Storia do Mogor 344: FIFTH PART OF THE NARRATION OF MOGUL HISTORY, IN THIS PRESENT YEAR, 1705, IN THE MONTH OF JANUARY, By NICOLÒ MANUCCI, Venetian
Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 344
- Language
- English
Contents
FIFTH PART OF THE NARRATION OF MOGUL HISTORY, IN THIS PRESENT YEAR, 1705, IN THE MONTH OF JANUARY, By NICOLÒ MANUCCI, Venetian
344.1.1
SINCE God has preserved my life, I wish to finish the Fifth Part, already promised, of the reign of the existing king, Aurangzeb. The kind reader will have seen at the end of my Fourth Part (IV. 234) that this king was preparing for a new campaign after his fasting month, which fell in the said year in January, as above written. Cognizant that neither his craft nor his artifices would suffice to overcome the Prince Aguanguira (Wãkinkerah), he suddenly ordered his army to march, and attacked one of his fortresses which was situated near a great forest. Although at the first assault seven thousand soldiers were killed along with twelve valiant and famous commanders, while many other officers were wounded, Aurangzeb was not in the least discouraged. Continuing to invest the place more and more stringently, he forced it, after a siege of five months, to surrender. The loss of this fortress induced the Prince of Wãkinkerah to join himself to Shivã Jī, and carry on the usual plundering. Up to this moment things are in this condition. Until the time when the campaigns of Aurangzeb furnish me with matter for continuing the story, I will recount some events in the hope of amusing the inquiring reader.
344.1.2
The king has in his army a new commander called Chiniquiliscam (Chīn Qilich Khān), a Chacata (Chaghatãe) Tartar by race, and lord over seven thousand horse. This man is much esteemed, and a favourite of Aurangzeb by reason of being of his own race. But not for that reason alone has he given him the command of so many troops and elevated him to so conspicuous a station. The object is the more easily to make use of him on an emergency; principally in the hope that after his death this noble may adopt the side of his son, Prince Kām Bakhsh, who is powerless. This most prudent king saw very plainly that his other sons, Shāh 'Ālam and A'zam Tārā, with their sons, were powerful through their riches and governments, and he foresaw what grave disturbances would arise the moment he was dead. Therefore, not to leave this son, as much esteemed as loved, entirely forsaken, he raised this man, Chīn Qilich Khān, to the dignity of a great commander. In addition he promised him in marriage a daughter of the same prince, Kām Bakhsh, although this is opposed to the customs of the royal house, which from the time of King Akbar no longer allows such a practice. In this way Aurangzeb hoped to compel that commander to help Kām Bakhsh in case of necessity.
344.1.3
This grandee was treated by me for the stone during his infancy. He is the son of the great Quiliscam (Qilich Khān), who died before Gulkandah, struck by a cannon-ball. In the referred to Chin Qilich Khān was wounded in the inn by a musket-shot, and his horse was killed. I have already recounted in my Fourth Part (IV. 186) how the Dutch had blockaded the port of Surat. Since then some theirs have taken in the latitude of Malacca three barques, laden with valuable merchandise from China, which roperty of Surat traders. In spite of this loss the ,ul king gave no sign of a grievance, but rather concealed the insult. But the Dutch knew the king's intentions, which were to refuse them the satisfaction that they claimed. Therefore they decided that the general of their fleet should write a letter to the governor of Surat, of which the terms were as follow: 'Lord Governor,
344.1.4
'Several months ago we remained off this port incurring great expenditure, solely to the end that we might get justice for the robberies and injuries done to us. Once more we give you notice that we mean to be paid that large sum of money which we have detailed in various statements. As, moreover, we demand the return to us of the bond binding us for the security of the [Mogul] ships ; we shall take by force all vessels entering into and issuing from the said port, whether Mahomedan or Hindu. Furthermore, we demand, if you want to be left to live in peace, that you grant us permission to establish a factory near the sea, at the mouth of the river of Surat. We await an immediate reply, and if you are not prompt in rendering the desired satisfaction, we shall write to our prince and do as he orders us.' This letter was sent on by the governor to the court, but up to this time they have seen no reply, the king being busy with the above campaign. Meanwhile the Dutch are compelled, by the approach of the monsoon, to withdraw. When that season is over we shall see what will happen, nor shall I omit to give an account of it to the inquiring reader.
344.1.5
The Portuguese also took a Mahomedan ship leaving a port in Bengal on a voyage to Mecca laden with the finest goods to the value of five lakhs of rupees. Their reason for the capture was the absence of a Portuguese passport, and therefore they only liberated some females who were going to Mecca on pilgrimage. When the news reached Aurangzeb he issued orders to the general Cotopcam (Qutb Khān) to make raids in the neighbourhood of Daman and Bassain. He carried out the orders of Aurangzeb so exactly that after invading the territories of Daman and Bassain, he was not content with sacking them, but put them entirely to fire and sword. In this way Aurangzeb took vengeance for the injuries that he asserted he had received from the Portuguese when they attacked the Arab ships In the port of Surat. The Viceroy of Goa, when he saw all this destruction, wrote to the Father Rector of Agrah that in the guise of an envoy he should repair to the court and make efforts to negotiate peace. The father willingly undertook the task; but to this hour he has been unable to conclude the business, although actually present in the royal camp, suffering much hardship, both from the marchings and the dearth of food.
344.1.6
Already the benevolent reader will have observed in my Third Part (IV. yy to Si) what I had done to help the Christians of Tanjor during their persecutions. However, the Jesuits were not content with my action, nor would they acquiesce in my advice, but preferred that their own extreme opinions should be accepted. They enlisted the aid of the Lord Bishop of Mailãpur, Dom Gaspar Affonço. This prelate, during the visit he paid to Dã,ud Khãn (IV. 246a), begged him to write a letter to the Prince of Tanjor in favour of the Jesuit Fathers. They wanted the Nawãb to force the said prince to rebuild the churches and grant complete liberty in his territory to the said fathers for the exercise of their office; also that there should be no hindrance in passing along in palanquins, and other minutiae. Dã,úd Khãn, a man of high courtesy, wrote the letter, well foreseeing that by this conduct he stood to lose nothing. The prince sent him a valuable present, and replied to his letter by saying that he was a tributary and vassal of the Mogul emperor.
344.1.7
As his friend and protector he (Dā,ud Khān) ought not to allow foreigners with new customs and rites to impose themselves on his people and throw down [7] his own religion. Should he be forced to allow the building of churches and the exercise of that new religion, then he, too, must be permitted to thoroughly restore his ancient Hindu pagodas at Conjevaram and at other places in the Karnātik. In consequence, leave must be conceded to the Brahmans to live there and exercise their rites in accordance with ancient custom. Upon receipt of this reply, Dā,ud Khān willingly received the present, and wrote again to him at once that he must continue to pay his tribute to the Mogul; as for the rest, it seemed to him that his arguments were most judicious, and, as far as he was concerned, he would ever be found ready to favour the prince's interests. The aforesaid fathers made the same proposition also to me, attempting to persuade me to put such pressure on Dā,ud Khān as might induce him to declare war upon the prince in question, and to that intent they offered to give him at once 10,000 patacas; but I declined to interfere on any terms in such a business, as will have been already seen (IV. 81).
344.1.8
The above expression of opinion by Dā,ud Khān induced the Prince of Tanjor to impose on each Christian a heavy payment in money. Where they were unable to bear such heavy taxation, he forced them [8] under a severe penalty to frequent his pagodas, and through fear they obeyed. The same thing has already begun to be practised by the neighbouring princes, and this is the way in which the Christians of that territory are being treated. In this lamentable result has ended the indiscreet zeal of those who wished to force these powerful princes to bend to their will. Those zealots considered it beyond discussion and not open to doubt that they must obtain a fortunate issue for whatever they might dream of doing. At the present time there are no Jesuits in that mission, even the catechists have left, and thus the Christian congregation is already destroyed. Of this the following case will serve as an example.
344.2.1
There dwelt in Bengal a French merchant named Monsieur Bomom, who was married to a Portuguese lady called Senhora Apollonia. I knew her well; she was of the best behaviour, and good family. This Monsieur Bomom built a sumptuous mansion close to the factory of the French Royal Company, and died afterwards, leaving as sole heir to his wealth his consort above named. The Jesuits were eager to usurp that mansion, it being in the best situation in the whole place. This purpose they sought to carry out by all the force such men can invent. The artifices they attempted were all in vain, the lady objecting to be deprived of her dwelling. They did not desist, however, from trying other roads for arriving at their wishes, and out of the many they might have chosen they adopted the most perfidious. Rabid with rage, the Jesuits resorted one day to her house, and spoke to her as follows: 'Senhora Apollonia, now that we see you do not mean to give us what we have asked, you will be no longer, as you believe you are, the heir of your husband; for, in addition to everything remaining in our hands, we mean to denounce you as an adultress.'
344.2.2
The poor woman, on hearing such an unexpected assertion and manifest calumny, considered it better to lose her property than the inestimable prize of her good fame. Therefore she made them a donation of the house, and they retired highly satisfied. After a short time she married a French friend of mine called Monsieur Boutuvil, and came to live in Pondicherry. All the (European) inhabitants of Bengal marvelled at this extraordinary story, and for a long time could talk of nothing else. At this time there lived in Bengal a French surgeon called Monsieur Cattem. This man was in the service of the Royal Company, and, fearing that after his death the Jesuits might calumniate his wife, he put into his will this clause: that if by chance his wife were an adulteress, she should, nevertheless, remain his heir. But the Jesuits aforesaid do not mind in the least creating these scandals, and go on with such-like knaveries, of which I will give some examples. There was also in Bengal a young Frenchman called Monsieur Pellé, second in the Royal Company, and married to Senhora Catterina, of Portuguese race. She lived on good terms with her husband. Belonging to the Royal Company there was among the other Fathers one Father Quenin, who interfered in every business, and therefore nowadays he is styled colloquially 'Monsieur Quenin.' This father, I know not why, took such a dislike to Senhora Catterina, that he sought every method of doing her an ill turn.
344.2.3
One day, on meeting her husband, the Jesuit was unable to restrain his anger, and said to him that he had better set to work to put his house in order. Monsieur Pellé, being a cautious man, paid no heed to this advice, never suspecting it to be directed against his wife. But the choler of Father Quenin was not appeased by this, but increased to such an extent that a few days after the first speech he said to the husband plainly that his wife had committed adultery, and that he should therefore take steps against such misconduct. To these words Pellé replied that his Reverence was ill-informed, he knew his wife to be an honourable woman, and all men saw with what modesty she behaved. Some days having passed, the Jesuit met Pellé again in society, a number of people being present, and before them all the priest said : 'It seems to me I have sufficiently warned you, sir, of the adultery your wife commits, and yet you do not mind me ; last night a man, (he gave the name, but it was not known to the bystanders) scaled the wall of your house, and you pretend to see nothing.'
344.2.4
To all these words the only answer of the patient Pellé was : 'Your Reverence is wrongly informed.' Thereupon the father added that no one better than himself could know, since he was her confessor, and that it was his business to send her to prison, assigning various arguments for this caprice of his. Although these words ought to have made no impression at all upon the mind of the husband, they had their effect — so much so that he allowed himself to be persuaded to shut up his wife in a room, leaving only one small window through which her food was passed, and that only sparingly. Four days in the week Father Quenin visited the poor prisoner, the keys of the room being in his hands. The only consolation he afforded her was to abuse her, to threaten her with death, to say she ought to be buried in that very room, and similar misplaced menaces. The lady, although in the flower of youth, and only eighteen years of age, supported all in patience, and, above all, the imprisonment, which lasted for nine months.
344.2.5
Nor would she have so easily obtained her liberation therefrom had not at that time occurred the death of her husband. The director, Monsieur Deslandres, interceded for and obtained her release. Although she gained her liberty, she was not allowed to inherit from her husband; she could not even recover her own dowry out of the hands of the Jesuits. The poor young woman, deprived of all means of livelihood, was forced to beg her food from door to door. Finally, forced by such distress, she married an Englishman, a Protestant, in order to live with more decorum. They took up their abode in Madras. While I was living in Goa there happened a similar case. There was a pilot of Portuguese nationality called Salvador Bexiga. Finding himself already advanced in years, and in possession of a considerable amount, he gave up his calling and retired to the house of a married friend, Manoel Pereira, living at the Arch of the Conception. As the Jesuits knew that the man was rather well off, they went to visit him very frequently, and kept up [13] a friendship with him.
344.2.6
Then came the death of Manoel Pereira, his friend, when the poor old man was obliged to take shelter in another household, where he was not so well looked after as in his late friend's house. Hearing his complaints, the Jesuits gave him an invitation, and offered him every convenience in their college. Many times they repeated that he should have full liberty if he chose to live with them. The good old man knew not the astuteness of such fellows, allowed himself to be persuaded, and went to live with them, carrying there his heavy casket. The Jesuits received him with the most courteous compliments and entrancing ceremony. They assigned to him a fine chamber, with a soft and lordly bed. They gave him to eat and to drink sumptuously. The old man was fully satisfied with his new shelter, retaining the liberty of going and coming at his pleasure. After eight days had elapsed several Jesuits entered his room and persuaded him to take the habit and become a brother of the Society, by which he would earn many indulgences. The simple old man was caught by their persuasion, and when he had put on the habit, they made for him a sumptuous banquet, with instrumental music and singing.
344.2.7
The next day the old man wanted to go out, as was his custom. Brother Alexo, who was the janitor, barred his exit, telling him it was necessary to have a permit from the Provincial. Hearing these words, the old man exclaimed at the affront, and lamented over this breach of their promises. The fathers, the further to annoy and irritate him, reproved him sharply; while he, being most violently angry, told them they had cheated him. His lamentations were, however, of no avail, since the fathers cried aloud, like men on whom has fallen some great misfortune. Then they began to say one to the other that the man had gone mad; therefore some said they must bleed him, others felt his pulse, and asserted he wanted a mixture to produce vomiting; others, again, suggested repeated purgings. Thus, simply on account of that fine rage he had fallen into, did they dispose of him maliciously as a madman, without his arguments having a chance of being heard. Finally, they laid hold of him violently and shut him up in a prison cell. They announced to the public that he was insane, and thus did he finish his days in misery. When I was living in the island of Salsette, near to Bassain, a most curious affair came to pass. Near the settlement of Bandora, belonging to the Jesuits, there lay a village at a distance of two leagues from the town. It was commonly called Irlemparlem (? Warli Parela), and the owner's name was George Gonzalves, a Portuguese by race.
344.3.1
In this village were several quarries of very fine stone, excellent for paving, road-making, and similar purposes. The Jesuits attempted in various ways to get possession of these, but Gonzalves would never consent to part with them. Finally, they made a novel and most curious attempt. One night without any warning they brought several houses of straw, made ready beforehand for this purpose, and erected them among the palm-trees round the said village. They were at once occupied by men, women, and children with dogs, cats, cocks, hens, bringing their pots and pans, their goods and chattels. On the following morning George Gonzalves was thrown into wonder and amazement on beholding this novel and unexpected sight. He began at once to question these people to find out by whose orders they had come to take up their quarters there. They answered that they were the tenants of the Jesuit fathers, and had lived in the place for many years. George Gonzalves perceived that this was a stratagem of the fathers in order to render themselves masters of his property. He collected his men, and attempted to expel the intruders. But the Jesuits appeared with their servants, and after some struggling Gonzalves was forced to retreat.
344.3.2
However, he did not leave matters there. For, with the assistance of two companies of soldiers furnished by the general, Manoel Saldanha, he turned out the new inhabitants by main force and burnt the new settlement. The Jesuits were annoyed at this action of the general, and drew up against him a paper of complaints, styling him a tyrant for having burnt their new village and causing them damage to the extent of twenty thousand crowns (cruzados), that being the valuation thereof. They said he had burnt the church with the holy images and a large crucifix. This plaint was sent to the court of Lisbon, and when the general arrived there he was cited on account of these misdeeds. He cleared himself, however, very easily, proving the justice of his cause by testimony worthy of implicit faith. This fidalgo came back to India as admiral of the Portuguese fleet, when he was denounced by the Jesuits to the Viceroy of Goa, Francesco de Távora, who was his personal enemy. Their calumnies, however, did not succeed, for the admiral pointed out that no one, with the exception of His Royal Majesty of Portugal himself, could proceed against general officers for any crime they had committed.
344.3.3
[Folios 17 and 18. I omit here a story about an elephant's reluctance to crush to death a Ceylon prince whose voice it recognized. This has already appeared in Part III., folios 150, 151. The only additional particular is that the king's name is given as Orilha, but no such ruler is known, Mr. Ferguson says.] [18] It did not happen thus in the city of Goa when it was ruled over by Dom Phelipe Masquarenha. There was an elephant which worked on the river bank, and its driver often made it pass through the city, taking it to the shops for fruit and other eatables. All the shopkeepers gave it something, as for example, yams, figs (bananas), dried grapes, sugar-cane, mangoes, Jack-fruit, rose-apples, cashews, guavas, et cetera. Among the shopkeepers was one who gave the elephant a coco-nut, and, stretching out its trunk, he handed it to the driver who was astride on him. The man thought he would like to eat the coco-nut, and though he could have split it open with the driving-iron which he had in his hand, he broke it in two upon the elephant's head; one piece he kept for himself, the other he gave to the animal.
344.3.4
It was not likely that the beast would eat it, when it considered itself (so to speak) insulted by its master's breaking the coco-nut upon its head. He kept it in his mouth, and when they had arrived at the usual resting-place, as soon as his master had dismounted he seized him with his trunk, threw him at his feet, and, bringing down the half coco-nut on his skull, beat out his brains. He then threw the body as far as he could away from himself.
344.3.5
In old days, when the Portuguese had made themselves masters of many parts of Ceylon island, they compelled the inhabitants of the towns to come out to greet any soldier who might have started from the city on his way back to camp. They had to appear as soon as he gave a signal of his arrival in the village by discharging his musket. At once all the villagers came out headed by their chief men, and escorted the soldier with great politeness and respect into the village. They assigned to him the best house to be found in the place, and complied with all his demands in every particular. In addition, they were obliged when night came on to produce the best-looking woman of the place. If she did not suit him, it was the custom to take several to him, so that he might chose the one he fancied most. It often happened that the daughters and wives of the village headmen were selected. But this was not felt any grievance, nor considered any sin, it being the custom of the locality — nay, rather did they hold it an extreme honour. Those inhabitants were obliged, in addition, to provide as many load-carriers as were required to carry the baggage to the camp. These men were changed at each village. But returning to the obligation they were under of giving their women, this applied not only to soldiers passing through