Praudhamanorama p47

p47

[On the phrase] 'the final member of a pada': one who goes to a tree is *vṛkṣavīḥ*; one who blows [like] a tree is *vṛkṣavāḥ*; one who recounts that is *vṛkṣav*, [with the affix] *vic*. Here, elision of *v* by "elision of *v* and *y*..." (P. 6.1.66) does not take place because [the elided element] is treated as the original element. Nor can it be argued that the prohibition "not in operations on a pada-final..." (P. 1.1.58) [applies], because here the elision to be prescribed is not a part of the pada. But if it is explained that [the prohibition applies] in an operation in the place of a pada-final, this [form] would not be established. For in the view of Haradatta and others that [the affix] *ṇic* [is added] after an inflected word, it has padahood because of an internal case ending; nor does the *bha*-designation, transferred by "like *iṣṭha*" in [the presence of] *ṇic*, bar padahood, because *ṇi* has been elided; nor does [the principle of] having the affix as cause [apply], because it is based on a sound: this is the purport. [On the phrase] 'and in reduplication, etc.': elision of *y* and so forth are to be understood by the word 'etc.' But with respect to "in [the presence of] *vara*," it must be explained: an operation on a vowel that occurs in [the presence of] *vara* is not treated as the original element. Even in the absence of a desire to express [them] together, the dvandva compound and the non-elision of the locative case ending occur on the basis of irregular ready-made forms. Now the examples: with respect to a pada-final—*kāni santi*, *kau staḥ*. With respect to reduplication—*suddhyupāsyaḥ*. In [the presence of] *vara*—*yāyāvaraḥ*; the affix *varac* by "and *ya* after *yaṅ*," then elision of *a*; and that is not treated as the original element when elision of *ā* is to be performed by "elision of *ā* before *iṭ* and..." (P. 6.4.64). In elision of *y*—*yātiḥ*; after the verbal root *yā* ending in *yaṅ*, the affix *ktic*, elision of *a*, elision of *y*; because elision of *a* is treated as the original element, elision of *ā* [occurs], and [then] elision of *y*. Nor should a second elision of *ā* be suspected, because elision of *ā* is suspended according to the maxim of *ciṇ* and *luṅ*, and also because of treatment as the original element. In accent—*cikīrṣakaḥ*; elision of *a* of *san* is not treated as the original element when the high pitch of the vowel *i* belonging to the letter *k* is to be performed by "having *l* as marker" (P. 6.1.93). In homogeneous sounds and anusvāra—*śiṇḍhi*. In lengthening—*pratidīvnā*. In *jaś*—*sagdhiś ca me*; *gdhiḥ* is eating; when *ktin* is added to *ad*, substitute *ghasḷ* occurs by "variously in the Veda" (P. 2.4.39), elision of the penultimate by "of *ghas* and *bhas* before a consonant..." (P. 6.4.100), elision of *s* by "a *jhal* before a *jhal*" (P. 8.2.26), change to *gh*, and change of *gh* to *jaś*; while *sa* continues from the rule "*sa* in place of *saha*" (P. 6.3.78), *sa* occurs by the rule "of *samāna* in the Veda before *mūrdhan* and others, and in conclusions." In *car*—*jakṣatuḥ*.