Storia do Mogor 346: NOTE ON BERNARD PHOOSEN AND THE CAPTURE OF THE GOUDE VOGEL PHENIX (FROM THE DUTCH ARCHIVES).
Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 346
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NOTE ON BERNARD PHOOSEN AND THE CAPTURE OF THE GOUDE VOGEL PHENIX (FROM THE DUTCH ARCHIVES).
346.1.1
[In Phoosen's defence of his conduct submitted on January 15, 1706, to Joan van Hoorn, Governor-General, and Council at Batavia, in compliance with their resolution of December 21, 1705, there are some details worth preserving — (1) about the fight at sea; (2) about the negotiations for a local truce. Phoosen sailed from Malacca on January 19, and reached Balasor roads upon March 18, 1704, on board the Ellemeet, having in company the Goude Vogel Phenix and six other vessels. After loading new goods on the Goude Vogel Phenix, and transferring to her the cargo of the Ellemeet, Phoosen and some other officials set sail in her for Negapatam on December 30, 1704, while the Ellemeet and Molenwerf started for Batavia. A French vessel, which was hovering about off the coast, got away in advance of them, and no doubt conveyed to the French the news of their approach. On the morning of January 12, 1705, the high land near Palicāt was in sight, and about noon they passed Geldria, the Dutch fort there. Towards evening they were off Madras, and before sunset they sighted the hills behind Sadrāspatanam. They then stood out to sea in the hope of passing the fortress of Pondicherry without being perceived.
346.1.2
As day broke next day, January 13, when they were about fourteen miles from the coast, they made out four sail to the north-west at a distance of four or five miles. Guessing them to be French, they made all sail, but the pursuers overhauled them hand over hand. About ten o'clock the nearest ship displayed a red ensign as a signal to one of the other ships. All four ships now flew white flags, the admiral coming up on the port and the second in command on the starboard. Owing to its position the Dutch could only attack the second ship with their swivel guns and musketry. Meanwhile the Goude Vogel Phenix fought the enemy's principal ship with all available cannon. But owing to their being so heavily laden, only four of their lowest tier of guns on either side could be discharged. The French fired broadside upon broadside into them, a portion of their rigging and a good deal of their shrouds being shot into tatters so that they could carry no sail. The topsails were shot into bits and fell overboard; a large part of the tiller was destroyed. They drifted helplessly between the two largest Frenchmen, while the remaining two ships of their fleet were drawing close.
346.1.3
The skipper, Hendrik Mondiger, had fought on for nearly one and a half hours against an overpowering force. Many of the Dutch were killed, including Gerrit Katt, the third mate, whose leg was shot off early in the fight when standing near Commissary Phoosen, who all through the fight stuck to his place on the upper deck. The master now reported the impossibility of holding out longer. The casualties had induced a slackening of effort among the crew, and it was impossible to guide them to fight their guns. The commissary himself saw that out of twelve men only two stood to their work. Two or three times Cornelis de Graaf jumped down and tried to drive the men back to duty. Things being in this state on board the Goude Vogel Phœnix as seen by the commissary and councillors themselves, the master, H. Becker, was pressed to say whether more could be done to save the ship from the enemy. His words were that to fight longer was mere stubbornness and obstinacy; the men would be butchered, and the end would be the same. The councillors expressed their agreement with the skipper.
346.1.4
It was resolved to strike the flag of the Goude Vogel Phœnix. 'I (Phoosen) went to the poop to be ready, when from the French admiral came a broadside to salute us, one ball of which passed through the mizzen-mast and struck H. Mondiger and under-merchant Jaan Oosterling both in the breast, the first-named also having his left arm shattered. Both fell on the deck together dead. Undersigned was wounded by a splinter in the face, arm, and breast, but not dangerously.' The flag having been struck, the French continued to call on the Dutch to launch their boat and come on board their ship. The tackle and ropes had been destroyed, and they could not comply; the French were forced to send boats to bring them off. Thus after resisting for two hours they had been forced to surrender, having thirteen men killed and about twenty severely wounded. They were received by the admiral, Baron de Pallières. From the chief surgeon the commissary learnt that his captors were L'Agréable, La Mutine, L'Aurore, and the St. Louis, the details being the same as already noted from Dr. Jules Sottas' work. These ships had left Fort Louis in April, 1704, and in November, upon reaching the coast of Malabar, had taken one English and two Portuguese ships, of which the first was ransomed, and the larger of the other two sent to Goa with both the Portuguese crews on board.
346.1.5
We come next to events at Pondicherry, and the course of negotiations there. The French ships with their prize anchored off that settlement on the afternoon of January 18, 1705. On the 20th Phoosen was landed, and taken to Governor Martin in the fort. A dwelling was assigned to him there, and sentries were posted. The chief Dutch officials and ship's officers were sent to other quarters. Some of the crew were locked up in a warehouse on the beach, and the rest of the common sailors were put aboard the two-masted French vessel from Bengal already referred to. On the 22nd two Dutch envoys arrived from Negapatam — Hendrik Grousens, chief administrator, and Hendrik Becker, then Fiscal and subsequently Extraordinary Councillor. They were authorized to treat for the release of the prisoners. On the envoys being received by Governor Martin, Phoosen was sent for. De Pallières and Du Dresnay took him apart, and a letter was given him from the Governor and Council of Negapatam, dated January 18, 1705. After he had read the letter, Du Dresnay whispered to him to keep up his spirits. This remark was communicated by letter to Governor Conans on January 23 as showing they had hope of success.
346.1.6
But almost from that moment the French began to tell Phoosen that he must agree to a cessation of hostilities in India. The affair was conducted by Du Dresnay through one of the Dutchmen, Johan de Wolf, who knew French. They dwelt on the inconveniences to both nations from hostilities in India, and said that ratification and approval of the sovereigns on both sides could easily be obtained. Phoosen sent back word that he was in no way empowered to treat, but on reaching Negapatam he would consult with the Governor and Council there. Du Dresnay hinted that this refusal would not help on the release of the prisoners. De Wolf said the two things had not the remotest connection. Meanwhile the Dutch learnt from Negapatam that everybody said that Ariahpa, an interpreter, was very busy trying to thwart the efforts of the Dutch envoys. On their side they employed a native called Letje to find out what was going on. Through him they learnt that a leading merchant of Pondicherry, called Cammer Appa Chetty, was using influence against them with Governor Martin, and they were told at second or third hand that this man had offered Governor Martin 8,000 or 9,000 pagodas if the Dutch prisoners were sent to France, a proposal which Martin indignantly refused.
346.1.7
On the morning of January 24 (1705) the Council assembled at the Governor's house, and the Dutch envoys when called in presented the Negapatam letter. After perusing it the Council pointed out that on the taking of S. Thomé [1674] and Pondicherry [1693] the Dutch sent their prisoners to Europe, De Flacourt, second in Council, having been one of those deported in spite of his protests. The French said they would gain reputation with their monarch by following the same course. As an alternative they urged Phoosen to agree to a truce both north and south of the equinoctial line, subject to the subsequent approbation of their respective sovereigns.
346.1.8
The Negapatam envoys tried to draw a distinction between former events on land and the present capture at sea. claimed that Phoosen should be treated as Martin was the surrender of Pondicherry [namely, he was released and allowed to proceed to Hugli]. Secondly, they pleaded want of authorization, and requested that Phoosen might be for, Phoosen repeated the claim to be treated as Martin had been, also relying on an agreement between the two States made in the mutual release of prisoners, and as the themselves acted to the English after the capture But all this was like knocking at a deaf man's door. The cartel referred to was confined, the French to the previous war, and had not been renewed. They that a truce would be favourable to the Dutch. The Dutchmen denied the fact, for they were incomparably the in those regions. The Frenchmen met this by dwelling on the better sailing of their ships, which redressed the balance while on land they had nothing to fear. Their of defence the Dutch could see for themselves.
346.2.1
Heer Phoosen then brought forward the difference of their positions; the Dutch in India were subordinate to Batavia, the Dutch Company, and the States General, while the French were in direct dependence on their monarch in Europe. The French retorted by saying they were as little empowered to treat as were the Dutch; but they would stretch a point, seeing a common advantage to the two nations by a truce in India. Phoosen proposed to defer an answer until his arrival at Negapatam and the receipt of sanction from Batavia. To this it was answered that his open commission and the Negapatam letters were full credentials for negotiating. It was then pointed out by him that his open commission included no more than the Choromandal coast. The other side remarked that Rykloff van Goens had not in his day interpreted his powers so scrupulously. The truce ought to extend from Vingorla on the west coast right round the coast and up it to a place within twelve miles of the Ganges. Phoosen pleaded the limited extent of his powers, and refused to entertain this offer. The French then varied the conditions, and offered a truce from Point de Galle along the east coast to a point within twelve miles of the Ganges. This was equally declined. Upon this refusal the French declared frankly that they must send Phoosen and the chief prisoners to Europe.
346.2.2
Yet the Dutch thought it wise to test the force of this threat by demanding as a condition precedent to any discussion that the prize Goude Vogel Phenix, with its crew and cargo intact, should be restored. This proposal acted on our opponents like a thunderbolt.' They were much astonished at such an incredible demand, and declined to listen to any further mention of it. They closed the interview by saying that all they could do was to submit the point for their sovereign's decision. The Dutch officials now found themselves in difficulty and perplexity. They knew their superiors would never ratify any such agreement, yet if they did not enter into it they would be deported to Europe. They requested leave to withdraw, and take some time for reflection. The points now discussed by them among themselves were four: First, had their company any forces in sight sufficient to attack the enemy and effect their release? This was decided in the negative; and as the monsoon was over, future arrivals could with difficulty be brought as far as the roadstead of Pondicherry. Secondly, a Dutch vessel, the Pappensburg, was daily expected from Japan, and would most assuredly be captured as the Goude Vogel Phenix had been. Thirdly, the presence of Commissary Phoosen on the Choromandal coast was absolutely necessary. Fourthly, the French possessed a fast ship, Le Petit Marchand, which could prevent all traffic by sea between the Dutch factories.
346.2.3
For all these reasons it was resolved to enter into the proposed agreement, which after all could only last a short time. It was choosing the lesser of two evils. If their Excellencies at Batavia refused to ratify it, it would fall to the ground of itself. There was a further stiff dispute over the exact terms, as the Dutch wished to strike out the condition making the truce extend to within twelve miles of the Ganges. Eight articles were drawn up, and were as follows: 1. A truce to be made between the two nations both by sea and land, commencing at Negapatam, and extending to Point Palmyras, and as far as 60 fathoms' depth out at sea. 2. Within those limits no injury should in any way be inflicted by the one nation upon the other. 3. The pattamars, or letter-carriers, and other expresses sent off by either party were to have free passage over either's territory so long as they remained no longer than required for the dispatch of business. 4. The Heer commissary, the ship's crew, and the servants taken in the Goude Vogel Phenix should be set at liberty. 5. Any French or Dutch ship taken thereafter within the agreed limits should be restored untouched with its crew, passengers, and cargo. 6. Fugitives from either side within the agreed limits should be extradited on demand, subject to the condition that no death penalty should be inflicted.
346.2.4
7. Governor Martin and Council undertook to furnish at the cost of the Compagnie Royale all the necessary vessels for the conveyance of the commissary and superior officers as far as [blank], the Negapatam envoys undertaking on their side to furnish safe conducts for the return voyage, protecting the ships from seizure by the English or Portuguese. An engagement was made to procure ratification. The French Council added a supplementary article, which [was] sent by the hand of Monsieur de la Prevostière, their secretary. This fixed the limits as from Point de Galle to within twelve miles of the Ganges. Phoosen flatly declined to [accept] this alteration. There was a discussion next day, and the original words were restored. The agreement was then [signed] on January 27, 1705. Finally, Phoosen pleads the force of circumstances, winding up his defence with the proverb, 'Nood breekt wet' ['Necessity has no law'].
346.2.5
On February 2, 1705, fifty of the men of the Goude Vogel Phœnix were embarked for Negapatam under command of a [French] officer. On the same day the head of Conimere Factory wrote to warn the commissary that the faujdār of Jinjī had [sent] out horsemen to intercept the party while on their way to Tegenapatam (Cuddalore). In consequence, Governor Martin at dinner-time offered them an escort. The party of Dutchmen left Pondicherry on February 3, 1705, towards evening, accompanied by an escort of twenty-four French soldiers under a captain. They spent the night in a house about a mile from the fort. Next day early [the 4th] they passed within half a mile of Alechivabe, where the native attack was expected. There they were received by a captain and forty-eight men sent them by Mr. Gabriel Roberts, governor of the English fort of St. David at Cuddalore. They were conducted to the Company's factory at Tegenapatam, reaching it about mid-day. Continuing their journey, they camped on the 9th at China [blank], and finally, next day (February 10, 1705), marched into Negapatam.]
346.2.6
The above-named commissary (Phoosen), having started from [Batavia], arrived at Hūglī to inspect the factories of the Dutch situated in the province of Bengal. Before his departure from that port on his journey to this coast [Choromandal] he gave a sumptuous banquet, at which were present all the English factors, the principal officers then in charge at that [Dutch] factory, and the captains of the vessels in port at the time. The banquet lasted eight days in high joy and festivity. During those days the cannon were fired over three thousand times. Among the many guests was Gart [Savt], an English captain, who the previous year, when on his return from China, had surrendered his ship to the French in the Straits of Malacca after a valorous defence. The commissary directed [36] his conversation to this gentleman, censuring him most severely, and calling him a coward and worthless fellow. He began to boast of how delighted he should be to come across some French ships in his voyage from Hugli to Negapatam. He would teach them how to fight. Only a few days had passed when the said captain (Gart) arrived at Madras, and while drinking cheerfully with some friends, the news came in of the commissary's capture. This increased the captain's joy, and he was consoled that Fate had avenged the insult he had received from the commissary, and he resumed his carouse by drinking to the honour of the event.
346.2.7
Being a friend of some of these [French] captains, I went to Pondicherry to pay them a visit and enjoy their company. After eight days they sailed. Two days after the departure of these French captains the marriage took place of the Lord Governor Martin's granddaughter to Monsieur Ardancour (Hardancourt), commissary [37] and second councillor. A grand banquet was given, followed by music and dancing, at which were also present the son of Governor Roberto (Gabriel Roberts) of the fortress of Tevenapatam (Fort St. David), also several Englishmen and Portuguese. patam, and a councillor called Mester Barlu (Mr. Berleu). When the festivities were ended, they returned to Tevanapatam, and I in their company, wishing to pay a visit to Governor Ruberto (Roberts), my old friend. This gentleman received me with great politeness, and after several healths were drunk we had music and dancing. In the midst of this joyous intercourse there reached me almost at midnight a mounted orderly bearing a letter, which recalled me with all urgency to Pondicherry. I was wanted at once to treat the Lord Governor Martin, who was seriously ill. Upon hearing this sad news I and the rest of the company were much pained, not merely at having to break up our feast, but equally at learning of the grave indisposition of an old and affectionate friend. At once I was given my leave to depart, on condition of paying another visit to Tevanapatam, which I promised to do.
346.3.1
I began my journey at once, and at break of day arrived in Pondicherry. I found the good old man, then seventy-three years of age, in a high fever, with pains in the head, absence of sleep, and other symptoms. [38] I started on the treatment forthwith, and held a consultation with the doctors of the Royal Company, one of whom was named Monsieur Maquari, and the other Monsieur Albert. By our efforts and the drugs he was placed out of danger, and by dieting and care was restored to perfect health. Not to break my word, and in compliance with the messages sent me, I went back to Tevanapatam, to the contentment of all my friends, thence back to Pondicherry, and finally to my own house at Madras. Here I received news that a Monsieur Delavale, a married man and resident of Junçalam, a land belonging to the King of Siam, had turned pirate. It is three years ago that he came to Madras in the guise of a merchant. I gave him money to trade with, as did many other persons of this settlement. Having acquired and a supply of goods in this country, he left it. To disabuse his creditors of any hope they entertained of being repaid—at any rate, the capital amount—he captured an English boat loaded with cloth from Bengal, and took its captain a prisoner.
346.3.2
The governor of the place [i.e., Ujung Salang], on the facts being reported, sent orders to seize Delavale; but he fled, followed by all his companions, taking with him the prisoner, but abandoning his house and wife. The governor of the country took possession of his wife and of all the merchandise. Monsieur Delavale sought refuge in another province of the same kingdom, ruled over by a man who was an enemy to the other governor. The followers of this pirate Delavale are two in number, one called Monsieur Masson, the other Monsieur de Roubai. These events have caused such consternation among the merchants that not one of them will venture on a voyage to that port. Although the King Aurangzeb had occupation enough in fighting the Mahrattahs, in conquering different rajahs, and in many other enterprises, he never overlooked the question of getting his son Sultān Akbar into his power. This son, then in Persia, was invited back by many letters, none of which had any effect. At last, in the year 1689, he wrote him one in the most loving terms. It was also the last one sent ; its terms were as follows : ' My beloved son, light of my eyes, part of my heart, Akbar ! I write to you, swearing upon the word of the Ruler over kings, and be God my witness [40], that I esteem and love you more than my other sons. You were ever my solace and consolation, and lightened my afflictions when you were present. Now that you are so far away, I feel their whole weight, and must endure them.
346.3.3
You became disobedient, and were led away by the Rajputs, those demons in human form; thus you lost the favour of Heaven, and were abandoned by it. What can I do ? and what remedy can I offer you for the troubles under which you are now suffering ? When I think on these things, I continue in travail and great sorrow, so that I have lost the desire for longer life. I endure the greatest grief at seeing you so far from this realm, deprived of your princely title, removed from power, stripped of your dignities in the State. Because I love you deeply, I weep bitterly over your wretched condition. Yet did you disregard your youth and loyalty to your family, and are forced to live thus far separated from wives, sons, and daughters. From your self-will you fell a prisoner into the hands of those demoniac Rajputs. They treated you like a ball, struck first by one side and hurled back by the other [41]. Thus were you compelled to take refuge first in one place, then in another. In spite of all these things, although you have been guilty of such heavy crimes, yet, impelled by the love I bear you, I have no desire to inflict farther punishment.' After these words followed two verses, which continued the letter; their sense was as follows: 'In spite of a son being only a little ashes, Yet is he a salve to the suffering eyes of parents.'
346.3.4
'. . . Fortune seeks to favour you. If you have repented of you can come to my Presence, and advance to meet me sure that your sins will be remitted; that I shall not forget you and aggrandize you even in a manner that will exceed your wildest dreams of greatness. Thus will you be repaid for the sufferings and the labours you have undergone. This invitation is not given solely from a desire to see you here, but to obviate your being, as you are now, ruined, solitary, lost, and dishonoured.' 'I do not speak of the Rajah Jaswant Singh, who was the chief of all the Rãjpúts and the follower of Dãrã. O son! Trust not in such nor heed their words, for they will sell you falsified goods yielding you no profit, and in the end causing nothing but regret. Understand, and accept it as infallible, that what I tell you will be for your good, and points out the only right road. Retain it, therefore, in memory, for never again shall I write to you.'