the Persians, called by the Turks, Chias, Rafezys and Aly-Merdans; that is, Sectaries, Heretics, and Partisans of Ali; because the Persians believe that this succession and pontifical authority, of which I have just spoken, belonged only to Ali, the son-in-law of Mahomet. When he avowed himself one of the latter sect, Sultan Sujah was evidently actuated by motives of policy; for as Fig. I. — Prince Aurangzeb. the Persians were in possession of the most important offices in the kingdom, and exercised the largest share of influence at the Court of the Mogol, he hoped thus to secure interest and support, whenever the tide of events should render them necessary.

2.2.3

Aureng-Zebe, the third brother, was devoid of that urbanity and engaging presence, so much admired in Dara: but he possessed a sounder judgment, and was more skilful in selecting for confidants such persons as were best qualified to serve him with faithfulness and ability. He distributed his presents with a liberal but discriminating hand among those whose goodwill it was essential to preserve or cultivate. He was reserved, subtle, and a complete master of the art of dissimulation. When in his father's court, he feigned a devotion which he never felt, and affected contempt for worldly grandeur while clandestinely endeavouring to pave the way to future elevation. Even when nominated Viceroy of the Decan, he caused it to be believed that his feelings would be better gratified if permitted to turn Fakire, that is to say, a beggar, a Derviche or one who has renounced the World; that the wish nearest his heart was to pass the rest of his days in prayer or in offices of piety, and that he shrank from the cares and responsibility of government. Still his life had been one of undeviating intrigue and contrivance; conducted, however, with such admirable skill, that every person in the court, excepting only his brother, Dara, seemed to form an erroneous estimate of his character.

2.2.4

The high opinion expressed by Chah-Jehan of his son Aureng-Zebe, provoked the envy of Dara, and he would sometimes say to his intimate friends, that, of all his brothers, the only one who excited his suspicion, and filled him with alarm was that Nemasi — or, as we should say, 'that Bigot,' that ever-prayerful one. Morad-Bakche, the youngest of the Mogol's sons, was inferior to his three brothers in judgment and address. His constant thought was how he might enjoy himself, and the pleasures of the table and of the field engaged his undivided attention. He was, however, generous and polite. He used to boast that he had no secrets: he despised cabinet intrigues, and wished it to be known that he trusted only to his sword and to the strength of his arm. He was indeed full of courage; and if that courage had been under the guidance of a little more discretion, it is probable, as we shall see, that he would have prevailed over his three brothers, and remained the undisputed master of Hindoustan. Begum-Saheb, the elder daughter of Chah-Jehan, was very handsome, of lively parts, and passionately beloved by her father. Rumour has it that his attachment reached a point which it is difficult to believe, the justification of which he rested on the decision of the Mullahs, or doctors of their law. According to them, it would have been unjust to deny the King the privilege of gathering fruit from the tree he had himself planted.

2.2.5

Chah-Jehan reposed unbounded confidence in this his favourite child; she watched over his safety, and was so cautiously observant, that no dish was permitted to appear upon the royal table which had not been prepared under her superintendence. It is not surprising, therefore, that her ascendency in the court of the Mogol should have been nearly unlimited; that she should always have regulated the humours of her father, and exercised a powerful influence on the most weighty concerns. This Princess accumulated great riches by means of her large allowances, and of the costly presents which flowed in from all quarters, in consideration of numberless negotiations intrusted to her sole management. The affairs of her brother Dara prospered, and he retained the friendship of the King, because she attached herself steadily to his interest, and declared openly in favour of his party. He cultivated with assiduous attention the goodwill of this valuable coadjutor, and it is thought promised that, on his accession to the throne, he would grant her permission to marry. This pledge was a remarkable one, the marriage of a Princess being of rare occurrence in Hindoustan, no man being considered worthy of royal alliance; an apprehension being entertained that the husband might thereby be rendered powerful, and induced perhaps to aspire to the crown.

2.2.6

I shall introduce two anecdotes connected with the amours of this Princess, and hope I shall not be suspected of a wish to supply subjects for romance. What I am writing is matter of history, and my object is to present a faithful account of the manners of this people. Love adventures are not attended with the same danger in Europe as in Asia. In France they excite only merriment; they create a laugh, and are forgotten: but in this part of the world, few are the instances in which they are not followed by some dreadful and tragical catastrophe.

2.2.7

It is said, then, that Begum-Saheb, although confined in a Seraglio, and guarded like other women, received the visits of a young man of no very exalted rank, but of an agreeable person. It was scarcely possible, surrounded as she was on all sides by those of her own sex whose envy she had long provoked, that her conduct should escape detection. Chah-Jehan was apprised of her guilt, and resolved to enter her apartments at an unusual and unexpected hour. The intimation of his approach was too sudden to allow her the choice of more than one place of concealment. The affrighted gallant sought refuge in the capacious cauldron used for the baths. The King's countenance denoted neither surprise nor displeasure; he discoursed with his daughter on ordinary topics, but finished the conversation by observing that the state of her skin indicated a neglect of her customary ablutions, and that it was proper she should bathe. He then commanded the Eunuchs to light a fire under the cauldron, and did not retire until they gave him to understand that his wretched victim was no more.

2.2.8

At a subsequent period, Begum-Saheb formed another attachment, which also had a tragical termination. She chose for her Kane-Saman, or steward, a Persian, named Nazerkan, a young nobleman remarkable for grace and mental accomplishments, full of spirit and ambition, and the favourite of the whole court. Chah-Hestkan, the uncle of Aureng-Zebe, greatly esteemed this young Persian, and ventured to propose him for Begum-Saheb's husband; a proposition which was very ill received by the Mogol. He had indeed already entertained some suspicion of an improper intercourse between the favoured Nobleman and the Princess and did not long deliberate on the course he should pursue. As a mark of distinguished favour the King presented the betel, in the presence of the whole court, to the unsuspecting youth, which he was obliged immediately to masticate, agreeably to the custom of the country. Betel is a small parcel made of aromatic leaves and other ingredients mixed up with a little of the lime made from sea-shells; this colours the lips and mouth red and agreeably perfumes the breath. Little did the unhappy lover imagine that he had received poison from the hand of the smiling Monarch; but indulging in dreams of future bliss, he withdrew from the palace, and ascended his paleky. Such, however, was the activity of the poison, that he died before he could reach home.

2.3.1

Rauchenara-Begum, the Mogol's younger daughter, was less beautiful than her sister, neither was she so remarkable for understanding; she was nevertheless possessed of the same vivacity, and equally the votary of pleasure. She became the ardent partisan of Aureng-Zebe, and made no secret of her enmity to Begum-Saheb and Dara. This might be the reason why she amassed but little wealth, and took but an inconsiderable part in public affairs. Still, as she was an inmate of the Seraglio, and not deficient in artifice, she succeeded in conveying, by means of spies, much valuable intelligence to Aureng-Zebe. Some years previous to the war, the turbulent disposition of his four sons had filled Chah-Jehan with perplexity and alarm. They were all married and of adult age; but, in utter disregard of the ties of consanguinity, each, animated by deadly hatred toward the others, had set up his pretensions to the crown, so that the court was divided into separate factions. The King, who trembled for his personal safety, and was tormented by sad forebodings of the events which actually befel him, would gladly have confined his refractory children in Govaleor, a fortress which had often received members of the royal family within its walls, and considered impregnable, situated as it is on an inaccessible rock and containing within its walls good water and sufficient wherewithal to support its garrison;

2.3.2

but he justly considered that they had become too powerful to be dealt with in so summary a manner. He was indeed in perpetual apprehension of their having recourse to arms, and either erecting independent principalities, or converting the seat of government into a bloody arena, in which to settle their personal differences. To save himself, therefore, from some impending and overwhelming calamity, Chah-Jehan resolved to bestow upon his sons the government of four distant provinces. Sultan Sujah was appointed to Bengale; Aureng-Zebe to the Decan; Morad-Bakche to Guzarate; and Dara to Caboul and Moultan. The three first-mentioned Princes repaired to their respective provinces without delay, and soon betrayed the spirit by which they were animated. They acted in every respect as independent sovereigns, appropriated the revenues to their own use, and levied formidable armies under pretence of maintaining tranquillity at home, and commanding respect abroad. Dara, because he was the eldest son and expected to succeed to the crown, did not quit the court of his father. Chah-Jehan, appearing to encourage that expectation, authorised his son to issue orders, and permitted him to occupy an inferior throne, placed among the Omrahs, beneath his own; so that two kings seemed to reign with almost equal power;

2.3.3

but there is reason to believe that the Mogol practised much duplicity, and that, notwithstanding the respectful and affectionate demeanour of Dara, his father was never cordially attached to him. The old monarch lived in continual dread of being poisoned, and carried on, it is supposed, a secret correspondence with Aureng-Zebe, of whose talents for government he always entertained a high opinion. I have thought a slight sketch of Chah-Jehan and his sons a proper introduction to this history, and necessary to the right understanding of what is to follow. Nor could I well avoid adding a few particulars concerning his two daughters, who play so prominent a part in the tragedy. In the Indies, as well as in Constantinople and other places, the most momentous events are too often caused by the influence of the sex, although the people may be ignorant of this fact, and may indulge in vain speculations as to the cause of the agitation they deplore. It may also elucidate my narrative to revert to the proceedings of Aureng-Zebe, of the King of Golkonda, and of his Vizier Emir-Jemla a short time before the war broke out: this may give my readers an insight into the character and genius of Aureng-Zebe, the hero of this history, and the future King of the Indies. We shall first see in what manner Emir-Jemla laid the foundation of the power and supremacy of Chah-Jehan's third son.

2.3.4

During the time that Aureng-Zebe was intrusted with the government of the Decan the King of Golkonda had for his Vizier and general of his armies this Emir-Jemla, a Persian by birth, and celebrated throughout Hindoustan. The Vizier's lineage was not noble, but his talents were of the first order: he was an accomplished soldier, and deeply versed in business. His wealth, which was prodigious, he had acquired, not only by the opportunities afforded him as chief minister of an opulent kingdom, but likewise by means of his extensive commerce with various parts of the world, as well as by the diamond mines which he farmed under feigned names. These mines were worked with indefatigable industry, and it was usual to count his diamonds by the sacks-full. His political influence, it may readily be imagined, was also very great, commanding as he did not only the armies of the king, but keeping in his own pay a formidable body of troops, with a corps of artillery composed principally of Franks or Christians. It ought likewise to be mentioned that the Vizier having found a pretext for the invasion of the Karnatic, pillaged the whole of its ancient idol-temples, and thus increased his pecuniary resources to an incredible amount.

2.3.5

The jealousy of the King of Golkonda was naturally awakened: and he eagerly, but silently, sought an opportunity to destroy, or remove from his presence, one whom he regarded as a dangerous rival rather than an obedient subject. Surrounded by persons devoted to the interest of the minister, he felt the prudence of concealing his intentions; but in an unguarded moment, when informed for the first time of the improper intimacy subsisting between Emir-Jemla and the queen-mother, who still retained much beauty, he gave utterance to the feelings by which he had so long been oppressed, and denounced vengeance against this powerful offender.

2.3.6

The Vizier was at this time in the Karnatic; but, every important office at court being filled by his own and his wife's relations and friends, he was soon made acquainted with the danger which awaited him. This crafty man's first step was to write to his only son Mahmet Emir-Kan, then with the King, to urge his immediate departure from court, under any false pretext, and to represent the necessity of his joining him in the Karnatic: but he found it impossible to elude the vigilance with which he was guarded. Disappointed in this, the Vizier's next measure was at once bold and original, and it brought the King of Golkonda to the very verge of destruction: so true it is that he who cannot keep his own counsel cannot preserve his crown. Jemla addressed a letter to Aureng-Zebe, at this time in Daulet-Abad, the metropolis of the Decan, to the following effect:

2.3.7

'I have rendered, as all the world knows, essential services to the King of Golkonda, and he owes me a heavy debt of gratitude. Nevertheless, he is plotting my ruin and that of my family. May I be permitted, therefore, to throw myself under your protection? In acknowledgment of the kindness I anticipate at your hands, I suggest a plan by which you may easily obtain possession both of the King's person and kingdom. Confide in my integrity, and the enterprise will neither be difficult nor dangerous: assemble four or five thousand of your choicest cavalry, and proceed by forced marches towards Golkonda, which may be reached in sixteen days, spreading a rumour that this body of horse is escorting an ambassador from Chah-Jehan, who has affairs of moment to negotiate with the King at Bagnaguer.

2.3.8

'The Dabir, through whose medium the first communication is always made to the King, is my relation — my creature — and entirely in my confidence : you have only to advance with rapidity, and I promise so to order it, that you shall arrive at the gate of Bag-naguer without exciting a suspicion that you are any other than an ambassador from Chah-Jehan. When the King advances, according to custom, to receive the credentials, you may easily secure his person, then his whole family, and dispose of him in the manner you may deem fit, inasmuch as his palace of Bag-naguer where he usually lives is unwalled, and without a ditch or fortifications of any sort. Meanwhile I will defray the whole expense of the expedition, and engage to pay fifty thousand rupees daily during the time it may be in progress.'

2.3.9

Aureng-Zebe, ever intent upon projects of ambition, immediately adopted the measures proposed in this letter. He proceeded at once towards the territory of the King of Golkonda, and with such address was the plot conducted, that when the Prince reached Bag-naguer, no one doubted that this formidable body of horse accompanied an embassy from the Great Mogol. The King, as is usual on similar occasions, repaired to his garden for the purpose of receiving the pretended ambassador with appropriate ceremony and honour; and while unsuspiciously approaching his perfidious enemy, he was about to be seized by ten or twelve slaves — Georgians — as had been projected, when an Omrah, who was in the conspiracy, touched with sudden remorse and compassion, exclaimed, 'Your majesty is lost if you do not instantly fly; this is Aureng-Zebe, and no ambassador.' It would be superfluous to describe the King's consternation : he fled from the spot, and, mounting the first horse he could find, rode at full speed to the fortress of Golkonda, distant only a league from Bagnaguer.

2.4.1

Although disappointed of his prey, Aureng-Zebe felt that there was no occasion for alarm, and that he might securely prosecute his endeavours to obtain possession of the King's person. The entire spoliation of the palace was his next act. He stript it of all its costly contents, but sent the women to the King, according to a custom most scrupulously observed amongst Eastern despots. He then determined to besiege the King in his fortress, but as he was without a supply of the necessary munitions of war the siege was protracted, and Chah-Jehan, two months after its commencement, peremptorily commanded his son to relinquish his enterprise, and return without delay to the Decan; so that, although the fortress had been reduced to the last extremities from the want of provisions and war material, he was obliged to retire.

2.4.2

Aureng-Zebe was aware that in issuing these orders, the Mogol was influenced by Dara and Begum Saheb, who foresaw that if permitted to pursue his designs against the King of Golkonda, he would become too powerful. The Prince, however, betrayed no resentment, but acknowledged the duty of implicit obedience to his father's commands. Before he retired he received ample indemnification for the expense of the armament, and stipulated that Emir-Jemla should have free permission to remove with his family, property, and troops, and that the silver coin of the realm should in future bear the arms of Chah-Jehan. Moreover, he married his son Sultan Mahmoud to the King's eldest daughter, exacted a promise that the young Prince should be nominated successor to the throne of Golkonda, and received, as the Princess's dowry, the fortress of Ram-guyre, with the whole of its appurtenances. These two great men, Emir-Jemla and Aureng-Zebe, were not long together before they planned great enterprises, and while returning to the Decan, they besieged and captured Bider, one of the strongest places in Visapour. They then proceeded to Daulet-Abad, in which city they lived upon terms of the closest intimacy, forming gigantic plans of future aggrandizement. Their union may be remembered as an important epoch in the history of Hindoustan: it prepared the way for the greatness and renown of Aureng-Zebe.

2.4.3

Jemla, who had by his address contrived to obtain frequent invitations to the court of Chah-Jehan, repaired at length to Agra, and carried the most magnificent presents, in the hope of inducing the Mogol to declare war against the Kings of Golkonda and Visapour, and against the Portuguese. On this occasion it was that he presented Chah-Jehan with that celebrated diamond which has been generally deemed unparalleled in size and beauty. He dilated with earnestness on the benefits which would accrue from the conquest of Golkonda, whose precious stones were surely more deserving of his consideration than the rocks of Kandahar, whither the Mogol was about to lead an army : his military operations in that kingdom ought not to cease, he said, until the conquest of his arms extended to Cape Comory. The diamonds may have produced their effect upon the mind of Chah-Jehan; but it is the more received opinion that he was glad of a pretext for raising an army which should restrain the growing insolence of his eldest son and that it was for this reason he entered into the views of Jemla.

2.4.4

Whatever were his motives, he resolved to send an army towards the Decan under the Emir's command. Dara had incurred his father's displeasure by his recent and undisguised attempts to become paramount in power and authority : but there was one act of his which Chah-Jehan regarded with peculiar horror and indignation, and which he was least disposed to forgive, — the murder of Vizier Sadullah-Kan, a nobleman whom the Mogol considered the most accomplished statesman of Asia, and for whom he felt a warmth of friendship that became quite proverbial. What was the offence which Dara judged worthy of death is not ascertained. Perhaps he apprehended that in the event of the King's demise, the powerful ascendency of the Vizier might leave the crown at his disposal, and that he would place it on the head of Sultan Sujah, whose party he seemed to favour : or it is possible Dara may have been influenced by the reports promulgated respecting the intentions of Sadullah-Kan, who, from being an Indian [Hindoo] by birth, had excited the jealousy of the Persians at court. One of these rumours was, that after the death of Chah-Jehan, the Vizier designed to exclude the Mogols from the throne, and either to restore the royal race of the Patans, or usurp the crown for himself or his son. His wife was a Patan; and it was pretended that he kept a well-appointed army of that people, cantoned in various parts, to aid him in accomplishing his project.

2.4.5

It was evident to Dara that to send troops to the Decan was in effect to increase, by so many men, the strength of Aureng-Zebe. He opposed the measure, therefore, with many arguments and entreaties, and by every art he could devise. Finding it, however, impossible to move Chah-Jehan from his purpose, he persuaded him to impose certain conditions, by which Aureng-Zebe should engage to abstain from all interference in the conduct of the war; fix his residence at Daulet-Abad; confine his attention to the government of the Decan; and also that the Emir should retain the absolute and undivided command of the army: leaving the whole of his family at court, as hostages for his fidelity. This last clause was extremely offensive to Jemla; but Chah-Jehan prevailed with him to yield compliance, assuring him that this stipulation was intended only to satisfy the caprice of his son, Dara, and that he should soon be followed by his wife and children. The Emir put himself at the head of a fine army, with which he marched into the Decan: and without tarrying in that country, entered Visapour, commencing his operations with the siege of Kaliane, a place of considerable strength.

2.4.6

Such was the state of Hindoustan when the Mogol, who had passed his seventieth year, was seized with a disorder, the nature of which it were unbecoming to describe. Suffice it to state that it was disgraceful to a man of his age, who, instead of wasting, ought to have been careful to preserve the remaining vigour of his constitution. The Mogol's illness filled the whole extent of his dominions with agitation and alarm. Dara collected powerful armies in Dehli and Agra, the principal cities of the kingdom. In Bengale, Sultan Sujah made the same vigorous preparations for war. Aureng-Zebe in the Decan, and Morad-Bakche in Guzarate, also levied such forces as evinced a determination to contend for empire. The four brothers gathered around them their friends and allies; all wrote letters, made large promises, and entered into a variety of intrigues. Dara, having intercepted some of these letters, showed them to his father, inveighing bitterly against his brothers; and Begum [Saheb], his sister, availed herself of so advantageous an opportunity to prejudice the Mogol against his three rebellious sons: but Chah-Jehan placed no confidence in Dara, and suspecting he had a design to poison him, swallowed no food without the utmost fear and caution. It is even thought that he corresponded at this time with Aureng-Zebe, and that Dara, being apprised of the circumstance, was transported with rage to such a degree as to threaten his father.

2.4.7

Meanwhile, the King's distemper increased, and it was reported that he was dead: the whole court was in confusion; the population of Agra was panic-stricken; the shops were closed for many days, and the four Princes openly declared their settled purpose of making the sword the sole arbiter of their lofty pretensions. It was, in fact, too late to recede: not only was the crown to be gained by victory alone, but in case of defeat life was certain to be forfeited. There was now no choice between a kingdom and death: as Chah-Jehan had ascended the throne by imbruing his hands in the blood of his own brothers, so the unsuccessful candidates on the present occasion were sure to be sacrificed to the jealousy of the conqueror.

2.4.8

Sultan Sujah was the first who took the field. He had filled his coffers in the rich country of Bengale by utterly ruining some of the Rajas or Kinglets of that region, and by plundering others. He was therefore enabled to raise a numerous army : and confiding in the support of the Persian omrahs, whose religious views he had embraced, advanced rapidly on Agra. He issued a proclamation which set forth the death of his father by poison from the hand of Dara, and declared his determination both to avenge so foul a murder, and to occupy the vacant throne. Chah-Jehan, at the instance of Dara, hastened to undeceive him in regard to the rumour of his decease ; the malady was giving way, he said, to the power of medicine, and he expressly commanded him to return forthwith to his government of Bengale. But as Sultan Sujah's friends at court represented the Emperors disorder as incurable, he continued his march toward the capital, pretending that he was too well convinced of the death of his revered parent, and that if, contrary to his expectation, he should be yet alive, he was desirous of kissing his feet, and receiving his commands.

2.5.1

Aureng-Zebe also published his proclamations, and put his forces in motion, much at the same time as Sultan Sujah. He, too, was meditating an advance on Agra when he received a similar prohibition, both from the King and from Dara ; the latter of whom menaced him with punishment if he quitted the Decan. He dissembled, however, like his brother of Bengale, and returned a similar answer ; but as his finances were not abundant, and his army was comparatively small, he endeavoured to obtain by fraud what he could not hope to gain by arms. The immediate dupes of his artifice were Morad-Bakche and Emir-Jemla. In a letter to the former he said : — ' I need not remind you, my brother, how repugnant to my real disposition are the toils of government. While Dara and Sultan Sujah are tormented with a thirst for dominion, I sigh only for the life of a Fakire. But, although renouncing all claim to the kingdom, I nevertheless consider myself bound to impart my sentiments to you, my friend, whom I have always tenderly loved. Dara is not only incapable of reigning, but is utterly unworthy of the throne, inasmuch as he is a Kafer — an idolater — and held in abhorrence by all the great Omrahs. Sultan Sujah is equally undeserving the crown; for being avowedly a Rafezy — an heretic — he is of course an enemy to Hindoustan. Will you then permit me to say that in you alone are to be found the qualifications for ruling a mighty empire? This opinion is not adopted by myself only;

2.5.2

it is likewise entertained by the leading nobles, who esteem you for your matchless valour, and are anxious for your arrival in the capital. With respect to myself, if I can exact a solemn promise from you that, when king, you will suffer me to pass my life in some sequestered spot of your dominions, where I may offer up my constant prayers to heaven in peace, and without molestation, I am prepared immediately to make common cause with you, to aid you with my counsel and my friends, and to place the whole of my army at your disposal. I send you one hundred thousand roupies, of which I entreat your acceptance, as an earnest of my best wishes. The time is critical: you should, therefore, not lose one moment in taking possession of the castle of Sourate, where I know the vast treasure of the State to be deposited.'

2.5.3

Morad-Bakche, whose wealth and power were comparatively limited, received his brother's proposals, accompanied as they were by so large a sum, with great delight, and was beyond measure elated at the prospect which now presented itself to him. The letter was everywhere exhibited, in expectation that the young men would be induced by its contents to enter with cheerfulness into his army, and that it might dispose the opulent merchants more willingly to lend the large sums he was exacting with undeviating rigour. He now assumed all the consequence and authority of a king; was profuse in his promises, and contrived everything so successfully that he soon collected a pretty numerous army. From this army it was his first care to detach three thousand men, under the command of Chah-Abas, a eunuch, but a valiant soldier, to lay siege to the castle of Souraie.

2.5.4

Aureng-Zebe next turned his thoughts on Emir-Jemla. He sent to him his eldest son Sultan Mahmoud (whom he had married to the King of Golkonda's daughter), with a request that he would come to him at Daulet-Abad, as he had intelligence of the greatest importance to impart. The Emir was at no loss to divine the nature of this intelligence, and refused to quit his army which was still engaged in the siege of Kaliane; alleging that he had recently received tidings from Agra, and could assure Sultan Mahmoud that Chah-Jehan was not dead. In no case, however, could he think of co-operating with Aureng-Zebe, while his wife and children were in Dara's power: his determination was fixed; he would not be a party in the present quarrel. Finding it impossible to accomplish the object of his mission, Sultan Mahmoud returned to Daulet-Abad, extremely displeased with the Emir; but Aureng-Zebe, no way discouraged, sent another message by his second son, Sultan Mazum, who conducted his mission with so much address and urbanity, and made such protestations of friendship, that Emir-Jemla could not withstand the force of his solicitations. He vigorously prosecuted the siege of Kaliane, and having forced the garrison to capitulate, hastened to Daulet-Abad with the flower of his army. Aureng-Zebe received Emir-Jemla with the strongest professions of kindness, calling him 'Baba' and 'Babagy' [Bába Jí] — 'Father,' and 'My Lord Father.' He embraced his welcome visitor a hundred times;

2.5.5

and taking him aside, addressed him thus: — 'I acknowledge the force of the objection made by you to Sultan Mahmoud, and it is the opinion of my friends at court, who are men of judgment, that it would be extremely imprudent, while your family are in the hands of Dara, to stir openly in my favour, or even to manifest the slightest disposition to promote the interest of my cause. But it is not for me to inform you that there are few difficulties which may not be overcome. A scheme has occurred to my mind, which, though at first it may surprise you, will, I doubt not, on reflection, appear to you well calculated to ensure the safety of your family. Suffer yourself to be confined in prison; it will have the effect of imposing upon the world, and we shall reap all the success we can desire from this plan: for who will ever imagine that a person of your rank could tamely submit to incarceration? In the mean time, I can employ a part of your troops in any manner you think fit; and you will not perhaps refuse, in furtherance of our project, to supply me with a sum of money, according to the offer you have so repeatedly made. With these troops, and this money, I may safely try my fortune. Allow me, therefore, to conduct you to the fortress of Daulet-Abad, where you will be guarded by one of my sons;

2.5.6

we may then deliberate upon the means to be pursued, and I cannot conceive how any suspicion should arise in the mind of Dara, or how he can reasonably ill-treat the wife and children of one who is apparently my enemy.'

2.5.7

I have authority for stating that such was substantially the language used by Aureng-Zebe. The considerations which dictated the Emir's answer to these strange propositions are not now so well known. It is certain, however, that he complied with them, that he consented to place the troops under Aureng-Zebe's orders, to lend him money, and, what is even more extraordinary, to be conducted to the fortress of Daulet-Abad. Some have thought that Emir-Jemla was really allured by the solemn assurance of advantages to be derived from his acquiescence, and that he was likewise influenced by the recollection of those vows of ardent and indissoluble friendship which had been so frequently interchanged between him and Aureng-Zebe. Others there are who, perhaps with more reason, believe that fear forbade him to withhold his assent, as the two sons of Aureng-Zebe, Sultan Masum and Sultan Mahmoud, were present at the conference; the former completely armed, and assuming a look that could not be mistaken; the latter indulging in unseemly grimaces, after having raised his arm in a manner which implied an intention of proceeding to violence: for the pride of this Prince was mortified because his brother's mission had been attended with better success than his own, and he was at no pains to conceal his resentment.

2.5.8

When the imprisonment of Emir-Jemla became known that portion of the army which had been brought from Visapour demanded aloud the release of their commander, and would soon have opened the door of his prison, if they had not been appeased by the arts of Aureng-Zebe, who intimated to the superior officers that the Emir's confinement was quite voluntary, and a part, in fact, of a scheme understood between themselves. He was, besides, lavish of his presents: he promised advancement to the officers, and increased the pay of the private soldiers; giving them at once three months' advance as a pledge of his liberal intentions.

2.5.9

In this manner the troops lately under Jemla's command were persuaded to take part in the campaign meditated by Aureng-Zebe, who thus soon found himself in a condition to take the field. He first marched in the direction of Sourate for the purpose of accelerating the fall of that place, which persevered in a vigorous and unexpected resistance; but a few days after his army had been put in motion he received news of the surrender of that town. He then despatched a congratulatory letter to Morad-Bakche; made him acquainted with all that had passed with Emir-Jemla; told him he was now at the head of a formidable force; that he possessed abundance of money; that his understanding with the principal courtiers was complete; and that he was fully prepared to proceed towards Brampour and Agra. He then urged him to hasten his march, and he fixed the place for the junction of the two armies.

2.6.1

Morad-Bakche was disappointed in the amount of treasure found in Sourate; perhaps it had been exaggerated by report; or the governor, as was generally suspected, had appropriated a large portion of it to his own use. The money of which he came into possession only sufficed to pay the soldiers, who had been induced to enlist by the expectation of the immense wealth which the walls of Sourate were believed to enclose. Nor ought the capture of the town to have increased the military reputation of this Prince: for, although destitute of regular fortifications, it yet baffled his utmost endeavours for more than a month: and he had made no progress in the siege until the Dutch instructed him, for the first time, in the art of mining. The blowing up of a considerable part of the wall spread consternation in the garrison, and terms of capitulation were immediately proposed.

2.6.2

The fall of Sourate facilitated the future operations of Morad-Bakche. It procured him a great name; mining is yet imperfectly known among the Indians, and nothing could have inspired them with more astonishment than the efficacious method in which this new art had been employed by Morad-Bakche. It was moreover universally believed that vast riches had fallen into his hands. But notwithstanding the fame acquired by this event, and all the flattering promises of Aureng-Zebe, the eunuch Chah-Abas urged him to disregard the extravagant declarations of his brother, and not rashly to throw himself into his hands. 'Listen,' he said, 'while it is yet time, to my advice; amuse him with fair words, if you please; but do not think of joining him with your forces. Let him advance alone toward Agra. We shall by and by receive positive intelligence of your father's state of health, and see the course that events may take. In the mean time you may fortify Sourate, a most important post, which will secure to you the dominion of an extensive country producing a rich revenue, and with a little management you may become master of Brampour, also a town in a commanding situation, and the key, as it were, of the Decan.'

2.6.3

But the letters daily received from Aureng-Zebe determined Morad-Bakche not to relax his exertions, and the wise counsel of the eunuch Chah-Abas was rejected. This acute statesman had a warm and affectionate heart, and was sincerely attached to the interests of his master. Happy would it have been for the young prince if he had listened to his sage advice; but Morad was blinded by an inordinate thirst for dominion: his brother's letters were more and more expressive of his entire devotedness to his cause, and he considered that, if left to his own resources, he should never be able to realise those schemes of greatness that continually haunted his imagination. He therefore broke up from his encampment at Amed-Abad, abandoned Guzarate, and made the best of his way, over mountains and through forests, to the rendezvous where Aureng-Zebe had halted some days in expectation of his arrival.

2.6.4

The junction of the armies was celebrated by great rejoicings and much festivity. The two brothers were inseparable, and Aureng-Zebe renewed his professions of unalterable affection and his protestations of complete disinterestedness. Of the kingdom, he repeated that he most assuredly entertained no thought; he had placed himself at the head of an army for the sole purpose of combating Dara, their common foe, and of seating Morad on the vacant throne. During the march of the armies toward the capital, Aureng-Zebe spoke in the same tone, and never omitted, either in private or public, to address his brother with the reverence and humility due from a subject to his sovereign, calling him Hazaret, 'King,' and 'Your Majesty.' Strange that Morad should never have suspected his honesty of intention, or that the late nefarious transactions in Golkonda should have made so slight an impression on his mind! but this Prince was blinded by a wild ambition for empire, and incapable of perceiving that he who had recently incurred so much infamy by his attempt to usurp a kingdom could feel little inclination to live and die a Fakire.

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