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Storia do Mogor 340.2

Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 340.2

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340.2.1

As the Mahomedan doctors listened they looked at one another in shame, for there was no answer to give. They turned the conversation and put the father off the track, and with a smile on their lips, depreciated him as mad and wanting in common sense ; then declared that he did not know what he was talking about. The padre withdrew, and as he took his leave of them, he declared that what he had said was ascertained doctrine, accepted among all reasonable men and those learned in the true law of God. [241a] . . . the tongue, others suffocated themselves, others threw themselves into the ponds. In the camp the greater number did the same, as I have stated. Rushing out of the tents and running about in the camp in desperation without XLII. DOU. or Small Litter. To face page 122. finding any consolation, the women and wives of the Hindu princes who had died in the battle flung themselves with joy into the flames, in the way that will already have been seen described in my Second Part (II. 70, 71 ; III. 127, 133, 210).

340.2.2

The victorious princes were summoned to court. They entered the city [Ãgrah] in triumph, the streets being carpeted and adorned. Wherever they passed, rose-water was sprinkled and flowers scattered. The whole population shouted their huzzahs and uttered congratulations. They then entered the fortress. There they found the king seated on the throne ; and on coming into sight of the royal person, they made a profound obeisance, and stood where they were, awaiting the royal orders. A sign was made to them with the king's hand, beckoning them to approach. When they reached him they bent their heads to his feet, while he touched their backs three times with his hands. Sultãn Mu'izz-ud-din was on the right, and Sultan 'Azīm-ud-din on the left hand. He said : ' You did your duty, and the profit shall be yours and your sons'.' Then he ordered them to rise.

340.2.3

Upon rising they made three obeisances, and then returned to their places and stood. Sultãn Mu'izz-ud-din received a plume ornament, which was at once attached to the turban on his head. It was worth three hundred thousand rupees. Three strings of lovely pearls worth two hundred thousand rupees were also put on his neck, and round his waist a belt four fingers broad covered with precious stones worth five lakhs of rupees. The same presents were given to Sultãn 'Azīm-ud-din, but of less value. They were then given seats, Mu'izz-ud-din on the right and 'Azīm-ud-din on the left hand. On this day great rewards were distributed to those who had survived the battle. Their rank was increased, and new jāgīrs were conferred on them, while the relations of those killed in it were rewarded with good pay and jāgīrs. The sons of the Hindu princes belonging to the family of the ill-treated Jaswant Singh received a grant of the revenues of Gujarat province for five years, and, in addition to this, the territories were restored to them which had been taken away by the new king's father [241b]. To Chhatar Sāl Rāe were granted the revenues of Ajmer; and others were also honourably rewarded as each one had deserved. On the third day the third son of Shãh 'Alam, called Rafiulcader (Rafl'-ul-qadr), arrived in the royal presence, and received the same distinctions as his brothers.

340.2.4

On the same day it was ordained that a letter should be written to the general Ghyãz-ud-dln Khãn stating that until the arrival of the Prince Mu'izz-ud-din in those parts he should take charge of Barãr, Burhãnpur, Aurangãbãd, and Baglãnah. Another letter was at the same time written to the new King of Bljãpur, Kãm Bakhsh, whereby he was enjoined to remain and take his ease at the city of Bljãpur, and refrain from interference elsewhere (sad news indeed for that prince). When five days had passed, he (Shãh 'Alam) dispatched Sultãn Mu'izz-ud-din to the Dakhin, appointing him lord over those regions, and conferring on him full powers. At the leave-taking Shãh 'Alam with his own hands attached to his waist a valuable sword. Mu'izz-ud-din issued from the city of Ãgrah with one hundred thousand horse, having for his principal general Queamerdinchan (Qamar-ud-din Khãn), son of the foster-brother of the old king, now dead. After the death of A'zam Shãh all became quiet in these regions [? the Dakhin] ; now we shall see, upon the arrival of this prince (Mu'izz-ud-din) in these parts of the Dakhin, what will happen. The only thing that troubles me is Kãm Bakhsh, who will never come to the enjoyment of all that he imagined.

340.2.5

Here arises a point to be remembered. The judicious and inquiring reader will already have seen what happened to the King Paruoar. All his courtiers were traitors to him except Jufacarkan and Danisbankam (Dãnishmand Khãn). The traitors have died leaving no descendants, a castigation that fell on them from God. Readers have seen also the practice of the King Aurangzeb, and the payment he gave to the traitors who adopted his side in his revolt [242a]. He sent out orders secretly to deprive them of life; as he did to Jīvan Khān who seized Dārā, and to Khalīl[ullah] Khān, who was the cause of his winning the battle, as already may be seen in my First (I. 266) and Second Parts (II. 85). As for Shāistah Khān, he did not kill him, because he was in need of his good advice. Most of them had their lives taken in his (Aurangzeb's) lifetime, while he rewarded the sons and grandsons of those traitors who were in the battle. All of the traitors came to their death with the exception of one — namely, Asad Khān. This man declined to join the party of Aurangzeb, and was sent to his court by an order of Shāhjahān, after his becoming a prisoner, as will have been already seen (II. 14). Thus, of the ancient and noble persons in the empire, all were killed, except a few infants left with the baggage-train.

340.2.6

It is to be observed that in the ancient chronicles of the battles fought in Hindustan between powerful princes in those earlier days, as well as in the time of the Pathāns and the Moguls, there is no description found of so fierce and sanguinary a battle as the one I have just described. True, I was not there myself, but the agents of those lords who govern provinces, fortresses, and districts in this direction (the Dakhin), all of them wrote to their masters an account of these events. They are all under an obligation to make such reports, as I have already said (III. 68). They all affirm to the same effect; and inquiring from men who were present, I always obtained the same result without any differences, and in all places nothing else is asserted. The judicious reader will have seen already how King Aurangzeb, through his deceits, double-dealings, and treachery, made himself master of the empire. My prince, Shāh 'Ālam, has not adopted these methods, but overcame with humanity and courage.

340.2.7

[2436] There was a priest at Manila, a Castilian by birth, called Dom João Fratre de Gevara Capello. As I have heard from many persons, he found himself compromised in a crime of murder, and a complaint was laid by the relations of the deceased before the tribunal of the Lord Archbishop of Manila, who was in some slight degree friendly to the accused priest. As sentence the court gave the priest his letters demissory, and told him to quit Manila. Quitting that place, he landed at Tranquebar, a fortress of the Danes, and there for some three years he laboured as an active missionary, preaching and granting indulgences. During this period he captured the friendship and affection of the Danes by gifts and presents. By means of this intimacy he suggested to the Danes certain faults, real or imagined, of the vicar then in charge of the church at Tranquebar. In this way the Danes ceased to be on good terms with this vicar.

340.2.8

When this was put in train, the said Father Dom João Fratre left Tranquebar and came to San Thome to interview the Lord Bishop, nor did he fail to inform him of the complaints against the above vicar, and the desire of the Danes to turn him out of the church. After he had given the Lord Bishop this information, he requested the favour of being conceded leave to remain in San Thome, stating his desire to be enrolled in that diocese. He alleged that he was unable to travel owing to an attack of beri-beri, which was not the case. On finding the bishop unwilling to give permission, he made friends with some favourites of his lordship, and in the end was enrolled in the diocese. During this time there also arrived complaints to the bishop from the Danes against the vicar; they asked for the appointment of some one else, even if the bishop declined to eject the priest then in charge. This application had been planned by the said Father Dom João, the intrigue being firmly backed up by means of the bishop's favourites above referred to. He was collated to the said church of Tranquebar, and, taking possession, entered on the execution of his office of vicar. When, as I say, he had become vicar, he made use of a Malabar native (the Lord pardon him !) for buying and selling.