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Mediaeval Sinhalese Art c10: Appendix to Chapter III

Mediaeval Sinhalese Art c10

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English

Contents

Appendix to Chapter III

I. Teaching of Drawing

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As architects, painters and designers, a thorough knowledge of drawing was essential to the superior craftsmen, and we find a highly systematic course of instruction in use for the education of apprentices. These were usually the sons of master craftsmen; but the sons of relations and even of outsiders were also received. A man of the proper caste, wishing to apprentice his son to a master-craftsman, would first find a fortunate hour (*nekat balanava*), and then proceed to the craftsman's house with his son of about six years old, and one or more servants carrying presents of food and betel leaves on a yoke. The boy was first set to learn drawing; he was given a *yatiporuva*, or wooden drawing-board covered with a preparation known as *vadi*. *Vadi* was made by grinding together tamarind seed (two *palam*), coconut charcoal (one *palam*), iron slag (two *palam*), and indigo (ten *mañjāḍi*) with the juice of *kikirindi* leaves (*Eclipta erecta, L.*)† The ingredients were ground together and mixed with finely-powdered quartz (*tiruvānagala*) and smoothly spread on the board and allowed to dry. Upon the board so prepared the pupil learnt to draw, using for his pencil the spine of a sea-urchin (*ikiri kaṭuva*) mounted in a bamboo handle; or failing that, a pointed style of kumbuk (*Terminalia glabra*) bark. Now-a-days, ordinary slates and slate-pencils are used.

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∗ “No Artificers,” says Knox, “ever change their Trade from Generation to Generation; but the Son is the same as was his Father, and the Daughter marries only to those of the same Craft: and her Portion is such Tools as are of use, and do belong unto the Trade.”

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† This was the practice; but the mnemonic verse in which particulars are given implies the use of only one *palam* of the iron slag: “*Neraluḳaṭu gurut yadaḷuṭ suṅkara ṇa Dasaṭak pamaṇa mada nil geṇa ambarami ṇa Poṭuhera siyambala ẹṭa tunpalam ge ṇa Madarada pat yusin nimakara gā soṇḍi ṇa*”

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Teaching of drawing

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The first copy was the *vaka deka*, or double curve of Fig. 5; the boy had first to trace over and over again the teacher’s copy on the *yaṭi-poruva*. After some control of the hand had thus been acquired, and the form was deeply impressed on the pupil’s mind, he had to draw the same from memory, particular care being taken to show the right feeling in drawing the subtle curve. When he had attained some proficiency the figure was complicated by the addition of ‘wedges’ (*paturu*); then a ‘flower’ (*sina mala*) was added at one end (these are seen in Fig. 6), and finally the *vaka deka* by means of internal divisions and external additions, was made into the designs known as *katuru mala* (Fig. 7), *moṭṭak karuppuva* and *tiringi tale* (talaya or talai*) (Figs. 4 and 8, and Pl. XVII). These are successive complications all based on the original *vaka deka*. The ornament of which the *tiringi tale* is built up is called *liya pata* or *liya pota* (q.v. in Chapter IV). The *tiringi tale* itself is not a form used in decoration, but is rather a ‘tour de force’ or test of skill; when the pupil was able to draw a good example, not from a copy, of course, he was considered to be proficient at this sort of work. A few specially good specimens have been handed down in craftsmen’s families from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries; these, like some working drawings for royal jewellery which I have seen, were executed on Dutch paper, which was also used for the very rare illuminated manuscripts. Pattern or copy books (‘*padimakada*’ pot) were regularly used, and I have seen both modern examples, and an early one (Pl. XIV, 1) on Dutch paper. Old copies were often set also on loose sheets of Dutch or other paper, and not in regular books. Sinhalese paper was coarse and ill adapted to fine brush drawing such as that of Fig. 8. English paper came into use later.

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∗ The words ‘moṭṭak karuppuva’ and ‘tiringi tale’ are of interest as they are probably corruptions of Tamil ‘moṭṭaik karukku’ (blunt or round edge), and ‘tirigu talai’ (twisted blade); I have seen the latter word written ‘tirikit talai’ on a Sinhalese drawing (Fig. 4) dating from about the end of the eighteenth century. ‘Katuru’ is probably a corruption of kartri, ‘agent’ or ‘craftsman.’

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Fig. 5. Vaka deka; modern drawing, x½.

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Fig. 6. Vaka deka with paturu and sina mala; modern drawing, x½.

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Fig. 7. Katuru mala; modern drawing, x½ [D.S.M.].

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At no time was the pupil taught to draw from nature. He was made free of the traditional idealised forms which have been handed down from generation to generation; much as the Gothic artist inherited the Freedom of the Tudor rose. The trained artist is contemptuous of any fault in symmetry, carrying this idea almost too far; he thinks

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Fig. 8. Tiringi tale, half-size of original. From an old drawing in black and red belonging to T. B. Keppitipola, Basnayaka Nilame of Embekke Devale. The vaka deka first drawn is clearly recognizable within the elaborated design (this is not the case in Fig. 4, P. 53, which represents an inferior example). The broad curved tongues (tandu) are red in the original drawing. All these figures are drawn with a brush, as described in Chapter IX. (Painting).

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that the balanced design of the lid of the box shown Pl. XXXVI., 6, is much superior to that on the back, which is not equally symmetrical. He regards ‘design’ as the knowledge of, and power to make use of, already determined forms; in complete contrast to the modern Western idea of the continually fresh adaptation of natural forms by each artist at his own will and in his own way. He is scornful of those who do not know (danne ne) the traditional forms, and of those who draw after their own vain imagining (kalpanavata andinava). When shown, however, good work of other countries, as for example, Kelmscott borders, he is interested, and remarks, ‘Ek eka rata, ek eka veda,’ ‘Each country has its own style’; which is getting very near to the root of the matter.

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The method of setting about a piece of drawing is remarkable, and shows the strong *Teaching of visualising power of the painter, and his reliance upon memory. In drawing for example, drawing* a lion, a beginning is made with the muzzle, and the brush is carried thence round the whole outline, without preliminary sketching. The painter always seems to see his design upon the surface, and merely to outline what is to him already there. The drawing may or may not be good, but there is never any vagueness or hesitation about it; there is a total absence of all ‘messing about,’ all is concrete and clear.

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Fig. 9. Tundan veḍa; repeating design with geometrical construction; modern drawing, × 1.

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The pupil was also taught to draw repeating patterns with a geometrical construction, called *tundan veḍa* (Fig. 9) and all the different types of conventional floral ornament made use of in Sinhalese design. These, by the way, varied a little in different families, wherein they were traditionally transmitted from generation to generation. The types of *tiringi tale* also varied slightly. There was some opportunity for individuality here; it should not be supposed that the strictly traditional character of the arts made it altogether impossible to distinguish one man’s work from another’s. Most noteworthy is the great ease and certainty with which beautiful ornament like that of Fig. 9 can be drawn at a moment’s notice. If one watches such sketches made, it seems rather as if the pattern grows of itself, than that the draftsman makes it.

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By this time the boy began to draw figure and animal subjects; the first of these was always a curious combination of a bull and an elephant, called *usamba-kuñjara* (bull-elephant); next in order came the following designs: *catur-nāri-palakkiya* (4-women-palanquin), *pañca-nāri-geṭa* (5-women-knot), *sat-nāri-toraṇa* (6-women-arch), *sapta-nāri-turaṅga* (7-women-horse), *aṣṭa-nāri-ratha* (8-women-chariot, and *nava-nāri-kuñjara* (9-women-elephant).* All of these are drawn on the *yaṭipōruva*, from the teacher’s copies; it should, however, not be forgotten that the object of instruction was not to enable the pupil to copy a design before him, but to enable him (1), to reproduce from memory certain well-known designs and figure subjects, and (2), to make use of the traditional elements of design in the decoration of whatsoever varied forms and surfaces he might be called upon to decorate.

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Meanwhile the apprentice learnt by heart the Sanskrit *Rūpavaliya*, containing instructions *Technical for the drawing of images of gods and mythical animals; Sāriputra*, containing instruction handbooks for making images of Buddha; and *Vaijayantaya*, a compendium of instruction in the arts, containing, for example, a detailed description of the sixty-four kinds of jewels proper for gods, kings, and men, the design and quantity of gold required for each; measurements of swords, thrones, *dāgabas*, etc. The pupil had by this time begun to use the brush, which he learnt to do by practising on unimportant work and by filling in details and completing work laid down (*lakuṇu karaṇava*) by the master. If the master was engaged

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[^ *]: *Most or all of these are designs well known in India. They are not specially adapted to teaching drawing, and it would seem rather by chance than intention that they have been made a part of a regular course. For further details of these forms see Chapter IV., p. 90.*

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*Teaching of* on the decoration of a vihāra there was no lack of minor work which could be executed *drawing* by pupils while he himself was busy with the most important and difficult parts. The pupil, like the pupils of the painters of mediæval Europe, thus got his hand in, by completing the easier parts of real work in progress, instead of attempting too early to execute individual work of the most difficult sort, or perpetually working at uninteresting copies of no permanent value. As it was usual for one man to practise several of the higher crafts at the same time (as painting and ivory carving together, or with others as well), the pupils also had practice in several crafts, but usually selected one or more as their special work. A *galladda* proficient in five crafts was called *silpacāriya*.

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*Workshop* It should be pointed out that in the case of such pupils as we are considering, a general *education* and religious education was imparted at the same time, similar to that given in *pansala* schools. Reading, writing and arithmetic were thus taught; the latter was essential for the purpose of the astrological calculations required to determine favourable times for the commencement of important works, and for the understanding of the measurements given in the technical books referred to. The rules for drawing figures necessitated the construction and use of scales. A good deal of geometry of a practical character was also learnt in connection with the construction of repeating patterns. The master craftsman had thus a small school where technical instruction was given in addition to an ordinary education. The relation between master and pupil remained to the last, one of affectionate reverence. It was customary for the pupil to offer whatever he earned to his teacher, who, unless specially asked, returned the greeting and the gift with the same grave courtesy with which it was offered. A friend of mine, now over fifty, tells me that he always observes this custom with his father (now over eighty), who was his teacher. The whole system was indeed mainly one of hereditary transmission of a craft or ‘mystery’; and though other pupils were admitted, the master was loth to reveal his last secrets save to a son, or perhaps to a faithful pupil at the completion of his course. If the pupil was an outsider, his father from time to time made presents to the teacher, and at the conclusion of the period of instruction some more substantial gift, such as a buffalo. As the pupil grew up, he continued to work for and with his teacher, and thus the tradition was perfectly transmitted. It is indeed a strange thing for anyone used to the eclecticism of modern Europe to be brought face to face with strong living traditions in this way; for in Europe “whatever of art is left which is in any sense the result of continuous tradition is, and long has been, so degraded as to have lost any claim to be considered art at all”; while the only art existing in Ceylon, worthy the name of art, is strictly traditional.

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*Teaching in* Before leaving the subject of teaching drawing, it may be noted that it is one worthy *English* of close study in India and the East generally. The information gained from a com- *schools* parative study of the methods employed in different parts of India would be of the utmost historical, artistic and anthropological value. Since Indian craftsmen are admittedly masters of design, their methods of instruction should be of permanent interest and value to all interested in the teaching of drawing; and a proper and rational system of instruction might be introduced into English schools in Ceylon, where at present the poor learner is put through the old-fashioned South Kensington mill, and may ‘learn drawing’ without acquiring any knowledge of Indian traditional design, or in any way connecting the subject with his ordinary life or the past history of his country. The object of teaching drawing should surely be educational, and not merely utilitarian! I have not space to enter into the subject at length; but the points which I consider of greatest importance are, (1) a greater recognition of the value of drawing from memory; (2) instruction in the use of ruler and compasses at an early stage, the drawing of curves to be taught first of all, leaving the straight lines to take care of themselves later. Anyone who can draw accurately a sensitive curve could also draw a straight line; (3) the postponement of model drawing to a late stage; (4) the elimination of scientific perspective from the ordinary drawing course; (5) recognition of local tradition, by a large use of Eastern decorative forms for freehand work, and of brass and earthenware for model drawing; and (6) cultivation of taste in, by explanation of, the principles of design, and exhibition of examples or pictures of good work, mainly oriental. I do not wish to condemn direct drawing from nature, but rather to postpone it to a late stage in the actual drawing course; at an earlier stage I would introduce it only in connection with nature study and not as a part of the actual instruction in drawing. A logical contrast would thus be drawn between drawing as a means of recording observations of scientific interest or practical value, and drawing as an art, *i.e.*, as a means of interpretation of nature; and both points of view would be of interest.

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The first thing to do in this investigation, would be to compare the South Indian methods with those of Ceylon, and with one another, and from these observations to reconstruct as it were a perfect text, exhibiting the instruction as a connected scheme. In this direction I have made some enquiries at Tanjore, from an old master-craftsman named Annasāmi Stapati Rayar. Drawing was taught as in Ceylon, upon a wooden board, prepared by covering with a lime and rice, or charcoal, lime and rice paste, and drawn upon with a leaden pencil. The forms first drawn were the simplified but comparatively naturalistic outlines of certain fruits and vegetables (can this really be a part of the tradition, or is it of modern origin?); and certain double curves or conventional leaf forms, called *kaḍaikadḍu*, *kurippa* and *akatti karukku* (Fig. 10), which apparently correspond to the Sinhalese *vaka deka* (an example of the latter (Fig. 5) was recognized by the Stapati as *kaḍaikadḍu*). Copy or sketch books, called *kaḍuttam pustakam*, were used as in Ceylon. One such in my possession, about a century old, consists mainly of sketches or memory notes of images of the principal deities and their attributes as detailed in the *śāstra*.

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Fig. 10. Tamil forms used in teaching drawing, called kaḍaikadḍu, and kurippa or akatti karukku. From A. Stapati Rayar, Tanjore, 1907.

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The chief *śāstra* used by my informant was the Dhyāna Ratanāvaliya. The Silpa *śāstra* forms a bulky literature, but usually very corrupt, and greatly neglected, alike by Indian and European scholars.[*] A knowledge of Sanskrit, Tamil and Telugu, and of the art, is required for its adequate study and comprehension. Several of the books are to be found in the Tanjore library, and in that of the Theosophical Society at Adyar. I venture to commend their investigation and the study of the methods of teaching drawing, and of South Indian art and artists generally, to the members of the Viśvakarma Kulābhimāna Sabhā in Madras.

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∗ The subject has been touched upon once or twice in the *Journal of Indian Art*; see ‘Dravidian Architectural Details,’ by A. Rea, in Vol. V.

II. Nētra Maṅgalya

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The *Netra Maṅgalya* ceremony is one of great interest in itself, and important from our point of view as showing the craftsman in his sacerdotal capacity (see p. 63) and as illustrating the relation between him and his patron. The ceremony was really the dedication of the temple (more exactly, the image in it); and it will be well for the sake of completeness to trace very briefly the whole course of events connected with the building of a new vihāra, before laying special stress on the *netra maṅgalya*. The patron was almost always the King, who had, of course, the state workmen at his disposal. But in many cases the patron was a layman or group of laymen*; or might be a priest who made himself responsible for the construction or restoration of a temple.† Having determined to build and endow a new vihāra, the King sent presents of betel, etc., by yoke, to the artificer (whom hereafter I speak of as the foreman) in the *paṭṭal-hatara* who was to be entrusted with the work, and requested him to undertake it. Any lesser man than the King would on such an occasion go himself with the presents to the smith's house. The foreman appointed a meeting with the patron (as I shall call the King hereafter) on the spot, after determining an auspicious moment for beginning the work (*nekat balanava*). He there received presents of clothing and rice, and performed various preliminary ceremonies analogous to those proper to the building of a house, but more elaborate. An altar to Gaṇa Deviyō (Gaṇesha) and *bulat taṭuva* to Bhūma Dēvī were erected and an *aṭamagala* diagram drawn (see glossary), after which the work on the foundation was begun.

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The artificers were provided with food and clothing while the work continued. Presents were made to the foreman from time to time, especially when the image was first plastered and whitened preliminary to painting, and again later as described below.

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By far the most important ceremony connected with the building and decoration of a vihāra or with its renovation (*jarā-ves-arinava*) was the actual *nētra maṅgalya* or Eye ceremonial. The ceremony had to be performed in the case of any image, whether set up in a vihāra or not. Even in the case of flat paintings it was necessary. D. S. Muhandiram when making for me a book of drawings of gods according to the Rupāvaliya, left the eyes to be subsequently inserted on a suitable auspicious occasion, with some simpler form of the ceremony described. Knox has a reference to the subject as follows: "Some being devoutly disposed, will make the Image of this God (Buddha) at their own charge. For the making whereof they must bountifully reward the Founder. Before the Eyes are made, it is not accounted a God, but a lump of ordinary Metal, and thrown about the Shop with no more regard than any thing else. But when the Eyes are to be made, the Artificer is to have a good gratification, besides the first agreed upon reward. The Eyes being formed, it is thenceforward a God.‡ And then, being brought with honour from the Workman's Shop, it is dedicated by Solemnities and Sacrifices, and carried with great state into its shrine or little house, which is before built and prepared for it. Sometimes a man will order the Smith to make this Idol, and then after it is made will go about with it to well-disposed people to contribute towards the Wages the Smith is to have for making it. And men will give freely towards the charge. And this is Netra looked upon in the man that appointed the Image to be made, as a notable piece of Maṅgalya Devotion.”

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∗ *As in the cases recorded in the Damunumeya and Ovala sannas, quoted on pp. 77, 78, below.* † *As, for example, recorded in the Dembaralave Vihara tuḍapata (Lawrie's Gazetteer, p. 717).* ‡ *Rather it is thus consecrated; as Knox himself remarks elsewhere, ‘As for these Images they say they do not own them to be Gods themselves but only Figures, representing their Gods to their memories; and as such give to them honour and worship.’*

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Almost in the same way, the mediæval guilds in Europe, wishing to make offerings to the parish church, would sometimes undertake a work beyond their means, and raise money for it by a popular entertainment or ‘Ale,’ which nowadays has degenerated into a bazaar. But the Sinhalese made use of no such inducements; they had only to ask, and the money was gladly given, by those who were eager to share in the merit of the work! The ceremony would seem to be rather Hindu than Buddhist in origin; the underlying idea seems to be an endeavour to secure good ‘conditions’ at the time of definitely consecrating the image as a medium which shall put the worshipper in touch with the unseen god whose symbol is thus set forth, and this is rather a Hindu than a Buddhist idea; for Southern Buddhism does not regard Buddha as a still existent personal God, and would not have been likely to originate such a ceremonial, in connection with a mere memorial. But the ceremony no doubt dates back to the time when Buddhism and Hinduism were more distinctly recognized as two aspects of one faith, which historically and fundamentally they are. Some idea of danger (as of ‘playing with fire,’ or ‘calling down lightning from heaven’) appears to attach to this consecration of the image, whereby it is made a medium between the worshipper and his god (which would be a Hindu not a Buddhist idea); and the object of the ceremonial is, in this connection, to avert misfortunes, akin to those resulting from a glance of the ‘evil eye,’ which might otherwise afflict the presumptuous builder and artist. Something of the same feeling is shown in other cases, where images are held to be the vehicle of power. A golden image at Morapaya vihāra, is said to have possessed such power, that when a priest attempted to repair its head, his own head became leprous and withered away.* The image appears to be regarded as charged with power, like a Leyden jar, and similarly, when dealing with it, means should be taken to avoid a shock; but all this is rather foreign to the spirit of Southern Buddhism, and belongs to the Hindu stratum in it.

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The first essential was, as always, to find out a suitable day and hour for the ceremony (nekat balanava). As the eyes had to be painted about five a.m. in memory of the fact that Buddha attained enlightenment at that hour, a nekat that falls at that time must be waited for. Till then the ceremony had been postponed, even if for a whole year, as auspicious nekat falling at other times were of no use.

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The preparations for the ceremony were elaborate. At about six p.m. the previous evening, a beginning was made with the recitation of Kosala-bimba-varṇanava†; at eight or nine the arrangement of the kalasthapanaya was begun; about three a.m. the offerings (pidenna) at the altars were made; and about five the eyes were painted. Outside the vihāra were erected eight altars (dibba-gē, lit., god’s houses) to Indra, Agni, Yama, Nairṛita, Varuṇa, Vaijavya, Uttara and Īsānaḥ*; alternating with these were eight others for the attendants of these gods. On each side of the door were prepared altars to the guardian dēvatāvō (dvārapāla), whose images (doraṭu-pala-rūpa) were carved at the base of the door jambs (often on ivory plaques, as at the Daḷadā Māligāva, Kandy); and on the threshold an altar to the guardian (kṣētrapāla) of the site. One altar, for the Kadgapala dēvatāva was prepared outside the vihāra, beyond the limits of the pansala grounds. A kalasthāpanaya was prepared, i.e., a collection of eighty pots (muṭṭi), in which were placed rice, coconuts, jaggery and money (a fanam in each); each pot was covered by a napkin. A kanya nāl (thread spun by a virgin) was drawn round, and the pots covered with a cloth of five colours.

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The details of the preparation of the kalasthāpanaya were as follows: rice (hal) was spread on the ground, and an aṭamagala diagram [see glossary] drawn in it with the finger. The area was next covered with mats over which five kinds of paddy had been thinly spread, and the space was then divided into eighty parts by strips of coconut leaf. The eighty pots were arranged in the places thus indicated, separated into two groups of forty each, forming the Brahma Garbbhaya and the Viṣṇu Garbbhaya. A special pot set in the middle of those of the former group, containing gold, silver, pearls and the nine gems, was called Brahma Kalaya, and another pot set in the middle of the other group and containing rice was called the Viṣṇu Kalaya. These chief pots were elevated on stools above the others. The whole collection formed the kalasthāpanaya.

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Inside the vihāra was prepared an altar to Gaṇa Deviyō (Gaṇeṣa); also the indrakila. This was a figure made of rags, supported on a rukattana stick (Alstonia scholaris) set up in a kaḷageḍiya (earthen pot) in which the nine gems, gold, rice, etc., had been placed. It was set in the middle of an aṭamagala diagram drawn in rice on the vihāra floor, in front of the image and facing it.

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All the foregoing arrangements were made by two or more men or youths dressed as Brahmans; the costume (brāhmaṇa eṇḍuma) consisted of dhoṭi, shawl, turban, ear-rings, and thread. When completed another man, dressed in red clothing, called raṭu eṇḍuma (red tuppoṭiya, heṭṭaya, handkerchief, and tall pointed jagalat toppiya), and provided with a sword, took a dummala kabala and a kotalaya and went before each of the altars offering incense and water and reciting Sanskrit ślōkas; he walked round the vihāra ten times (keeping always to the right), and finally proceeded with drums and music to the Kadgapāla altar and made offerings there, then returned to the vihāra. The purpose of the drum was to attract the attention of those to whom offerings were made. Offerings were also made at the Gaṇa deviyō dibba-gē inside the vihāra.

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All was now ready for the second and most essential part of the ceremony. The foreman dressed up as a prince, and had further a fine cloth (called vahantarāva) over his head. The costume (kumāra eṇḍuma) consisted of tuppoṭiya, heṭṭaya, toppiya, sword and jewellery. It would appear from the Mahāvaṃsa (Ch. LXXIII.) and other references that the eyes were at one time regularly painted by the King himself. The chronicle states that an ecclesiastical building (Dhammāgāra) was erected by Parākrama Bāhu I. “It was adorned with many images of the Conqueror made of gold and the other precious substances, and decorated with an array of pictures of the Omniscient wrought on cloth. And whenever the great king entered the house to paint with his own hands the eyes of the images of the Conqueror, or to make offerings to the Tathāgata, or to hear the preaching of his doctrines that have never been surpassed, the nautch girls danced and Netra sang songs sweet and melodious as the music of heaven; and it was also adorned with Maṅgalya (the image of) a peacock of great splendour that joined the women always in the dance, uttering wild screams that amazed and delighted the people greatly.” The use of the frequentative probably implies that the building referred to was regularly used by the king for performing the Netra Maṅgalya ceremony for images intended for various situations. Another instance is recorded in a sannasa held by one Kalu Nayide, of Vannipola (Lawrie, p. 910): “When the King of Kings, Śrī Saṅghabo Senasammata Vikrama Bāhu, was reigning in Senkaḍagala, he ordered on the full moon day of the twentieth year of his reign two sheets of cloth (twenty cubits by nine cubits) to be woven, and caused Ācharilla Dityaya and his son Sivanta Dityaya to paint thereon the likeness of Buddha seated on the Vajrāsana and surrounded by Śakra, Brahma, and other Dēvas. On the completion of painting the two sheets, he ordered the performance of the ceremony of placing pots full of water and of other rites; and on the completion of the Nētra Pinkama, his hands having been washed, he was graciously pleased to bestow on the two artists, with the object of satisfying them and to enable them to make offerings to Buddha, fields . . . to be held absolutely from generation to generation.” Here the King himself painted the eyes, as the reference to the washing of his hands shows; and this appears to have been the usual custom. It is stated likewise of Kirti Śrī, that on the completion of the Gaṅgārāma Vihāra, and all preparations had been duly made, that “he set the eyes of the image amidst great rejoicing, and the sound of musical instruments.” On the other hand, the eyes were sometimes painted by the craftsmen themselves, even in the days of kings. A deed of A.D. 1753 makes mention of a land which had been ‘granted to Hamadi Baḍala for painting the eyes of Buddha’ (Lawrie’s Gazetteer, p. 937). Evidently the ceremony was performed by the king if possible; just as in modern times, great men are availed of to lay foundation stones; but when the king was not available (and, of course, always after 1815, when the rule of the Kandyan kings came to an end) the chief painter, in royal garb, performed the ceremony himself; and it is thus that the ritual has been described to me by present-day craftsmen.

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∗ Regents of the four quarters and four half-quarter points of the compass, E., S.E., etc., in the order in which the names are given.

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The painter of the eyes, whether the King or craftsman, was accompanied by a second man, also robed, and with a cloth over his head, but less elaborately; both, and also the ‘Brahmans’ if not very youthful, entered the vihāra, but all other men, and still more, women, stood afar off. The second man carried a mirror (kannaḍiya: originally, no doubt, of metal) and the brushes and black paint for painting the eyes. On opening the door, mantrams were said, and the dhoby spread a white cloth to walk upon (or perhaps this was done at an earlier stage). Proceeding to the image, before which stood the indrakila above described, the second man held the mirror in front of it while the first man painted in the eyes. The second man repeated mantrams* the while. If there Netra Mangalya

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∗ As “Ōm ayusmantan karmasvaham visam visāradhayastu bhūmi sabbhyāse āyus svardhatēmid-ham. Ōm nētra prasādakāraya akshavudahava tathāgatāya āyusvargāya balavardhanāya, Ōm santir astu tushtir astu pustir astu avignam astu ārōgyam astu subham astu subhakarmmāstu karmma siddhir astu”: of which the general significance is perhaps, ‘Hail! mayest thou become possessed of the fruit of deeds may there be increase on earth . . . and length of days. Hail eyes! auspicious orbs giving felicity, increase, blessing, prosperity and power. Hail! let there be peace, let there be joy, let there be fulness, let there be freedom from hindrance, let there be freedom from sickness, may it be auspicious, may our deeds be auspicious, may our actions be blessed’; but the mantrams are very corrupt, and are given as recorded. The correct originals could probably be traced in India. I give this version merely as a sample of the corrupt Sanskrit in use.

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were more than one image, the same process was repeated for each, also for the images of gods, if any; but no ceremony was needed in the case of representations of human beings, as, for example, if the patron were represented on the walls. The purpose of the mirror was to receive the glance (belma) of the image*; and similarly the indrakila acted as a scapegoat, like the scarecrow (pambaya) in a rice-field which serves not only to frighten birds, but to avert the effects of the evil eye by receiving the glance. As soon as the work was done the painter drew the vahantarāva over his eyes, and thus blindfolded, was led out and up to a vessel of water already prepared. Here he washed his head, repeating the ashtaka

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Ganga yamuna tire, Godha sindhu sarasvati
Narmada sindhu kaveri, Jalais nasmin santi mispure,
Padman patran visa laksh(m)i, Padman kesaran varan,
Nityan padmalayan devi, Savahpatu sarasvati.

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which is particularly corrupt; but the first part of it is of interest as it evidently represents a mantram used in India for ceremonial bathing, viz. :

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Om ganga ca yamune caiva godavari sarasvati:
Narmade sindhu kaveri jale 'smin sannidhim kuru.

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“Hail! Oh ye Ganges, Jamna, Godāvari, Sarasvati, Narmada, Sindhu (Indus) and Kavērī, come and approach (hallow and purify) this water.” This is an invocation of the seven sacred rivers of India, a prayer that the ceremonial may be, as it were, a lustration with the very waters of these sacred rivers.† It has also a mystical interpretation.‡ The foreman, while thus purifying himself by ceremonial bathing, cut the water with his sword (cf. diya-kēpīma or water-cutting ceremony performed by the kapurāla of a dēvāle after a perahera; see p. 39); and after that the vessel was shattered. Returning to the vihāra, the doors, carefully closed after the ceremony, were opened, and the foreman stood on the threshold facing the people who cried, ‘kartri darisenayaṭa ava,’ i.e., the patron has come to see the work’; for so it was, and he now approached the door and gave presents into the hand of the kāraka (craftsman). These the latter handed to a pupil, and taking water repeated mantrams§ and sprinkled the people.

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∗ Is this a parallel to the Gorgon’s head, which could only be safely regarded in a mirror? It seems to belong to the same group of ideas, but with this difference, that the mirror is not used by the painter to avoid the necessity of looking at the image, but only as a ‘lightning conductor’ to receive the glance. A remarkable parallel to the use of the mirror on this occasion, is its use on the occasion of the annual Nanamura mangalya, or head-washing festival. The priest washes the sacred reflection of the head of Buddha in a mirror held in front of the image for the purpose (Service Tenures Commission, 1872, p. 501). It is said to be a weekly ceremony at the Maligāva (Rep. Temple Lands Comm., 1858, p. 5). See also Rhys Davids, ‘Buddhism,’ for use of mirrors in Tibetan ceremonial. † The same prayer is uttered by the Buddhist in Ceylon, and by the Hindu in Bengal! We have here a single example of the ‘geographical sense’ which pervades Hindu culture and religion. ‡ See ‘Daily Practice of the Hindus,’ Allahabad, 1906 (?), p. 212. § These are evidently the verses called “dorakaḍa asna,” which are referred to in the copper sannasa (A.D. 1415) of Beligala Vihāra, as having been recited by Sendipperuma Baṇḍāra when a nētra maṅgalya ceremony was celebrated there in the reign of Parākrama Bāhu VI. (Bell, Kēgalla Report, p. 28).

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At the same time the Royal or other patron made grants of land to the temple, arranged Netra for the establishment of priests for its service, or set afoot further building operations for Maṅgalya their accommodation. Thus, in the Dambulla Vihāra tuḍapata of A.D. 1726, it is stated that King Senaratna restored and repaired the temple. “At the completion of the repairs, which took three years, the king, on the festival of painting of the eyes of the images of Buddha, proceeded to the temple accompanied by the three queens and three princes. After the festival was over the king stood on the semicircular step-stone of Mahārāja Vihāra and called on the priests there assembled to nominate a person fit to be appointed incumbent of this vihāra, sixty-five images of which, including the one in a reclining posture, had been painted and finished. The priests, in response to the call, stated that Kahavandala Tanhankara was fit to be incumbent, being also a lineal descendant of the priests who had officiated in the temple since the days of King Valagam-Bāhu, and a person who took much pains in effecting the repairs. The king being very much pleased, defined boundaries for the four villages aforesaid, viz., Sirasgamuva, Nalalkumbura, Giriyagamuva, and Pāḍeniya. . . . For the above . . . and their appurtenances, high and low lands, jungles, and ponds, he, the king, granted a Śrī Sannas in order that the rites and ceremonies in the Dambulla Vihāra might be continued to be performed duly, and that this vihāra benefice might permanently continue in the Śisyanu-paramparava* of Kahavandala Tanhankara. And further considering that a lasting sannas should be given to the said priest he also caused the figures of the sun and moon to be engraved on the stone lying to the south of the Dēvarāja Vihāra. After this, standing on the semicircular stone of the Mahārāja Vihāra, His Majesty directed Abasiṃha Mudiyanse to have dormitories built in the village Lenavela, and allowed him (for the expenditure) thirty amuṇu of seed paddy from Akuramboda, thirty pieces of iron, ten buffaloes from the fold of Dumbukolagama, ten oxen that were brought laden with sacks of sand from Kandalama, ten cows with calves from Bovatte, and ten she-buffaloes with calves from the gabaḍa village Kaduruvela” (Lawrie’s Gazetteer, p. 126).

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On such occasions, king, chiefs and people were brought near together, taking part in joint dedications. At Ovisa, for instance, in 1775, on the occasion of eye painting, the King dedicated lands to the Nallegoḍa Vihāra, and many dedications of praveṇi lands by villagers were also made, the chiefs and others being witnesses (Lawrie’s Gazetteer, p. 671). In the case of communal or private dedications, the Royal consent was required, and readily given, often with the addition of further gifts. And so, to quote again the words of the chronicle, the king was ‘one with the religion and the people.’†

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After such almsgivings had been completed, the curtains before the image were drawn back, and all the people entered with loud cries of ‘Sādhu! Sādhu!’ For some days the festival (netra pinkama) continued, when many further presents were given to the craftsmen, and the temple was formally endowed with lands.

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The workmen remained at the vihāra a week before returning to their homes, and on the night of their return a pirit service‡ was held to complete their purification.

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∗ Pupillary succession. † How very different a state of affairs now exists, must be apparent to all who contrast with this picture, that of the English Governor, often, it may be, conscientious, efficient and hardworking, even perhaps sympathetic, but very far from being ‘one with the religion and the people.’ ‡ Described by D. J. Subasinha, ‘Twentieth Century Impressions of Ceylon,’ p. 193; also J. F. Dickson, J.C.R.A.S., Vol. VIII., p. 226.

III. Artificer Tenant Holdings

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The system of land tenure, by which certain services were to be rendered in return for land held from the king, a religious foundation, or a chieftain, has been explained above (p. 25), and the general character of the craftsmen’s services indicated. Some examples of the holdings of artificers are here quoted in greater detail, from Lawrie’s Gazetteer. The Daḷadā Māligāva had a Baḍal Paṅguva at Embulpure, Hārispattuva; tenant, Vijēndragē Puñci Nayide, holding 1½ acre fields and 1½ acre garden. Services, commutable for Rs. 1·50: to go to the Māligāva and polish the gold and silver vessels and implements of the temple during six days in a year; to give either an arecanut-cutter or two rings of silver wire to the Diva Nilame after the New Year. When on duty at the Māligāva, the tenant received gruel in the morning, curry and rice in the afternoon, and a huṇḍuva of raw rice in the evening.

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The Gādalādeṇiya Dēvāle had a Baḍal Paṅguva (goldsmith’s holding) at Gādalādeṇiya; tenant holding half an acre field. Services (commutable for Rs. 7·35): to supply a silver sura and polish and repair the ran-avuda for the perahera; put up an ānamēstraya and decorate it; join in weeding the maḷuva; supply one huṇḍuva oil for Kārti; at each of the festivals to give to the Basnāyaka Nilame and the Vidāne two silver rings each. Also a Navan Paṅguva (smith’s holding) of the same extent. Services (commutable for Rs. 5·85): to give iron utensils for the multen-gē; work as a blacksmith; clean ran-doli and pandan for the perahera; nail laths; give a pair of scissors and an arecanut-cutter for the dalumura taṭuva; clear maḷuva, and put up an ānamēstraya and decorate it; give a huṇḍuva of oil for Kārti; at each of the festivals to present to the Basnāyaka Nilame and Vidāne an arecanut-cutter each.

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At Etipola, a tenant held one acre field and 2½ acres hēna, and his service (commutable for Rs. 2) was to appear before the proprietor at the New Year with forty betel leaves; and to make billhooks for the proprietor, by whom iron and food were supplied, for six days in the year.

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At Embekke, the Kataragama Dēvāle possessed a Navan Paṅguva held by two goldsmiths and a Buddhist priest. The area held was 1a. 3p. fields and 1a. 2p. gardens. The services (commutable for Rs. 53·60 a year) were: to polish the gold, silver, brass, &c., vessels; to work in gold, silver, copper, and iron work; to make and repair the hinges and keys; to join in repairs; to make a silver sura for the ehela tree; to maintain, whitewash, and decorate an ānamēstra-gē; to present the Basnāyaka Nilame at each of the festivals with a ring and an arecanut-cutter; to make iron implements for the tenants for three months, iron and charcoal being supplied.

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So much for the services due to chieftains, or the proprietors of Ninda villages. The service of the various Royal Artificer Tenants, as we have seen, consisted in supplying craftsmen as members of the Koṭṭal-badda and Paṭṭal-hatara, the former for a part of the year, the latter more continuously working for the king in Kandy.

IV. Vihāra Grants

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As examples of vihāra sannas or charters recording endowment, so frequently referred to above, I quote two, the first one of quite typical character registering Royal dedications; the second, dedications by the chief men of a village, decided upon in a common assembly, and subsequently sanctioned by the Palace.

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I. Degaldoruva (A.D. 1786). “When His Great Majesty King Kirti Śrī Rāja Simha, Degal- . . .

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was reigning with equity and justice in the city Sirivaḍḍhanapura, which is styled doruva Seṅkaḍagala Nuvara, and having won the affection of his subjects, His Majesty caused sannasa new temples, dāgabas, and images to be made, and others to be repaired: and when he was by such deeds promulgating the Buddhist religion, his brother, who was also great in royal birth, having heard that there was a small cave in a rock at Amuṇugama, in Dumbara, and having supplied from the royal stores crow-bars, hammers, pickaxes, &c., caused the cave to be enlarged to a length of twelve cubits, and a breadth of eight cubits, and a height of three cubits, and the floor of the front court or hall to be levelled, whereon twelve pillars were set and stone steps were placed leading to the court from the stone at the entrance sandun-kaḍa-gala, and when the work had thus far been carried on, His Highness Asthana, the younger brother of the King Kirti Śrī, at whose feet virtuous men performed services, as bees gather themselves around flowers, caused stone walls to be put up, and doors and windows to be set with keys and bars, and an image of Buddha of twelve cubits in length to be made in a reclining posture, and six other images in a sitting posture to be placed at the head and feet of the image, and also caused twenty-four Buddha’s images to be depicted on the ceiling and on the walls within and without, and other workmanship and paintings to be made thereon and upon the stone pillars, the roof of the front court to be put up with beams and rafters and covered with tiles, and on the cross-walls thereof a representation of hell and heaven, near which he also caused a dāgaba of nine cubits in height to be erected, and a bō-tree to be planted, and a pohoya-ge and as well as a priest’s residence to be constructed, enclosing the temple on all the four directions with ditches and embankments, and he also caused jak, mango, cocoanut, and plantain trees to be planted;

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and having furnished the temple with curtains, cloths for ceiling, umbrellas, flags, tom-toms, trumpets, and silver priests’-dishes, kettas, spitting pots, betel stands, and lamps, His Majesty, on the seventeenth day of Bak of the increasing moon, in the year of Śaka 1693 (A.D. 1771), ordered the festival Nētra Pinkama to be performed, and His Majesty also furnished all the necessaries thereto, and having granted much riches as clothes, money, &c.. to the artificers, the painters, and stone cutters, His Majesty received merit and was filled with ecstasy, and for the purpose of carrying on the offerings of rice, flowers, &c., and for the necessaries for five ordained and unordained priests in the said temple to reside therein and perform the rites, and also for the necessaries of the chief priest who presides over and causes the ceremonies to be performed therein, His Majesty having received much instruction and exhortation in the Buddhist faith and full explanation of the books Dighanikāya, Upāsaka-Jana-Alaṅkāraya, Milindapraśnaya, and Mahāvaṃsa from the High Priest Moratoṭa Dhammakanda, who had a thorough knowledge of Buddhism, granted to him, his pupils, sub-pupils, in succession, to be held by them for ever, the following property: . . . and His Majesty enjoined that none shall take forcibly any of the above lands.

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His Majesty Śrī Rājādhi Rāja, who surpassed all other kings in dignity and possessed a virtue that attracts all as bees to flowers, sitting on a golden throne in the Audience Hall under a pearl canopy in the city of Seṅkaḍapura, surrounded like Śakra by all his ministers, on Thursday, the seventh day of the increasing moon of the month of Vesak, in the year of Śaka 1708 (A.D. 1786), called Parabave, granted to the said temple the lands above-mentioned, written on a copper Sannasa to be possessed uninterruptedly as long as Buddhism lasts. Any one who shall take for his own use even a blade of grass, fuel, flower, or fruit which belongs to Buddha shall be born as a pretaya” (Lawrie’s Gazetteer, p. 138).

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II. Damunumēya Vihāra (A.D. 1635). “The chief men of the village Damunumēya, in Mēgoḍatihe Haṅguraṅketa in Hēvāheta, having built a vihāra, and not having time to Damunumëya sannasa get images made at the time they wished to hold a festival there, proceeded to the vihāra at Mādanvala, borrowed therefrom three images and secured the attendance of its priest, Mādanvala Unnānse, to officiate at Damunumëya Vihāra. At the close of the religious ceremonies that same evening the Upāsakas took part in the observance of aṭasil On the next morning a Pattra Pinkama was held, followed by a consultation among all present that for the benefit of the vihāra and the good of their own souls an offering of lands should be made. It was resolved by the assembly that Bolagedara Haḷuvadana Rālahāmi should offer two peḷas sowing extent, Mudiyanse of Naranmëya three peḷas, Madurave Rāla two peḷas. When Haḷuvadana Rālahāmi brought this resolution to the notice of the Mahāvāsala (the Palace), permission was given to carry it out, and accordingly, on Saturday, the full moon day of the month of June, in the year of Śaka 1557, the said offering was made, and the lands were dedicated as vihāra property. The merits of this offering are due to the illustrious Mahāvāsala, to the ministers and high officials, and all the people of the land. Those who shall help to settle any dispute that may arise regarding these lands shall be blessed, and shall enjoy happiness among the gods, and finally, having beheld Maitri Buddha, shall attain Nirvāṇa. But those who shall take unlawful possession of any of these lands, or enjoy the fruits thereof, shall be damned and suffer the torments of hell” (Lawrie’s Gazetteer, p. 324). A very similar sannasa is that of the Ovala or Kehelvala Vihāra, which was built by villagers, who dedicated small bits of land. III. Ovala, A.D. 1790: “Under the constellation Uturusala, . . . in the year of Śaka 1712, . . . the following lands are dedicated by the charitable devotees of the village Kehelvala: Ovala Meḍḍuma, Duraya and Neḳat Duraya the lower bed of Siyambalëva, the coconut tree by the border of the field standing on Gedaravatte, the coconut tree near the maḍuva, the betel vine and the jak tree above the house, the jak tree (named) valimiriya-kosgaha; Deldeṇiye Rāla dedicated Varapota deṇiya . . . Piṭiye Kirāla Āraccila dedicated one coconut tree in Geṭakohovatte, and the coconut tree (named) geṭakosgaha-mula-polgaha (lit., the coconut tree in the corner by the gnarled jak tree) . . . and Pallegë Āraccila the coconut tree on the border of Ovala Neḳat Duraya’s garden” (Lawrie’s Gazetteer, p. 663). The two last give us delightful pictures of the village elders impatient to get their vihāra finished, and dedicating small parcels of land and single coconut trees.

V. Viśvakarma

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Viśvakarma, already referred to as the mythical ancestor of the Kammālar, is the patron deity of arts and crafts, the great Over-craftsman of the Universe. He is the architect of the gods, and revealer of the Sthapatya Vēda, or science of architecture and mechanics. He is described in the Mahābhārata as ‘Lord of the arts, the carpenter of the Gods, the fashioner of all ornaments, Who formed the celestial chariots of the deities, on whose craft men subsist, and whom, a great and immortal God, they continually worship.’ He is known in India also as Kāru, the workman; Takshaka, the woodcutter; and Dēva-vardhika, the builder of the Gods. In the last capacity he is frequently referred to in the Mahāvaṃsa, and as assisting human undertakings at the command of the Gods; as in Ch. XXVIII., where by his aid, bricks are miraculously produced. In Ch. XXX., when the King enquired of a certain bricklayer, “In what form dost thou propose to construct the cētiya?”, it is stated that Viśvakarma in that instant inspired him. The bricklayer, Viśvakarma filling a golden dish with water, and taking some water in the palm of his hand, dashed it against the water (in the dish); a great globule, like unto a ball of crystal rose to the surface; and he said, ‘I will construct it in this form.’ The delighted monarch bestowed on him a suit of clothes worth a thousand, a splendid pair of slippers, and 12,000 kahāpaṇam (coins)” (Mahāvaṃsa, Ch. XXX). It would be easy to quote any number of such stories from Indian literature.

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