Storia do Mogor 294: Protest of the Bishop of San Thome to the Governor of Madras.
Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 294
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Protest of the Bishop of San Thome to the Governor of Madras.
294.1.1
To the Governor of Madras : I, Dom Gaspar Alfonso, bishop of the town of San Thome of Meliapur, member of his majesty's council, in the absence of Lucas Luiz da Oliveira, chief captain, deceased. We have learnt by a trustworthy report coming from the said fortress of Madraspatam that your lordship, upon the advice of his council, has made ready one or two ships fitted up with warlike instruments of destruction, intending to send them to this port to destroy the town of San Thome.
294.1.2
We are willing to believe that this is no more than a rumour, and that your lordship will not carry out what is talked about ; for this town belongs to the King of Portugal : it is under his flag, it has a bishop, a chief captain, a judge, and all the other officials usually found in a town governed by him. We trust your lordship will not break the peace existing for so many years between the crowns of the most exalted Kings of Great Britain and of Portugal, nor act contrary thereto. Principally we do so because the inhabitants of this town have given no occasion, but have conducted themselves under every circumstance that has arisen as trusty friends. However, if your lordship comes to the determination to act contrary to all these arguments, and break off the friendship between the two crowns and between us, we protest not once only, but several times, as is required by law, on behalf of the King of Portugal and on the part of the town, against all the injury and damage that may thereby result. Your lordship will have to render a full account thereof to the most exalted King of Great Britain, before whom our complaint will be carried, if your lordship acts to the prejudice of the King of Portugal and of this town. We ask him in all earnestness that he be pleased to accept this protest which we offer to him in all good faith, to the end of securing justice and our rights. At San Thome, this 22nd of February, 1702. Dom Gaspar Alfonso, Bishop of Meliapur.
294.1.3
On April 3 [1702] Da,ud Khan sent away the Dutch envoy, having treated him rather coldly and granted him none of the things he demanded. This gentleman had asked for some villages. The general gave an absolute refusal, causing them to part far from satisfied with each other. The investment of Madras continues, but in a very sluggish manner. However, Da,ud Khan gives out that he has no intention of abandoning it until he receives his king's orders to that effect. With regard to the protest of the Bishop of San Thome entered above, I feel bound to remark that the said town belongs rightly to the Mahomedans, let Monsieur de Meliapur say what he pleases. But to set forth the matter properly and the present condition of the town, it is necessary to know that it is of very great extent, that the Mahomedans occupy the most important and far the larger part of it, and that they wield the government, while the Portuguese hold but a narrow space, which, taking it at its best, would not be large enough for one notable parish in European towns.
294.1.4
It is quite true that their (the Portuguese) houses are built right in the centre of the town; all the same, they are no longer its masters; on the contrary, it may be said that they are besieged within it from all sides. They are unable to issue an order there of the most insignificant sort. Further, the Mogul and those who govern the Karnatik on his behalf do not regard it (San Thome) as belonging to the Portuguese any more than to the other European nations in India. This is clear from the Portuguese exercising no authority within it, their principal, not to say their sole, privilege being to fly their standard upon feast-days and Sundays. Hardly need we add that they are often interfered with even in this shadow of power, as I have already recorded (IV. 27, 28). There can, then, be nothing more unfounded than the pretensions of this bishop, who wants through his protest to hinder the English, when they find themselves unjustly oppressed by the Mahomedans, from attacking those infidels in their own territory. Thus no very great attention was paid to him; and if there had been the power, as there was the will, there can be no doubt that before this time the English would have forced them (the Mahomedans) by a counter-attack to raise the siege of this town (Madras).
294.1.5
On April 20, 1702, Da,ud Khan received a letter from the Queen of Terchenepali (Trichinopoly), tributary to the Mogul, wherein this ruler begged him to undertake in person to assist her in the war she was obliged to wage against the Prince of Aurapaliam (Udayar-palaiyam), another tributary of the Mughal. This man had already seized some of her towns. The letter stated with much exaggeration the iniquity of the rajah's proceedings, and was filled with humble words and prayers intended to influence the general to come to her aid. With it came some very fine presents to be sent on to Aurangzeb, some for Da,ud Khan and some for the diwan. They consisted in a number of valuable trinkets and precious stones for the king, twenty thousand rupees in silver coin for the general, and ten thousand for the diwan — a metal with more virtues in the eyes of these gentry than the most polished orations or the most loquacious tongues. Still, the present did not work all the effects that the queen might have anticipated. Maybe this was not from want of will, for Da,ud Khan at the time was involved in this siege of Madras, so he confined himself to sending her a few troops. In his reply he notified to her how grieved he was at not being able to do more for her relief.
294.1.6
After the general had sat some two months in front of Madras, he recognised that all his efforts and all his trouble did not advance very much his business or his designs, that the English troubled their heads very little about the exertions he was making to annoy them. All this forced upon him the secret thought that he must withdraw. But before taking any overt step he intimated to Governor Pitt through me that the orders about the English received from the court were very severe and very precise. In fact, the king had given him a distinct command to allow them no rest until they had made complete reparation for the damage done by the pirates to the Mahomedans. Still, he saw plainly for his own part that it was most unfair, and that they had neither art nor part in the thefts of these scourers of the ocean. As a consequence he felt constrained to secure them terms. If they would make him a substantial payment, he undertook to demonstrate their innocence in such a way to his majesty that inevitably they must be restored to his good graces. 'But,' added he, 'I cannot carry this out without a reward proportionate to the service which I undertake to render, for both my honour and my interests require that the thing take place in this way.'
294.1.7
To speak the truth, he was not far wrong in what he said, for nothing is more disastrous to the general of an army among the Mahomedans than to appear before a fortress for a siege and yet draw no profit therefrom. Still more is this the case when the siege has been actually begun and persevered in for some time. For it does not matter specially whether they succeed in taking the place or not; on the contrary, they do all they can to prolong a siege as much as possible. Provided it suits their own interests, they trouble themselves little about those of the king or the honour of his arms. Thus what would be held in Europe as cowardice and open treason counts among them, if not for an act of high policy and the conduct of an able man, at any rate for a venial fault, and a proof that a man is acute enough to work things to his own advantage. The amount asked by the general, to start with, was exorbitant, coming to nothing under five lakhs of rupees, which amounts to about two hundred and fifty thousand crowns (écus). The English rejected this proposal, as one may suppose, with a great deal of heat, and showed its injustice in emphatic terms. In the end, after other negotiations and much going back and fore between the two sides, it was agreed that they should pay twenty-five thousand rupees.
294.1.8
Governor Pitt was brought with difficulty to give his consent. He said it was money thrown away. Only six months ago he made these gentlemen a very fine present. They had then assured him of their friendship and their protection. If they had paid no heed to their first engagement, they would pay as little to the second they now proffered. It would be seen that time after time they would return to the charge, whenever they took it into their heads that they wanted some money. He thought it more in accordance with the honour and the interest of the company to let the siege go on until reinforcements arrived from Europe. When that happened, they could by force of arms compel these infidels to confine themselves within the conditions of any treaty then made with them.
294.2.1
But at last the pressing solicitations of certain traders, European and Hindu, setting forth the misery endured by the smaller people and the poor of the place, compelled the governor to countersign an agreement to pay the above-named sum. On their side, the Mahomedans promised to raise the blockade and secure the return of the cloth and money they had seized. All these negotiations occupied nearly one month, and they were not completely finished until May 17. On that day the blockade was raised, and the English on their side made ready to carry out what they had promised.
294.2.2
To this intent they sent on the twenty-fifth of the said month an official of the Company to San Thome to carry out the business. But when he arrived at a village called Triblicani (Triplicane), half way to that town, he learnt that the general and all his troops had departed, whereby he was forced to retrace his steps before anything had been done. The next day I visited Big Mount, where I found the nawab and the diwan in my house. I expressed my joy at the termination of the dispute. On their side they gave me a thousand marks of kindness and favour. I entertained and regaled them to such extent as was in my power. They told me it was the fault of the English that things had not been settled much earlier, and their procrastination was the cause of it. Soon I took my leave, and we separated with numerous expressions on both sides of esteem and friendship. They informed me that they left behind their procurator (? wakil) to carry out the conditions they had agreed on with the English and receive the promised money.
294.2.3
Some time back we left Aurangzeb engaged in besieging the fortress of Khelna (IV. 33). The prince still persists, though with small success. On his side the Shiva Ji (Mahrattahs) exerts himself to frustrate him and cause him as much injury as possible. He selects the spots that he deems the most unprotected, and he has recently fallen upon the town of Borampar (Burhanpur), and after making of it a scene of desolation, has captured and carried off the governor. His prisoner could only secure release by force of paying money. The rajah turned his arms next [107] in the direction of Gulkandah. After appearing before that town, he entered it as into a conquered country, menaced it with fire and sword, and in the end forced the governor to pay him a considerable sum to save it from pillage.
294.2.4
The aged monarch heard of all these disasters, and felt them to the quick. He revolved in his mind all sorts of plans for preventing in the future such losses and disorders. They injure him both in his honour and his interests. He has observed that all these things are principally due to the great agility of the Shiva Ji cavalry in carrying out their master's orders ; he has, therefore, decided — and he could not do otherwise — to equip for war some fifteen thousand camels, and mount as many men on them, fitted out with all the arms and necessary materiel for making a good defence while on the march. He has no doubt that this device will prove most efficacious for forestalling and stopping the endless ravages of this rajah. The reason is that these animals can easily, without being much distressed, cover forty or fifty leagues every day. Such a journey cannot be accomplished by the smartest cavalry. If this corps can be formed, it will infallibly answer his purpose. But, while it is easy to procure camels, it is almost impossible to find enough men able to stand the tossing motion of these beasts. The men trained to ride them in this fashion are extremely few.
294.2.5
In the month of May in the same year [1702] Aurangzeb, knowing the rainy season would soon arrive, and aware of the impossibility of undertaking anything until it was completely over, found it advisable to make a last effort to take the fort of Khelna. For this purpose he invested it still more strictly, having now some better troops. All his attempts were useless — nay, the enemy cut into pieces for him nearly six thousand mansabdars (officers). They were killed among the hills where that fort is situated. From this cause he was forced to abandon the enterprise, putting it off to a season and occasion more favourable to his designs. Everybody in India knows that Agrah is the place where the Mogul collects all his treasure, and thence withdraws subsequently such money as is required for the payment of his troops, even when the army is on the march. This money arrives only at intervals, and is used to pay those troops who serve directly under his orders. By this procedure he now and again suffers loss ; for in spite of these remittances being furnished with a strong escort, there are some of his children who do not invariably maintain the respect and loyalty due to their king and their father.
294.2.6
Not long ago A'zam-tara [i.e., A'zam Shah] did something to prove the above to be true. There was on its way to Aurangzeb's army a considerable sum of money destined for the payment of his soldiers. He stopped the convoy and took the money. It must be admitted that the prince wrote at the same time a most respectful letter to his father, attempting excuses for the act by stating the straits he was in for money. This was the reason forcing him to take what had been meant for his father's use. Furthermore, his majesty knew well where to find more. However, in spite of all this submissive language and excuses, the old man resented this trick most acutely, without making any outward sign. Seeing there was no remedy, he was content to hide his displeasure for fear of making matters worse. In the course of my history I have often spoken of the general Ja'far Khan. He was the man of all those at court who made the greatest show, and was the most judicious in dealing with all sorts of people. What I have already said will be sufficient proof of that; but as I had forgotten some of his doings, which have since come to mind, I think it right not to deprive the attentive reader of the pleasure of hearing about them. Besides, what is done in India is so different from the habits and customs of Europe, that I imagine the smallest things happening there are worth communicating to Europeans.
294.2.7
The justice meted out by this lord to a man, who supplied his household with herbs and vegetables during his journey to Kashmir, marks equally his uprightness of mind and the profuseness of his expenditure. This man, then, of whom I speak, brought his accounts at the end of the year to the treasurer of this general's household, wishing to be paid for the supplies he had sent in. Having examined the accounts, this official found the amount so enormous that he decided to strike off the sum of eighty thousand rupees. The tradesman could not, and would not, allow this, and carried his grievance before the master of the house, and he on the instant ordered the payment of the whole demand, and forbad all further discussion. Everybody in India knows how dear and scarce essence of roses is; though in some years it is less scarce than in others. Yet neither scarcity nor high cost deterred this general from having his horses rubbed with this liquid as a matter of course. However, a year came in which he was forced to do without this luxury, for none could be found at any price. One of Ja'far Khan's grooms made a profit out of this dearth, for during the years of its abundance he had taken the trouble to accumulate, drop by drop, some twenty-five ounces from the drippings off the horses when he washed them. This poor man sold that quantity at fifty rupees the ounce, which placed him in easy circumstances, to the astonishment of those who heard the story.
294.2.8
While this noble was just and liberal, he had also a great and generous mind, and no occasion escaped him of giving proof of it. That was shown [109] more especially on an occasion, of which these are the details. The king took it into his head to fix the costume of the women in his harem, dividing them into groups or companies — that is, so many got up in such a manner and in such colours, another company in another colour, and so on for the whole of them. He was also anxious that these clothes should all be of the finest materials procurable. But when he set to work on this fantastic idea, he found there were three pieces of stuff deficient in the quantity required for one of the divisions. He had these pieces searched for everywhere, but nowhere could they be found. Finally, they told him that he might perhaps find some pieces at Ja'far Khan's, for he was always provided with whatever was most scarce and curious.
294.3.1
The king sent at once and requested him, if he had any pieces of this kind, to be good enough to send him the three of which he was in want. The noble was overjoyed at the chance of showing his eagerness to contribute to his majesty's gratification. However, giving no manifestation of his feelings, he sent for his first chamberlain, and ordered him to see if there were any similar pieces of stuff in his wardrobe. The man, having searched, came back and reported to him that there were close on one thousand pieces. 'Let there be sent,' answered he, 'one hundred to his majesty;' but the words were said with such a liberal and satisfied air, that the joy he felt in adding to the gratification of his king was evident in his eyes and countenance. But these were not the only good qualities with which this noble was endowed. It can be said that if those I have just recorded made him loved and respected by man, there were others that would have recommended him highly in the sight of God had he been a faithful Christian. In particular, he was extremely charitable, and his whole life was full of actions instigated by this virtue.
294.3.2
The trick he played upon his wife, wishing to test her, forms a most remarkable anecdote. One night he was coming back from the court and was about to enter his house, when near his door he met a poor Persian, who asked alms of him in humble tones. 'Draw nearer to the door,' replied he, 'and wait a moment for me; I will be sure and come back to you at once.' Then he entered and went straight to his wife's room, and asked her to be good enough to lend him ten thousand rupees. The lady answered somewhat coldly that she had no money by her. He said nothing. She was already in bed, so he thrust his foot quietly under the bedstead without being perceived by her or any of those present in the room, and got hold of one of her slippers, which he carried off and sent out to the beggar. This was a most extraordinary piece of almsgiving, for it was worth more than fifty thousand rupees. However, the princess, on awaking, wanted to get up but could not find her slipper. She began an unheard-of outcry, scolded one woman and had another beaten, but without finding what she was searching for.
294.3.3
While this hullabaloo was going on, Ja'far Khan came in, and put her partially out of pain by telling her that it was no use her looking any more for her slipper, for he had taken it and given it in alms to a beggar, she having no money to lend to him for the purpose. The princess was much grieved at the loss of her slipper. However, she did not lose her head, but forthwith sent for the beggar, having first obtained her husband's permission. The condition he imposed was that she should give the man ten thousand rupees before taking back what had been given to him. This plan was carried out. The beggar was found, and he gave back the slipper in return for a payment of ten thousand rupees — an alms which savoured of extravagance, even for a man as rich as Ja'far Khan possibly was. This fact the princess told the beggar pretty plainly, but she had to obey, as it was the general's wish. [Omitted, a story of the King of Babylon, a merchant, and a jewel, it being neither Indian nor historical (fols. 110-113).] [Omitted, for the same reason, another story of an Indian merchant who takes jewels for sale to Babylon (fols. 113-116).]
294.3.4
[116] Although Aurangzeb had lost six thousand mansabdars (officers) in besieging the fort of Khelna, he still persisted. Finding that by force his designs were not advanced, he had recourse to the metal that possesses so much power over man, and by its means he won over the officer holding the gates. This man, like a coward, allowed the imperialists to enter, and they became masters of the place during the night of June 28 [1702]. This campaign was carried through by the care and exertions of the grand wazir, Asad Khan. The king was so well pleased that he accorded him the right of seating himself in the hall of audience during the sovereign's administration of justice. This distinction and mark of honour is so great that no king for many a year had granted it to any subject. The prince Shah 'Alam has also greatly distinguished himself in the wars, and has greatly contributed by his valour and conduct to the success of his father the emperor's arms. He has thereby acquired renown in the army and among the people. This result has not slightly inquieted the old man; however, he always has his wits about him, and whatever affair arises never fails to obviate anything likely to produce a diminution of his own power, or be prejudicial to his own acquired fame. He therefore decided to write a letter to the prince, his son, full of every mark of tenderness and love that a good father could show to a passionately adored child. The letter ran something in this way: 'My dear Son,
294.3.5
'You can believe that I could have no greater joy than learning all the happy results gained by my arms under your orders. Renown trumpets everywhere the glory that you are continually adding to. Be assured that the interest I take in this is as great as if I had myself done all these fine things. Nor am I wrong in so doing, for what greater pleasure is there for an old man like me, whose only thought must be his departure from this world, than to have a son worthy of taking his place and ascending the throne of Taimur-i-lang. I am confident also that you have for me not only the feelings that Nature inspires, but in addition those that a great prince ought to have towards his king. For, in spite of some rumours being spread abroad that you contemplate assuming power as King of the World, for which you possess the qualifications, I have always considered it was your enemies who published such assertions with a view to harming you. Since I am aware of your moderation, I believe you will never dream of exercising such a power, except after the death of him to whom you owe your days. Meanwhile, until it please Heaven to withdraw me, I press you to accept the title of Merasha (Miran Shah), which is [117] that, as you know, given by Taimur-i-lang to his son. Furthermore, I pray you to remember me after my death.
294.3.6
As a token of the memory that you would wish to perpetuate of a good father, and that your people may have ever before their eyes the acts of Aurangzeb, I ask you to make use after my death of the following inscriptions upon the money you will order to be coined: ' " I stamp my coin on the seven planets; I sound my drums up to the clear moon; I, Miran Shah, king all-powerful, without rival." In addition I wish you every kind of happiness, and am, etc.' This is the manner in which this old man expressed himself, adding several phrases common in their language, intimating that all things belonged to him (Shah 'Alam), and that, properly speaking, all the fruit he (Aurangzeb) would reap for his labour and trouble would be the thought of leaving after his death a wise and understanding son to occupy his place. It was upon August 14 in the same year (1702) that Da,ud Khan, deputy governor of the Karnatik, made himself master of the fortress of Velours (Vellore, Vellūr). The same means were used as already indicated in the case of Khelna, money being the great moving force employed by these gentry to carry out their designs. In fine, by one method or another, they have hunted the Shiva Jī (i.e., the Mahrattahs) out of the Karnatik, where he now possesses no single post, small or great.
294.3.7
After the fall of this fortress the deputy governor [Dā,ūd Khan] wrote a fine letter to the Mogul and sent him the keys of the place made in gold. In the letter he said how great was his joy in contributing to the glory of so great a monarch. He knew very well, it is true, that nothing in his person or efforts could possibly augment in the slightest degree what Renown had already proclaimed in his majesty's honour. But he felt some secret pleasure in seeing that what he had accomplished contributed to his majesty's satisfaction by bringing new places of strength into subjection under him. 'Thus I am persuaded,' added he, ' that your majesty will hear this news with pleasure, and will receive with the same feeling the golden keys of Vellūr which I herewith send. In conclusion, I wish to your exalted person a perfect state of health and many happy and prosperous days.'
294.4.1
I spoke a great deal formerly of the general Bahādur Khan, who was highly esteemed by the king on account of his bravery, also because he was the son of his wet-nurse, and thus his foster-brother. In addition, he had taken a leading part in the warlike conquests of this king, acquiring thereby a high degree of pride and a boldness of speech rare among orientals. This line of behaviour was displeasing to the monarch, and he thought of a means of mortifying him somewhat. With this object he directed that this general's palanquin should be placed behind that of Asad Khan, the first minister of state. But having been warned of the affront to be shown him, Bahadur Khan refrained that day from attending the audience. All he did was to order some of his men to appear there, and should they try to place Asad Khan's palanquin in his place, they should offer opposition. His orders were only too well executed. For when it was attempted to put the other palanquin in the general's place, his soldiers resisted and raised a hot quarrel with the first minister's men. It proceeded to such lengths that blood was spilt [118]. In the end the king was forced to intervene with his authority before the fight ceased.
294.4.2
In spite of his having been the principal instigator, he (Aurangzeb) concealed the fact as much as ever he could. He feared the power and ability of Bahadur Khan, and he knew him to be an intimate friend of Shah 'Alam. The king feared that if Bahadur Khan learnt that the affront had been given by his orders, he might ally himself with the prince and raise a rebellion. For this reason he went a few days afterwards to visit the general, and told him he must think no more of the affair. It had occurred without his (Aurangzeb's) knowledge, and solely through the captious temper of the minister's servants. For the future, he would issue an order preventing the raising of similar disputes in regard to his rank. He should experience nothing but the gratifications which he might look for as due to his merits and his services, of which he (Aurangzeb) would cherish an eternal remembrance. Bahadur Khan appeared satisfied with this sort of excuse, and upon this the quarrel was dropped. When Khelna was ceded Aurangzeb felt no little satisfaction, and he gave the necessary orders for garrisoning it. That done, his next move was to effect his retirement. In that matter the Mahrattahs were far from idle, and discovering that the old man's only anxiety was to beat a retreat, they invaded the province of Barar. The officer in charge as governor there was the 'Ali Mardan Khan, of whom I have spoken before (IV. 16).
294.4.3
They devastated every place that they found upon their route; whereupon the above officer, having gathered together all the troops he had, came against the said Mahrattahs. They thrashed him neck and crop, cut his troops to pieces, and took him prisoner. Out of their clutches he is hardly likely to come without the payment of a considerable sum by way of ransom, just as he had to do the first time he was captured in the way I have already recorded (IV. 16). Although it might be said in a general way that since this prince ascended the throne his reign has been a continued series of victories, still, he has not been exempt from misfortunes. Now and again accidents befall him, which inflict terrible mortification upon him without lessening in the least his courage or his ambition. Neither do they diminish his dissimulation, his unfailing resource in prosperity as in adversity. The taking of Khelna has been followed by very disagreeable incidents, caused by the heavy rains and bad weather which overtook the army on its march. The rains have been so prodigious that they have washed away all the roads, devastated the country, and ruined the inhabitants. These latter place all their hopes upon a good harvest, and this has been entirely lost to them by the tempests destroying all the grain. A famine has been produced in the royal army.
294.4.4
This famine, joined to the difficulty, not to say the impossibility, there was of advancing by reason of those disorders and the occurrence of a most terrible pestilence, caused the loss on this occasion of more than half of the army. The distress has been so great that there were men who, unable to carry their wives with them without exposing them to public view, have been so inhuman as to prefer killing them to enduring that affront. Even the king's own household felt the sad effects of this tempest, and several ladies held very dear by the king perished, the king himself having some difficulty in escaping.
294.4.5
Aurangzeb had no sooner heard the news that Da,ud Khan had cleared the Karnatik of the Mahrattahs than he forwarded orders to that general to force payment from the Rajah of Tanjor, the Queen of Trichinopoly, and some other neighbouring princes of the tribute they had hitherto paid to the Mahrattahs. These sums were to be in addition to the existing tribute previously collected by him from these princes. In these orders he set forth his reasons for making such a demand. Of these, the principal was that he had disbursed enormous sums in carrying on the war against this prince (i.e., Shiva Ji, or the Mahrattahs). The Mahrattahs had continuously harassed these (local) princes by their raids and never-ending pillage. At present they had been delivered from those plunderers, and were enjoying the fruit of the Mogul victories. It was only fair that they should undertake a share of the expense that all these things had put him to. He also enjoined on Da,ud Khan in express terms that he must declare war against these princes, and constrain them to comply by force of arms.
294.4.6
In conformity with these orders Da,ud Khan sent to demand this tribute from the king and the queen above mentioned. He also asked for three hundred elephants, two hundred from the former and one hundred from the latter. He pointed out to them that the king was in urgent need of this number of these enormous beasts, to replace those that he had lost during the war, chiefly at the siege of Khelna. It should be noted that this is no more than the beginning of a quarrel about nothing (querelle d'Allemands), which the Mogul means to force upon these poor rulers, with the object of despoiling them and becoming absolute master of all their territories and all their treasures. For it is an almost impossible thing for them to furnish him with the number of elephants he has requisitioned. The difficulty is increased by their never having maintained a quarter of these numbers in their service. But this king strives to be master of everything, and what matters it to him by what means he secures his end? These poor rajahs asked a month's time before replying to the demand. We shall see hereafter the result of their deliberations and what will come to pass.
294.4.7
In the end the above king and queen, of whom I have just spoken, have complied with the Mogul demands. Rather than have a war, of which the consequences could be no less than fatal to them, they have consented to furnish to the general, not the number of elephants he claimed, but as many as could be found in their states and belonging to their subjects. I have spoken already of Bahadur Khan, Aurangzeb's foster-brother, but I overlooked a rather curious adventure which took place at his death. When he fell ill [120], he grew so much worse that in a few days all hope was gone. Thus his doctor considered it advisable to warn the king of his dangerous condition. Instantly the king went off to visit him. The patient was warned of the king's intended visit, and at once ordered the preparation of a sort of throne, most gorgeous, all adorned with precious stones, and estimated as worth nearly five millions of rupees. Subsequently to the prince taking his seat, there were brought several trays filled with precious stones of inestimable value, some weapons, also some horses and elephants.
294.4.8
The king accepted all the gifts, and intimated to him his sorrow at his illness. Then that noble began complimentary speeches, thanking his majesty for all his gracious favours, for all the benefits he had conferred, and imploring pardon for all his shortcomings, and the scanty gratitude he had shown for such signal condescension; for all this kindness he now felt deeply touched, and if he survived longer on earth he would give evidence by his conduct how deeply repentant he was for his faults. But since in all probability he was about to quit this world, he had no other medium for showing his sorrow except a flood of tears.
294.5.1
Aurangzeb replied that with all his heart he pardoned him, but there was one act for which there was no pardon possible, and he well knew what it was. With these words he withdrew, giving orders for the throne on which he had been seated to be removed to his own quarters. In spite of all the investigations made to find out this fault of Bahadur Khan's, which Aurangzeb would not pardon even on an occasion when nothing is refused, either among Mahomedans or among Hindus, no one ever succeeded in knowing what it was exactly. Only it was suspected that it was something involving the honour of the royal family. However, people murmured at this hard-heartedness of Aurangzeb, and the number of those who talked about it was so great that he was forced to conceal the displeasure which he felt. One man paid for all; and he was the brother-in-law of Sambha Ji, Madou Ji (Madhu Ji) by name. This man's free remarks about the prince's harshness were reported. As he had a large following the king was afraid to chastise him; but, pretending a wish to do him higher honour, Aurangzeb changed his employment, and sent him to command the fortress of Gwaliyar. That place having a full number of troops, the king told him it was unnecessary to take his own men with him. This noble, delighted at the honour that he believed was being done to him in confiding to his charge the chief fortress in Hindustan, obeyed blindly; but as soon as he had entered the place he was decapitated by his majesty's orders.
294.5.2
[121] After the taking of Khelna, of which I spoke above (IV. 116), and the disasters following upon it during Aurangzeb's withdrawal, the Shiva Ji (i.e., the Mahrattahs) threw himself once more upon the Mogul, and captured five of his officers. These men were of such importance that the king paid one hundred thousand rupees for the ransom of each of these gentlemen. After that, Aurangzeb made an attack on the fortress of Kondena (Kandanah), where he is at present, and pressing the siege. Nevertheless, the Mahrattahs, without putting themselves out about that, have gone across the Narbada with fifty thousand horse. They have been formed into two divisions, and these have robbed and ravaged several provinces, among other places the town of Ceronge (Sironj), which they have plundered most fearfully. I have spoken several times of Qasim Khan, who was governor over the Pathans, as may be seen in my Second Part (II. 172). He was the man who betrayed them through the cutting up of a melon. Subsequently he governed in the country of Adouni (Aduni) in the kingdom of Visiapour (Bijapur), where an adventure happened to him which is rather curious.
294.5.3
There were two twin brothers, young and well grown, sons of a Hindu prince called Darumdas (Dharm Das). The mother of the youths died, and their father subsequently married again. As they did not get on with their step-mother, they quitted their father's house and went elsewhere in search of fortune. Fate decreed that they should enter the service of Qasim Khan, and they served him for a year and a half without receiving anything. At the end of that time they presented a petition, begging him to order them to be paid. But, disregarding this application, he put them off with pleasant words for another six months. At last they could endure it no longer; neither they nor their horses could last any further time. They seized the opportunity one day when he was reading the Quran; they entered his darbar, and prayed him most humbly to take compassion upon them. But instead of doing that, he replied: 'Get out of my sight, kafirs!' (that is, 'infidels.') But one of them pricked up courage and, drawing his sword, fell upon him and cut him to pieces.
294.5.4
The servants and other bystanders attempted to lay hold of the young man, and punish him for the crime that he had committed. The brother then drew his sword. Both of them turned and faced their assailants with such desperate courage that they slew twenty-five of them. At this point several persons came, and seeing what was going on, lost no time in closing the door; those who were still outside did the same, and then mounted on the wall and shot at the two Hindus with arrows and musket bullets. On seeing this, and feeling sure they could never escape alive, the young men preferred to take their own lives rather than suffer at the hands of others. Exclaiming, 'Let us die, as we were born, together,' and embracing, they plunged their daggers [122] each into the other's breast, and thus ended their existence. A similar occurrence took place in the previous year, when one Attach Kan (Atash Khan) was killed in exactly the same manner because he refused to pay his men. [Pages 123 and 124 are blank.]
294.5.5
[125] I have often spoken in the preceding parts of this history of the bad conduct of the Portuguese in India, and the disorder thereby occasioned. In the present Part (IV.) I have already set forth to what lengths the passion for enriching themselves has carried the reverend Jesuit fathers. I have also stated somewhere or other (III. 229) that the tribunal of the Inquisition, ordered and established by the Church for good ends, was at Goa a perpetual source of injustice. They made use of it chiefly to overwhelm and ruin the innocent who had the misfortune to fall into its hands. Among several instances I had chosen that of the reverend Father Ephraim, Capuchin, meaning to give an account of it to the public just as I learnt it from the father himself. But the haste with which I finished off my first three parts precluded me from so doing. I therefore insert it here. This good father was a native of Nevers, of a distinguished family. Having embraced the religious life, he entered the Order of St. Francis, and was sent by his superiors to preach the Gospel in India. Passing through Madras, he was stopped there by the agent of the English Company for the purpose of affording spiritual food to the Christians inhabiting that place.
294.5.6
There he had continued to live in all innocence, having acquired a high reputation, not only as an honest man, but as a most zealous priest. He was a most rigid observer of the rules of his order. Thus things remained till 1649, when he had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the commissaries of the Inquisition established at San Thomé. First of all, it must be explained what were the real reasons for his arrest, for what appeared on the surface was a mere pretext. The true reason was always concealed ; it was, as one will see later on, nothing but an irreconcilable hatred and an excessive envy entertained against him by some persons of that place, the cause thereof being his virtues, his strict conduct, and the office that he held. The first reason, then, for the detention of this excellent friar was, as admitted by the Grand Inquisitor of Goa himself on St. Mark's Day, 1651, a letter that Father Ephraim had written to Manuel Mascaregna (? Mascarenha), Governor of San Thomé, in which he objected to certain abuses then practised there and tolerated by him. The reason for this toleration was that the Portuguese took them for so many saintly acts, and consequently held Father Ephraim's condemnation to be a great liberty — nay, an attack upon religion. The reasons he alleged in his letter, hoping to bring them back to the true views of the Church, they looked on as so much damnable heresy.
294.5.7
So fully persuaded were they of the orthodoxy of their belief in the disputed matter, and of the father's error, that the above inquisitor said to him that by Divine permission he had been allowed to sign that letter, affording thus an authentic proof that it proceeded from him. 'What it contains,' he went on, 'has been condemned not only by bachelors of law, but also by five doctors. The whole of them unanimously hold that it proceeded from a spirit tainted with the errors of Luther.' The reason for this opinion was that at every line the father cited the Holy Scriptures, but said nothing about Saint Augustin or Saint Ambrose. The inquisitor added that, had the cardinals of the Holy Office read but once the propositions contained in the letter, they could never refrain from forthwith condemning the author to be, at the very least, stripped of his habit. 'This is why I must examine you strictly upon the doctrine and opinions of Luther.' This he said, and carried out his word most scrupulously in the first interrogatory to which the father was subjected. This was in the month of May, 1650, and they call it the general examination.
294.6.1
In this, after having badgered him this way and that upon his letter, and telling him that under the cloak and semblance of zeal it was crammed full of venom from the doctrines of Luther, the inquisitor added : 'It is not I who condemn you, as I have already told you, but the learned men of this town, for neither I nor these other secular priests have ever studied theology, all our knowledge being confined to the subject of canon law.' The questions put to him upon this letter were derived from certain papers written at San Thomé, being nothing but unfair commentary upon, and wrongly derived consequences [126] from, that letter. Having noticed this, Father Ephraim was unable to refrain from remarking to his judges : 'Would to God that those who drew up these writings against me were here in person, that I might answer them !' But the inquisitor, vexed that his ignorance had been noticed, interrupted him and reproved him with some temper, saying that the questions were made up in his own head without taking them from the writings of others. All the same, his assertion was obviously untrue. For the father was so close to him that he saw distinctly all that he did when drawing up his questions. Several times he addressed to him long admonitions, and introduced stories invented about him. Among others was one which concerned James I. of England, which he could have read nowhere except in the documents then lying before him.
294.6.2
The second cause [of the accusation] arose from two plays performed at this same San Thomé at the cathedral church by order of the priest administering the bishopric. The occasion was the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin. These plays were so profane that some English, who attended at the request of the ecclesiastics themselves, made a mockery of them. They said to Father Ephraim that the Roman Catholics were profane persons, devoid of all respect for their religion. The good priest could not hear this without grief, and moved by zeal for God's house, he reproved in vigorous terms the authors of these profanations.
294.6.3
These were the two principal causes of his being put into prison. For if, in the statement of facts (proces-verbal) drawn up, there be other accusations, they were only frivolous items, manufactured after he had written the letter above referred to. This letter had so offended Hyerome (Geronimo) de Saa, the priest administering the bishopric, that he assembled his friends and all of his faction to discuss whether they could find anything against the father. On the other hand, those to whom he had addressed a remonstrance, when they had so well earned it, saw now the opening for satisfying their anger. They did not allow it to slip by unused. But their accusations were so frivolous that the very inquisitor spoken of above said once to him (Father Ephraim) that no doubt all those who had sworn against him were malicious people ; still, as what they had sworn concerned the Faith, their zeal was a good thing, and worthy of praise. Let the reader analyze a little the correctness of this proposition : ' They are malicious persons, but their zeal is good!' It must also be pointed out that all the accusations came from a single person, and there were no witnesses.
294.6.4
They had to find means of executing the order [of arrest] passed against him, for he lived in a territory where the inquisitors had no jurisdiction. So the governor, Artus de Saa, on June 27, 1649, sent a Portuguese expressly to him praying him to come to San Thome. He was told that means were to be devised for reconciling him and the English Agent, with whom he was not on good terms owing to some differences between them that had arisen shortly before. The reverend father had often had recourse previously to the Portuguese, during the period of his stay at Madras, in regard to other disputes. At this time (1649), and up to 1662, San Thome was a Portuguese possession, while Father Ephraim lived in Madras under the English flag. Tavernier's account of the proceedings against Father Ephraim should be compared ('Travels,' Ball's edition, i. 220 to 233). The English records of the period are very imperfect, but the following interesting fragments have been found with considerable difficulty by Miss M. Anstey.