Storia do Mogor 330.2
Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 330.2
- Language
- English
330.2.1
The father (defendant) continued that, as regards the painting of the most Blessed Trinity, they had alleged against him that there were fourteen doctors teaching the contrary of the views he held. In spite of this assertion, they had only referred him to three Jesuits — namely, Tanerus, Vasques, and Layman, and these three Jesuits condemned the negative belief as a rash opinion. 'In addition,' said he, 'these three Jesuits are not well enough known in France to enter into comparison with Abulensis Tostatus and Durandus. Perhaps the other doctors who affirm that this representation is legitimate are all Jesuits! After that the inquisitor asked if he had anything farther to say. He replied that, if they found him guilty, would they be so good as to set before him what they considered worthy of reprehension in his writings. He was ready to reply. Then the inquisitor, speaking in a louder voice, with the tone of a half-angry man, said that the Holy Office had been long enough examining him for him to be fully instructed about what there was he had to answer. Forthwith he rang his hand-bell to summon the warder and have the defendant removed again to his prison.
330.2.2
Upon November 5 [1651], at eight o'clock in the morning, he was recalled to the same hall, where he found seated none but the two inquisitors. As soon as he reached the table the secretary read to him the sentence passed against him by the Holy Office. It condemned him to appear and read a paper from the pulpit of the cathedral church while Mass was being sung. The paper began as follows : 'I, Father Ephraim of Nevers, when living at Madras, said it was not necessary to adore the Cross with the worship of Latria, that the image of the most Blessed Trinity should not be depicted, that the clergyman of the English was a priest, and that it was not advisable to have in churches in this country molten images — propositions which are rash, erroneous, and of evil repute in the Faith. All these I disavow, and affirm that the adoration of Latria should be paid to the Cross, that paintings of the image of the most Blessed Trinity may be made, that the clergyman of the English is not a priest, and that molten images should be maintained in churches.'
330.2.3
This is the substance of the sentence. To this the father answered that he could not conscientiously disavow the matter regarding the adoration of the Cross, for that had been defined by the Second Council of Nicaea, and that he would never say anything contrary to the decree of the said Council. If they would insert in their sentence the expression of Bellarmino — 'improper and relative adoration' — then he (Ephraim) would say the same as that writer did ; he had never departed from that manner of speaking relatively. Upon this the two inquisitors looked at each other, and after that directed the entry as an interlineation of the words 'adoration respective.' As for the sacerdotal character of the English clergyman, he answered that he had never affirmed it in that absolute manner, and they ought to consider the mode and the occasion of his saying what he had asserted. But the first inquisitor answered him angrily that it had been proved against him, and that he should speak no more. On perceiving this, and that these gentlemen were determined to deal with him in this manner, the poor culprit held his tongue, so as to escape from their hands, his statements serving no other end than to irritate them against him.
330.2.4
Lastly, the warder, two other Portuguese, and the secretary of the Holy Office conducted him to the cathedral church, where he read the paper, with the modification about the adoration of the Cross. The reading of it ended, they brought him back to the hall, where they went over the subject with him. The second inquisitor said to him it was incumbent on him to preach unconditionally that the Cross should be adored with the absolute adoration of Latria, and not relative adoration. To wind up they embraced him, paid him a thousand compliments, and strongly urged him not to return to Madras. He would thus evade the hatred of the secular priests, who would, no doubt, continue to persecute him. He was then carried in a palanquin to the convent of St. Francis, and word was sent to the reverend father, the gaoler, that he (Ephraim) was free, and might go where he chose. Just let the reader reflect now how those gentlemen condemned the decree of the second Council of Nicaea as 'rash,' that word appearing in their sentence! With reference to what concerns the priesthood of the English clergyman, the charge was never proved against him (Ephraim). It was nothing more than the invention of a drunken man. The other two disputed opinions were submitted to the Sorbonne, which approved what the father had said on those heads. Thus you have in a few words how he was released from prison.
330.2.5
On obtaining his freedom he went to the convent of St. Francis and celebrated Holy Mass, which he had not done since December 28, 1649, up to that day, December 5, 1651; nor had he heard it said. After the Mass, the reverend father provincial and all the others of the community gave him many congratulations on his discharge. Upon the same day they conducted him to the Capuchin convent, where he was met by a procession at the gate of the cloister, which, singing the Te Deum Laudamus, escorted him into their church. The kindness they showed him was such that it is not easy to express it. He remained with them up to January 25 [1652], and they treated him so kindly that he regained sufficient strength to make by land the journey of three hundred leagues required to reach Madras. For when he first came out of prison he was so weak that he fell at every step. He remained at Goa until January 21 [1652], on which day he started for Madras, as said before, in opposition to the wishes of the archbishop and the inquisitors. After his release they pressed him a great deal to return no more to that place, alleging as reason the hate of the secular priests at San Thomé. Their hatred was so envenomed that they would persecute him to the last day of his life. However, they left him at liberty to go where he pleased, for they could not hinder him; but they entreated him to make them that concession.
330.2.6
But the reverend fathers of the Observance and the Capuchins were so greatly shocked at that request that they advised him, in spite of it, to return to Madras. If he did not act thus, his enemies would without fail publish all over the coast that his non-return was due to his being a heretic. This would be a great dishonour to the order of St. Francis. For this reason the whole community begged him to make all possible haste to rejoin his mission. This he did, and arrived there on April 3 of the same year [1652]. After his arrival they deprived him [140] of the New Testament he had translated into Portuguese. It was stolen from him at the bidding of a Dominican, who styled himself Commissary of the Holy Office of San Thome, and one of the men who had sworn against him on the last and last but one articles of the above-related accusation. By this [the theft] it is clear that they still sought openings to get him into trouble. But his confidence in God delivered him from their persecutions until his death, which happened at Madras in 1694 at a very advanced age. He left behind so great a reputation that it will endure far into the centuries to come ; and to perpetuate it in Europe, I add a translation of some certificates issued in his favour on the subject of his conduct.