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History of Indian and Eastern Architecture v2.c24: Book V. Jaina Architecture.

History of Indian and Eastern Architecture v2.c24

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English

Contents

Book V. Jaina Architecture.

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INTRODUCTORY.

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THE Jaina sect sprang up almost contemporaneously with the Buddhist: Vardhamâna, their last apostle, was a native of Vaisâlî, in Tirhût, a contemporary of Sâkyamuni Buddha and died at Pâwâ in Bihâr, during the lifetime of the latter.¹ They are in two divisions—the Digambaras, that is, those "whose covering is the air," who regard nudity as a sign of holiness, though they are now obliged to part from the outdoor practice of their theory; and the Swetâmbaras, who are "clad in white." The Jaina religious theories and practices, in many respects, closely resemble those of the Buddhists. They acknowledge no supreme governor, believe in transmigration, regard all animal life as sacred, reverence the Jinas or Tîrthankaras, because they believe them to have overcome all human desires, and to have attained Nirvâna; but they have no veneration for relics. They consist of ecclesiastics—Yatis or Sâdhus—and lay hearers or Srâvaks. The laity are chiefly engaged in trade and banking.² Jains are numerous in the larger towns all over India, but especially in Râjputâna, Gujarât, and neighbouring provinces, and also in Kanara and Mysore, where they are mostly Digambaras.

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¹ *Ante*, vol. i. p. 130.

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² For a sketch of their history and doctrines, see Bühler's 'Indian Sect of the Jainas,' English translation (London, 1903); and for their ritual, 'Indian Antiquary,' vol. xiii. pp. 191ffg.

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Altogether the Jains form a small section of the population of India, according to the last census, numbering about 1,334,000 or scarcely 1 in 221 of the whole population.¹ They are by far more numerous in western India and Râjputâna than elsewhere; thus in Râjputâna there are 111,600 of the Digambara division, and fully twice as many Svetâmbaras; whereas in Mysore where the Digambaras outnumber the others by 6 to 1, they only count 11,700, and, whilst numerically fewer, they are equally less influential than their co-religionists farther north.²

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¹ The following statement, from the census returns of 1901, will indicate the distribution of the Jains:—

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² The Digambaras seem to have migrated to the south, owing to a severe famine in Hindustan, somewhere about 50 B.C. perhaps under the leadership of the later Bhadrabâhu.—‘Indian Antiquary,’ vol. xx. pp. 350f; and xxi. pp. 159f.

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The proper objects of worship are the twenty-four Jinas or Tîrthankaras, but, like the Buddhists, they allow the existence of Hindû gods, and have admitted into their sculptures at least such of them as are connected with the tales of their saints—among which are Indra or Sakra, Garuda, Sarasvatî, Lakshmî, Asuras, Nâgas, Râkshasas, Gandharvas, Apsarasas, etc., forming a pantheon of their own, divided into four classes—Bhavanâdhipatis, Vyantaras, Jyotishkas, and Vaimânikas.³

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³ Appendix to Bühler’s ‘Indian Sect of the Jainas,’ English translation, pp. 61 *et seqq.*

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The Tîrthankaras are each recognisable by a cognizance or *chihna*, usually placed below the image; and they are sometimes represented as of different colours or complexions: thus the first five are of yellow or golden colour, as are also the 7th, 10th and 11th, 13th to 18th, 21st and 24th; the 6th and 12th are red; the 8th and 9th, white or fair; the 19th and 23rd are blue; and the 20th and 22nd, black. Each has his own sacred tree, and is attended by a male and female Yaksha or spirit, usually represented on the right and left ends of the *âsana* or throne of the image, whilst a third attendant is carved on the centre of it. The Tîrthankaras with their distinctive signs, etc., are given in the following table:—

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| In Bombay Presidency, Barodâ and smaller states . . | 584,240 |
| Râjputâna including Ajmîr . . . | 362,517 |
| Panjâb . . . . . | 50,020 |
| United Provinces and Oudh . . . | 84,582 |
| Central India . . . . . | 112,998 |
| Central Provinces and Berâr . . . | 67,822 |
| Haidarâbâd . . . . . | 20,345 |
| Mysore and Coorg . . . . | 13,709 |
| Madras Presidency . . . . | 27,437 |
| Bengal, Âsâm, Kashmîr, etc. . . . | 10,478 |
| Total Jaina population . . . | 1,334,148 |

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| No. | Name. | Distinctive Sign. | Born. | Died. |
| 1 | Âdi-nâtha or Rishabha . | Bull . . . | Vinitanagarî . | Ashtâpada . |
| 2 | Ajita-nâtha . . | Elephant . . | Ayodhyâ . . | Samet Sikhar |
| 3 | Sambhava . . | Horse . . . | Srâvasti . . | ” |
| 4 | Abhinandana . . | Ape . . . | Ayodhyâ . . | ” |
| 5 | Sumati-nâtha . . | Curlew . . . | ” | ” |
| 6 | Padmaprabha . . | Lotus . . . | Kausâmbî . . | ” |
| 7 | Supârsva-nâtha . . | Swastika mark . | Benares . . | ” |
| 8 | Chandraprabha . . | Crescent-moon . | Chandrapura . | ” |
| 9 | Pushpadanta . . | Crocodile . . | Kânandînagari | ” |
| 10 | Sîtala-nâtha . . | Srîvatsa mark . | Bhadrapura . | ” |
| 11 | Sreyâmsa-nâtha . . | Rhinoceros . . | Simhapura . . | ” |
| 12 | Vâsapûjya . . | Buffalo . . . | Champâpurî . | Champâpurî |
| 13 | Vimala-nâtha . . | Boar . . . | Kampîlyapura . | Samet Sikhar |
| 14 | Ananta-nâtha . . | Falcon . . . | Ayodhyâ . . | ” |
| 15 | Dharma-nâtha . . | Thunderbolt . | Ratnapurî . . | ” |
| 16 | Sânti-nâtha . . | Antelope . . | Gajapura } or Hastinapura . | ” |
| 17 | Kunthu-nâtha . . | Goat . . . | | ” |
| 18 | Ara-nâtha . . | Nandyâvarta mark | | ” |
| 19 | Malli-nâtha . . | Water-jar . . | Mathurâ . . | ” |
| 20 | Munisuvrata . . | Tortoise . . | Râjagriha . . | ” |
| 21 | Nami-nâtha . . | Blue water-lily . | Mathurâ . . | ” |
| 22 | Nemi-nâtha . . | Conch shell . . | Sauripura . . | Mt Girnâr . |
| 23 | Pârswa-nâtha . . | Serpent . . | Benares . . | Samet Sikhar |
| 24 | Mahâvîra, or Vardhamâna | Lion . . . | Kundagrâma . | Pâwâpuri . |

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Among these the most frequently represented are the first, sixteenth, and last three.

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There are few of the problems connected with this branch of our subject so obscure and so puzzling as those connected with the early history of the architecture of the Jains. This style, always singularly chaste and elegant, was essentially Hindû, and was doubtless largely common to all Hindû sects in western India, but in its evolution it became modified by Jaina taste and requirements. And, the Brâhmans in turn, through the influence of the workmen, gradually accepted most of the stylistic improvements of their rivals. This seems to have been more especially the case in Gujarât and Râjputâna, where the Jains were very numerous and influential, and we might almost with equal propriety designate their style of architecture as a Western Hindû style; but this would lead to the inclusion of examples of greater diversity, and interfere with clearness of treatment. When we first practically meet with it in the early part of the 11th century at Âbû, or at Girnâr, it is a style complete and perfect in all its parts, evidently the result of long experience and continuous artistic development. From that point it progresses during one or two centuries towards greater richness, but in doing so loses the purity and perfection it had attained at the earlier period, and from that culminating point its downward progress can be traced through abundant examples to the present day.

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When, however, we try to trace its upward progress the case is widely different. General Cunningham found some Jaina statues at Mathurâ belonging to the period of the Kushan kings, and excavations there in 1887 and following seasons, brought to light portions of a carved rail, statues, and numerous other sculptures, belonging to a stûpa, and two or more ancient temples there; but among them were images belonging to so late a date as the 11th century.¹ Before this last period, we have only fragments of temples of uncertain origin and date, and all in so very ruined a condition that they hardly assist us in our researches. Yet the Jains during the whole of this interval were a flourishing community, and had their temples as well as their rock-cut sanctuaries, such as we see at Khandagiri in Orissa, at Junâgadh, Elûrâ, Ankai, Aihole, and elsewhere.

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¹ 'Archæological Reports,' vol. i. pp. 231-244, plates 39 and 40; vol. iii. pp. 31 *et seqq.*, plates 13 and 15; vol. xi. p. 75; vol. xvii. pp. 107-112, and plates 30 and 31; vol. xx. pp. 30-39, and plates 2-5; V. Smith, 'The Jain Stûpa, etc., of Mathurâ.'

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Meanwhile one thing seems tolerably clear, that the religion of the Buddhists and that of the Jains were so similar to one another, both in their origin and their development and doctrines, that their architecture must also at first have been nearly the same. In consequence of this, if we could trace back Jaina art from about the year 1000, when practically we first meet it, to the year 600 or 700, when we lose sight of Buddhist art, we should probably find the two very much alike. Or if, on the other hand, we could trace Buddhist art from A.D. 600 to A.D. 1000, we should as probably find it developing itself into something like the temples on Mount Âbû, and elsewhere, at that period of time.

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A strong presumption that the architecture of the two sects was similar arises from the fact of their principal sculptures being so nearly identical that it is not always easy for the casual observer to distinguish what belongs to the one and what to the other; and it requires some experience to do this readily. The Tîrthankaras are generally represented seated in the same cross-legged attitude as Buddha, with the same curly hair, and the same stolid contemplative expression of countenance. Where, however, the emblems that accompany the Jaina saints can be recognised, this difficulty does not exist. Another test arises from the fact that the Digambara Jaina saints are represented as naked which, in ancient times, was perhaps the orthodox sect, though the Swetâmbaras are clothed much like the Buddhists. When, therefore, a figure of the class is represented as naked it may certainly be assumed to belong to the Digambara sect; the Swetâmbara images have a loin-cloth; these and other traits, as the attendant Yakshas and Yakshinîs carved on the thrones, and the position of the hands, enable us to distinguish between Buddhist and Jaina bas-reliefs and sculptures. Probably all the earlier Jaina caves were excavated for Digambara Jains.¹

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¹ In Jaina images the hands are always laid in the lap, the clothing is scanty even on Swetâmbara images, and the thrones and attendants differ, whilst the Jinas or Arhats only have cognisances, and the Srîvatsa figure on the breast. The figures of Pârswanâth are distinguished by snake-hoods over them; and with the Digambaras, Supârswa—the seventh Jina—has a smaller group of hoods over his head. The Swetâmbaras also decorate their images with crowns and ornaments; the other sect do not.

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It is now quite apparent that, in consequence of our knowledge of Buddhist architecture being derived almost exclusively from rock-cut examples, we miss a great deal which, if derived from structural buildings, would probably solve this question of early similarity among other problems that perplex us.

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The same remarks apply equally to the Jaina caves. Those at Udayagiri, Junâgadh, Bâdâmi, Elûrâ, and Ânkai, do not help us in our investigation, because they are not copies of structural buildings, but are rock-cut examples, which had grown up into a style of their own, distinct from that of structural edifices.

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The earliest hint we get of a twelve-pillared dome, such as those universally used by the Jains, is in a sepulchre at Mylassa in Caria,² probably belonging to the 4th century. A second hint is found in the great cave at Bâgh (Woodcut No. 113) in the 6th or 7th century, and there is little doubt that others will be found when looked for—but where? In the valley of the Ganges, and wherever the Muhammadans settled in force, it would be in vain to look for them. These zealots found the slender and elegant pillars, and the richly carved horizontal domes of the Jains, so appropriate and so easily re-arranged for their purposes, that they utilised all they cared not to destroy. The great mosques of Ajmîr, Delhi, Kanauj, Dhâr, and Ahmadâbâd, are merely reconstructed temples of the Hindûs and Jains. There is, however, nothing in any of them that seems to belong to a very remote period—nothing in fact that can be carried back to times long, if at all, anterior to the year 1000. So we must look further for the cause of their loss.

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² ‘Ancient and Medieval Architecture,’ vol. i. p. 371, Woodcut No. 242.

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As mentioned in the introduction the curtain drops on the drama of Indian history about the year 650, or a little later, and for three centuries we have only the faintest glimmerings of what took place within her boundaries. Civil wars seem to have raged everywhere, and religious persecution may have prevailed. When the curtain again rises we have an entirely new scene and new *dramatis personæ* presented to us. Buddhism had disappeared, except in a corner of Bengal, and Jainism had continued in influence throughout the west, and Vaishnavism had usurped its inheritance in the east. It was most probably during these three centuries of misrule that the structural temples and vihâras of the Buddhists disappeared, and the earlier temples of the Jains; and there is a gap consequently in our history which may be filled up by new discoveries in remote places,¹ but which at present separates this chapter from the account of Buddhist Architecture in Book I. in a manner it is not pleasant to contemplate.

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¹ The antiquities of Java will probably, to some extent at least, supply this deficiency, as will be pointed out in the account of the architecture of the island.

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264. Yavâna guard at Rânî-ka-naur Cave, Udayagiri.

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JAINA CAVES.

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CONTENTS.

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Orissa Caves—Bâdâmi and Aihole—Dhârâsinvâ—Ânkai—Elûrâ.

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The Jains, like the other sects, excavated cave-dwellings or *bhikshugrihas* for their recluses; but the nature of their religion did not require large assembly halls like the chaityas of the Buddhists. They naturally followed the fashion of the other contemporary sects, to which indeed all India was accustomed. We find them, consequently, excavating caves in Orissa and at Junâgadh or Girnâr in Gujarât, as early as the 2nd century B.C., and at later dates at Bâdâmi, at Pâtna in Khandesh, at Elûrâ, Ânkai, and elsewhere.¹ And before entering upon the characteristic examples of the later Jaina Architecture, it may be as well, at this stage, to give some account of the cave architecture of the sect.

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¹ Buddhist and Jaina caves are known all over India as *lenas*.

Orissa Caves.

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The Orissa caves have already been referred to, as they were long mistaken as a group of Buddhist excavations.² They are probably as old as anything of the kind in India and, unless some of the Bihâr excavations were Jaina, they are the earliest caves of the sect. The oldest and most numerous are in the hill on the east called Udayagiri; the more modern in the western portion designated Khandagiri. The picturesqueness of their forms, the character of their sculptures and architectural details, combined with their great antiquity, render them one of the most important groups of caves in India, and one that is most deserving of a careful scientific survey. The accompanying plan (Woodcut No. 265) will help the reader to understand their arrangement.

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² *Ante*, vol. i. p. 177.

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What we know of the age of the older caves here is principally derived from a long inscription on the front of one of the oldest, known as the Hâthî-gumphâ or Elephant Cave. It is unfortun-

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265. Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves in Orissa.¹ Scale 150 ft. to 1 in.

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ately in a very dilapidated condition, but from the latest and fullest translation of it,¹ we learn that a king Khâravela of Kalinga constructed rock-dwellings and bestowed abundant gifts on Jaina devotees, and that he assisted the Andhra king Sâtakarni; also that the thirteenth year of his reign coincided with the 165th of the Maurya Era, that is, about 155 B.C.² Palæographically also, the forms of the letters used in this and some other inscriptions here are almost identical with those used by Asoka in the copy of his edicts on the Dhauli rock close by, and in that found at Jaugada, near the southern corner of the Chilkya lake. The first presumption, therefore, is that they may be within a century of the same date, which is supported by this inscription.

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¹ References :— *Udayagiri caves*:—1. Rânî Hansapûra cave; 2, 3. Vajadâra caves; 4. Chhotâ Hâthî-gumphâ; 5. Alakâpûri; 6. Jayavijaya; 7. Thâkurani; 8. Panasa-gumphâ; 9. Pâtâlapuri; 10. Manchapûri; 11. Ganesa-gumphâ; 12. Dhânagarha; 13. Hâthî-gumphâ; 14. Sarpa-gumphâ; 15. Bâgha-gumphâ; 16. Jambesvara; 17. Haridâsa-gumphâ; 18. Jagannâtha; 19. Rasui. *Khandagiri caves*:—*a*, *b*. Tâtwâ-gumphâ, Nos. 1 and 2; *c*. An open cave; *d*. Tentuli; *e*. Ananta-gumphâ; *f*. Khandagiri-gumphâ; *g*. Dhânagarha; *h*. Nabamuni; *j*. Bârabhuji; *k*. Trisula-gumphâ; *l*. Jaina Temple; *m*. Small votive stûpas; *n*. Ruined caves; *o*. Lalâtendra-gumphâ; *p*. Akâsa-gangâ.

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¹ This inscription first attracted the attention of Stirling, and a plate, representing it very imperfectly, is given in the 15th volume of the ‘Asiatic Researches.’ It was afterwards copied by Kittoe, and a translation, as far as its imperfection admitted, made by Prinsep (‘Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,’ vol. vi. pp. 1080ff.) In 1866 Pandit Bhagwânlâl Indrâji, Ph. D., made a careful copy of it on the spot, and Mr. Locke in 1871-1872 took a plaster cast of it: from these the Pandit studied the record afresh, and published his version in the ‘Actes du sixième Congrès internat. des Orientalistes’ (Leiden, 1884), vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 135-149. This gave quite a new point in Indian Chronology.—‘Epigraphia Indica,’ vol. ii. pp. 88, 89.

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² Even as late as 1880, Bâbu Râjendralâl Mitra, who had the most ample opportunities of examining every detail of the Orissa caves, had no suspicion of their being of other than Buddhist origin; and his reading of the Hâthî-gumphâ inscription—like the whole of his work—is simply worthless.—‘Antiquities of Orissa,’ vol. ii. pp. 17ff.

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The inscription, as well as another in the Svargapûri or Vaikuntha cave, also commences with a distinctively Jaina formula—a very important point that had previously been overlooked. This supports the conclusion stated above as to the origin of these caves.³

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³ Hiuen Tsiang, in the 7th century stated that Kalinga was then one of the chief seats of the Jains.—Beal, ‘Buddhist Records,’ vol. ii. p. 208.

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This Hâthî-gumphâ cave, probably the oldest here, looks as if it might have been a great natural cavern, the brow of which had been smoothed to admit of the inscription. There are indications, however, that it had at least been improved by art; but the rock is of loose and friable texture, and the present state of the cave is largely due to decay; besides, so important a record would hardly be placed over an excavation of no consideration.

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The whole style of the architecture and sculpture in the older caves here points to a period quite as early as that of the Sânchi gateways and the small vihâra at Bhâjâ, and we cannot be far wrong in ascribing most of them at least to the 2nd century before our era. Nor is any trace of Buddhism found among them: the figures of Gaja Lakshmî or Srî, of snakes, sacred trees, the Svastika and other symbols are all as much Jaina as Buddhist, and in several of the caves —not perhaps the earliest — are found figures of the Jaina Tîrthankaras and their attendants.¹

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¹ It is to be regretted that when the Bengal Government twice sent survey parties to Orissa, and spent so much on the publication of their work, no adequate directions were given as to what should be observed and illustrated.

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Close to the Hâthî-gumphâ is a small cave, known as Sarpa, the whole fronton of which over the doorway is occupied by a great three-headed Nâga, and may be as old as the Hâthî cave. The inscription on it merely says that it is "the unequalled chamber of Chûlakama," who seems also to have excavated another cave here, to the west of the Hâthî-gumphâ, called Haridâsa²—a long room with three doorways behind a verandah.

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² This was called Pawan-gumphâ by Prinsep — probably by mistake. The names attached to the different caves, however, are much confused in the different accounts: that called Vaikunthapûri by Kittoe and R. Mitra seems to be now called Svargapûri; the Alakâpûri, a double-storeyed cave, is apparently the Svargapûri of Râjendralâl Mitra, who mixes up the Alakâpûri and Chhota Hâthî-gumphâ; the Jodev cave of Kittoe has been called Jayavijaya; the names of Pâtâlapûri and Manchapûri have been interchanged by Râjendralâl; and so on,—making it almost impossible to reconcile the various accounts.—'Official Report to Bengal Government, by Bâbu Manmohan Chakravarti,' August 1902.

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Besides these, and smaller caves to be noticed hereafter, the great interest of the Udayagiri caves centres in two—the so-called Ganesa cave, and that called the Râj Rânî, Rânî-kâ-naur, or Rânî Hansapûra, or simply Rânî-gumphâ, from a baseless Hindû tradition that it was excavated by the Rânî of Lalâtendra Kesarî, the reputed builder of the Bhuvaneswar temple in the 7th century.

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The former is a small cave, consisting of two cells, together 30 ft. long by 10 ft. wide, in front of which is a verandah, slightly longer, that was once adorned with five pillars, though only three are now standing (Woodcut No. 266).³ There is an inscription on the back wall of this cave in mediæval characters, dedicating it to Jagannâth; but this is evidently an addition, probably cut when the image of Ganesa was also inserted.⁴ The style of the architecture may be judged of from the annexed woodcut, representing one of its pillars (Woodcut No. 267). They are of extreme simplicity, being square piers, changing into octagons in the centre only, and with a slight bracket of very wooden construction on each face. The four doorways leading into the cells are adorned with the usual horseshoe-formed canopies copied from the fronts of the chaitya halls, and which we are now so familiar with from the Bharaut sculptures, and from the openings common to all wooden buildings of that age. The compartments between the doors of the cells contain figure sculptures—one of them seemingly almost a replica of a scene on the frieze of the upper storey of the Rânî-gumphâ. The centre panel is occupied by a roof carved in low relief with three pinnacles, and a rail-pattern frieze over it.

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³ A recent attempt has been made on the part of Government to "restore" these caves. This was ill-advised, and the restored elephants at the entrance steps here do not conform to the original figures, whilst the new pillars do little credit to the Executive.

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⁴ 'Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,' vol. vi. p. 1075.

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266. Ganesa Cave. (From a Plan by Mr. Locke.) Scale 50 ft. to 1 in.

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267. Pillar in Ganesa Cave, Katak. (From a Sketch by the Author.)

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The other cave is very much larger, being two storeys in height, both of which were originally adorned by verandahs: the upper 63 ft. long, opening into four cells, the lower 43 ft., opening into three (Woodcuts No. 268 and 269). All the doors leading into these cells have jambs sloping slightly inwards, which is itself a sufficient indication that the cave is long anterior to the Christian Era. Of the nine pillars of the upper verandah only two remain standing, and these much

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268. Upper storey, Rânî-gumphâ. Scale 50 ft. to 1 in.

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269. Lower storey, Rânî-gumphâ. (From Plans by H. H. Locke.)

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mutilated, while all the six of the lower storey have perished.¹ It seems as if from inexperience the excavators had not left sufficient substance to support the mass of rock above, and probably in consequence of some accident, the mass above fell in, bearing everything before it. Either then, or at some subsequent period, an attempt has been made to restore the lower verandah in wood, and for this purpose a chase has been cut through the sculptures that adorned its back wall, and they have been otherwise so mutilated that it is almost impossible to make out their meaning. The accompanying section (No. 270) will illustrate the position of this wooden adjunct and that of the two storeys of this cave. Fortunately, the sculptures of the upper verandah are tolerably entire, though in some parts they, too, have been very badly treated.

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¹ The pillars in both storeys were restored a few years ago by slender shafts, described by the Collector of Puri as "shoddy work of the most gim-crack description."—'Report to Government of Bengal,' 16th May 1902.

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270. Section of Rânî-gumphâ. Scale 25 ft. to 1 in.

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Besides this, which may be called the main body of the building, two wings project forward; that on the left 40 ft., that on the right 20 ft; and, as these contained cells on both storeys, the whole afforded accommodation for a considerable number of inmates.

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The great interest of these two caves, however, lies in their sculptures. In the Ganesa cave, as already mentioned, there are two bas-reliefs. The first represents a man asleep under a tree, and a woman watching over him. To them a woman is approaching, leading a man by the hand, as if to introduce him to the sleeper. Beyond them a man and a woman are fighting with swords and shields in very close combat, and behind them a man is carrying off a female in his arms.¹

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¹ There is a very faithful drawing of this bas-relief by Kittoe in the 'Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,' vol. vii. plate 44. But casts of all these sculptures were taken in 1871-1872 by Mr. Locke, of the School of Art, Calcutta, and photographs, some of which were published on plate 100 of 'Tree and Serpent Worship,' 2nd ed., 1873; 'Cave Temples,' plate 1; and in Râjendralâl Mitra's 'Antiquities of Orissa,' vol. ii. plates 6-14.

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The second bas-relief comprises fifteen figures and two elephants. There may be in it two successive scenes, though my impression is, that only one is intended, while I feel certain this is the case regarding the first. In the Rânî cave the second bas-relief is identical, in all essential respects, with the first in the Ganesa, but the reliefs that precede and follow it represent different scenes altogether. It is, perhaps, in vain to speculate what episode this rape scene represents, probably some tradition not yet identified; its greatest interest for our present purposes is that the first named is singularly classical in design and execution, the latter wilder, and both in action and costume far more purely Indian. Before the discovery of the Bharaut sculptures, it is hardly doubtful that we would have pronounced those in the Ganesa cave the oldest, as being the most perfect. The Bharaut sculptures, however, having shown us how perfect the native art was at a very early date, have considerably modified our opinions on this subject; and those in the Rânî cave, being so essentially Indian in their style, now appear to me the oldest. Those in the Ganesa-gumphâ, as more classical, may have been executed at a subsequent date, but still both long anterior to the Christian Era. The other bas-reliefs in the Râj-Rânî cave represent scenes of hunting, fighting, dancing, drinking, and love-making—anything, in fact, but religion or praying in any shape or form.

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From the sculptures at Sânchi and Bharaut, we were prepared to expect that we should not find any direct evidence of Mahâyâna Buddhism in sculptures anterior to the Christian Era; but those at this place are not Buddhist but Jaina, and till we are better acquainted with the Jaina legends than we are at present, we cannot hope to determine what such sculptures really represent. Besides these bassi-rilievi, there is in the Rânî cave a figure, in high relief, of a female (?) riding on a lion. Behind him or her, a soldier in a kilt, or rather the dress of a Roman soldier, with laced boots reaching to the calf of the leg (Woodcut No. 264)—very similar, in fact, to those represented on plate 28, fig. 1, of ‘Tree and Serpent Worship,’ as strangers paying their addresses to a three-storeyed stûpa—and behind this, again, a female of foreign aspect.

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In another cave of the same group—the Jayavijaya, called by Kittoe the Jodev-Garbha—and of about the same age, between the two doorways leading to the cells, a sacred tree is being worshipped by two men and two women with offerings. It is surrounded by the usual rail, and devotees and others are bringing offerings.¹ The verandah has a male figure outside at the left end, and a female at the right.

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¹ ‘Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,’ vol. vii. plate 42.

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In yet another cave, in the Khandagiri hill, similar in plan to the Ganesa cave, and probably older than either of the two last-mentioned, called Ananta-garbha, are bassi-rilievi over the doorways: one—on the right—is devoted, like the last, to Tree worship, the other to the honour of Srî (*vide ante*, vol. i. p. 50). She is standing on her lotus, and two elephants, standing likewise on lotuses, are pouring water over her.² The same representation occurs once, at least, at Bharaut, and ten times at Sânchi, and, so far as I know, is the earliest instance of honour paid to god or man in Indian sculptures. The third to the left is partly broken away by the fall of the wall between the next two doors; but enough is left to show that it represented Sûrya, the sun-god, in his chariot drawn by four horses, with his two wives, much as in the small early vihâra at Bhâjâ;¹ and the fourth had been filled by a large elephant facing outwards, with one on each side holding up flowers. The arches over these sculptures and the frieze connecting them are also carved with figures in quaint positions or flying, and each arch is covered by two triple-headed serpents whose hoods are raised at the sides of the arches.

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² ‘Tree and Serpent Worship,’ plate 100, p. 105; ‘Cave Temples,’ plate 1.

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¹ A sketch of this sculpture was published in Fergusson's 'Archæology in India' (1884), p. 34. The small figure in front of the chariot with a jar is perhaps meant for Râhu carrying off the Amrita.

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The pilasters by the sides of the doorways are of a curious, if not exceptional class, and more like some of those found in early caves in the West than any others on this side of India (Woodcut No 271). They are evidently copied from some form of wooden posts stuck into stone bases, as is usual at Kârlê, Nâsik, and other Western caves. Here, however, the surface is carved to an extent not found elsewhere, and betrays a wooden origin indicative of the early age to which the excavation of this cave must be assigned. The animal figures on the capitals and on other caves here is also a feature generally marking an early date,

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271. Pilaster from Ananta-gumphâ.

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272. Tiger Cave, Udayagiri.

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as is also the inward slope of the door jambs. The pillars of the verandah are gone, and a new support has been inserted by the Public Works engineers.

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One other cave here—the Bâgh-gumphâ—deserves to be mentioned. It is a great boulder, carved into the semblance of a tiger's head, with his jaws open, and his throat, as it should be, is a doorway leading to a single cell about 6 ft. 4 in. deep, by 7 to 9 ft. wide (Woodcut No. 272). It is a caprice, but one that shows that those who conceived it had some experience in the plastic arts before they undertook it. The door jambs slope inwards slightly, and the pilasters on each side have winged elephants on the capitals and vase-shaped bases. From the form of the characters also which are engraved upon it, it is undoubtedly anterior to the Christian Era, but how much earlier it is difficult to say.

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A little lower down the Khandagiri hill than the Ananta are

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273. Representation of a Hall from Bharaut sculptures.

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two caves called Tâtvâ-gumphâ, the upper consisting of one room 16½ ft. to 18 ft. long by 17 ft. deep and 5 ft. 9 in. high, having three entrances.¹ The doors are flanked by pilasters with capitals of the Persepolitan type, and the façade over these is sculptured as a long ridged roof with pointed spikes, comparable with representations found at Bharaut (Woodcut No. 273). Under this is a frieze of five-barred railing with elephants carved at each end, and the tympana are flanked by birds, a peacock, and a hare, and within are filled with carved ornaments. But it is of special interest that the walls have once been covered with a coating of fine plaster. On the middle of the back wall are sculptures of the sun and moon, on each side of which a long inscription once extended—of which remains still exist—written on the plaster with a red pigment.¹

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¹ Cunningham's 'Archæological Survey Reports,' vol. xiii. (by Mr. Beglar), pp. 81f. Like several others, it is not mentioned in Râjendralâl Mitra's 'Antiquities of Orissa.'

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¹ No satisfactory tracing of this has been made; and the verandah of the cave has now been supported by two piers of Public Works construction.

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Space forbids more detail of these interesting caves, and until we have a scientific survey of the whole—inclusive of many that only await clearing of the earth in which they are buried—made in the full light of all the knowledge we now possess, it is impossible to do them justice from archæological and historical aspects.

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Great light was thrown on the history of Jaina excavations by the discovery of a Jaina cave at Bâdâmi, 64 miles south of Bîjâpur, with a fairly ascertained date.² There is no inscription on the cave itself, but there are three other Brahmanical caves in the same place, one of which has an inscription with an undoubted date, Saka 500 or A.D. 579; and all four caves are so like one another in style that they must have been excavated within the same century. The Jaina cave is probably the most modern; but if we take the year A.D. 650 as a medium date, we may probably consider it as certain within an error of twenty years either way.

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² Burgess, 'Archæological Survey of Western India', vol. i. (1875), p. 25, plates 36 and 37.

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The cave itself is small, only 31 ft. across and about 16 ft. deep, and it is hardly doubtful that the groups of figures at either end of the verandah are integral. The inner groups, however, are certainly of the age of the cave, and the architecture is unaltered, and thus becomes a fixed standing-point for comparison with other examples; and when we come to compare it with the groups known as the Indra Sabhâ and Jagannâth Sabhâ at Elûrâ, we cannot hesitate to ascribe them to more than a century later.

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With these we may here mention that at Aihole, besides a Brahmanical cave, there is also a Jaina one of somewhat larger dimensions than that at Bâdâmi. The verandah has four pillars in front, is 32 ft. in length and 7 ft. 3 in. wide, and has a carefully carved roof. The hall is 17 ft. 8 in. wide by 15 ft. deep, has roomy chapels at each side, and at the back is the shrine 8¼ ft. square, containing a seated figure of Mahâvîra. The front of the shrine is supported by two carved pillars, and at each side of the entrance is a Dwârapâla carved on the wall as in Brahmanical and later Buddhist caves. The style of the pillars and the whole execution point to about the 7th century as the probable date of the excavation.¹

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¹ 'Archæological Survey of Western India,' vol. i. p. 37 and plates 47, 48; 'Cave Temples,' pp. 503-505, and plate 93.

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Near Dhârâsinvâ, in the Haidarâbâd districts about 37 miles north from Sholapur, are several Jaina caves, of which two are of considerable size, the hall of the second in the group being quite 80 ft. deep and from 79 to 85 ft. across, with eight cells in each of the side walls and six in the back besides the shrine. The roof is supported, as at Bâgh, by a double square of pillars, the outer of twenty and the inner of twelve piers. But the rock is a conglomerate of unequal texture, and has greatly decayed in parts. Much of the front wall and all the pillars of the verandah have fallen away, whilst the great frieze over the façade, once covered with bold Jaina sculptures, is so abraded as to be now unintelligible. Cave III., next to this, has a twenty pillared hall measuring about 59 ft. square, with five cells on each side and in the back the shrine and four cells. The verandah still retains its six pillars in front, and five doors lead from it into the hall. The next cave is about half the dimensions of this, and in all three the pillars, doorways, and friezes show remains of a good deal of ornate carving somewhat similar to what is found at Aurangâbâd, and on the later Ajantâ caves.²

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² Drawings and plans with an account of these caves are given in 'Archæological Survey of Western India,' vol. iii. pp. 4-8, and plates 1-8.

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At Kanhar, near Pitalkhorâ, are two Jaina caves, and there are others at Châmar Lenâ near Nâsik, and seven at Ankâi in Khandesh which are overlaid with sculpture. But these and others belong to the latest of rock excavations—probably of the 11th and 12th centuries—and have been described and illustrated elsewhere.³

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³ 'Cave Temples,' pp. 492, 493, and 505-508, with plates 94, 95; 'Archæological Survey of Western India,' vol. v. pp. 57-59, and plates 12, and 47-50. A few other Jaina caves exist at Junâgadh, and scattered over the Dekhan.—'Cave Temples,' p. 490.

Elûrâ Jaina Caves.

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The Jaina group at Elûrâ has been considered as the most modern there: an impression arising partly from the character of the sculptures themselves, which are of later Jaina style—more, however, from the extreme difficulty of comparing rockcut examples with structural ones. Our knowledge of the architecture of temples is, in nine cases out of ten, derived from their external forms, to which the interiors are quite subordinate. Cave-temples, however, have practically no exteriors, and at the utmost façades modified to admit more light than is usual in structural edifices, and then strengthened and modified so as to suit rock-cut architecture. As no ancient Jaina temple—except that of Meguti at Aihole—has a dated inscription upon it, nor a tolerably authenticated history, it is no wonder that guesses

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274. Entrance to the Indra Sabhâ Cave at Elûrâ, (From a Photograph.)

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might be wide of the truth. Now, however, that we know positively the age of one example, all this can be rectified, and there seems no doubt that the Indra Sabhâ group was excavated—say not before A.D. 850.

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When with this new light we come to examine with care the architecture of these façades, we find the Elûrâ group exhibits an extraordinary affinity with the southern style. The little detached shrine in the courtyard of the Indra Sabhâ, and the gateway shown in the above woodcut (No. 274), are as essentially Dravidian in style as the Kailâs itself, and, like many of the details of these caves, so nearly identical that they cannot possibly be very distant in date. May we, therefore, assume from this that the Chalukyan kingdom of Bâdâmi, in the 7th century of our era, and the Râshtrakûta of Mâlkhed, which follow in the 8th to 10th century, extended from Elûrâ on the north to the Tungâbhadrâ and Krishnâ on the south, and that all these rock-cut examples, with the temple at Aihole (Woodcut No. 181), were excavated or erected under the auspices of these two dynasties!

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275. Monolithic Stambha in the court of the Indra Sabhâ. Scale 10 ft. to 1 in.

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Both the caves named above are of two storeys with a number of smaller halls attached, and belonged to the Digambara division. From this circumstance and the appearance of Gommata along with Pârswanâth in a number of the shrines—as we find these at Bâdâmi—and that the only inscriptions are in Kanarese, we are led to infer that the excavators were from the south and brought the Dravidian style with them. In the right of the court is a large statue of an elephant, and on the left was a fine monolithic stambha 31 ft. 6 in. in height including the Chaumukh figure crowning it. (Woodcut No. 275). It fell over about thirty-two years ago.

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Near the ridge above these caves is a colossal image of Pârswanâth, inscribed as having been carved so late as A.D. 1235. And to the east of the other caves is a curious unfinished temple—an imitation on a small scale of the Brahmanical Kailâs. The sikhara is low and unfinished, and the work was probably suddenly left in this state.¹ During a partial excavation thirty years ago some loose images were found dated in 1247.

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¹ ‘Cave Temples,’ pp. 495f. and plates 86-92.

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Reverting to the remark as to the origin of these caves, it may be assumed that the theory represents the facts of the case more nearly than any hitherto brought forward. The Chalukyas and Râshtrakûtas were situated on the border-line, half-way between the north and the south, and they, or their subjects, seemed to have practised the styles of architecture belonging to those two divisions indiscriminately—it might almost be said alternately—and we consequently find them mixed up here and at Dhamnâr in a manner that is most puzzling.

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The last king of the early Chalukyas, Kîrtivarman II., ascended the throne A.D. 746,¹ and was deprived of all his dominions by Dantidurga, the Râshtrakûta of Mâlkhêd, by 757. It was probably, therefore, after that date that these Dravidian temple-forms were introduced by the Jains at Elûrâ. The Kailâs and other great Saiva temples were excavated by these Râshtrakûtas—themselves a Dravidian race—who carried their power up to the Narbadâ.

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¹ 'Bombay Gazetteer,' vol. i. pt ii. p. 376.

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Before leaving this branch of the subject there is one other rock-cut example which deserves to be quoted, not either for its size or antiquity, but from the elegance of its details. It is situated at a place called Kalugumalai in the Tinnevelly district,² 27 miles south from Srîvilliputtûr, and consequently 75 miles north from Cape Comorin. Like the examples at Mâmallapuram, this one never was finished, probably because the person who commenced it did not live to complete it, and it was nobody's business to finish what was of no use, and intended only to glorify him who made it. It is not cut out of a separate boulder, but out of a ridge, as I fancy those at Mâmallapuram to have been, and if successful, any number of others of any dimensions might have followed. The other side of the Kalugumalai hill had been occupied by the Jains, and numerous images of their Tîrthankars are carved upon it, with inscriptions that supply the names of the villages by which the different figures were carved. This little temple is now dedicated to Subrahmanya, but is said to be originally Jaina; it is probably of the 10th or 11th century, and if it had been completed it would have been one of the most perfect gems of the style. For some reason unexplained it was only blocked out, and the upper part only carved, when it was abandoned, and is now entirely forsaken.³ From its details, it certainly is more modern than the Kailâs—how much we cannot yet say with certainty.

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² Several photographs of it are in the India office collection.

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³ In the same rock is excavated a cave temple dedicated to Ganesa or Pillayâr with a pradakshina passage round the shrine. — 'Cave Temples of India,' p. 159; 'Indian Antiquary,' vol. ii. p. 202.

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OLD JAINA TEMPLE AT LAKKUNDI.

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JAINA STRUCTURAL TEMPLES.

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Lakkundi—Pâlitânâ—Girnâr—Mount Âbû—Pârasnâth—Rânpur—Gwâliar—Khajurâho—Chitor.

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The temples distinctively Jaina in the Dhârwâr districts are not now numerous, yet there are sufficient remains at Belgaum, Pattadakal, Aihole,¹ and at Annîgeri, Dambal, Lakkundi, and other places, to prove that Jainism was at one time very influential. Those at Pattadakal and Aihole have been briefly noticed above (vol. i., pp. 319, 356). It has been supposed that it was probably owing to a succession of able Digambara Jaina teachers, in this Kanarese country, during the 8th and 9th centuries, and who were favoured by the Râshtrakûta kings of Mâlkhed, that Buddhism waned in these districts, and finally disappeared. Respecting the temples, we learn that those at Annîgeri—probably erected in the 10th century—with others in Mysore, were burnt by Râjendradeva Cholâ about the middle of the 11th century, and were restored by a local governor about 1070.

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¹ ‘Archæological Survey of Western India: Belgaum and Kaladgi,’ pp. 1-5, 12-13, 25-26, 35 and 37, where descriptions and plans of the temples at these places are given.

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One of the most entire of the Jaina Temples is at Lakkundi, a village about 7 miles east-south-east from Gadag, in Dhârwâr district.² From the plan, Woodcut No. 276, it will be seen that it is not large. Though somewhat severe for a Chalukyan temple, it is exceedingly well proportioned. The *sikhara*, as seen in the photograph, Plate XIX., is entire and presents the appearance of a Dravidian work, and the head of the [Figure: 276. Lakkundi Jaina Temple.

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² In 1885 it was noted that all the temples here were being rapidly destroyed by trees on their roofs, and by the materials being carried off for building purposes; and in the end of 1897 the statement was repeated in the ‘Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in Bombay Presidency.’ The Jaina temple has since been re-occupied; the others are now being looked after by the Archæological Survey.

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(From Plan by Mr H. Cousens.)]

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walls is treated in a way suggesting direct descent from the Mâmallapuram pagodas. To provide an upper shrine, which is a feature in most of the larger Jaina temples, the first storey of the tower had to be made a distinct feature, and with a projecting front or entrance. This temple has an outer open hall or mandapa, having extensions on each side, with an inner hall about 20½ ft. square inside, and a door on the south side as well as the entrance from the open mandap. It is difficult from a photograph alone to fix its age, but probably it belongs to the earlier half or middle of the 10th century.

Pâlitânâ.

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The grouping together of their temples into what may be called "Cities of Temples" is a peculiarity which the Jains have practised to a greater extent than the followers of any other religion in India. The Buddhists grouped their stûpas and vihâras near and around sacred spots, as at Sânchî, Mânikyâla, or in Peshâwar, and elsewhere; but they were scattered, and each was supposed to have a special meaning, or to mark some sacred spot. The Hindûs also grouped their temples, as at Bhuvaneswar or Benares, in great numbers together; but in all cases, so far as we know, because these were the centres of a population who believed in the gods to whom the temples were dedicated, and wanted them for the purposes of their worship. Neither of these religions, however, possess such a group of temples, for instance, as that at Satrunjaya, or Pâlitânâ—as it is usually called from the neighbouring town, in Gujarât, about 35 miles from Goghâ and Bhaunagar, on its eastern coast (Woodcut No. 277).

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It is sacred to Rishabhanâth, the first of the twenty-four Jaina Tîrthankaras, and covers the two summits of the Satrunjaya hill, each about 360 yards long, with the depression between them. They are grouped in separate enclosures called Tûks, surrounded by high battlemented walls, each having at least one principal temple with varying numbers of smaller ones around it. Nominally there are nine Tûks, but more correctly

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277. The Sacred Hill of Satrunjaya, near Pálitânâ—looking south-west.

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eleven, and the number of temples and small shrines number over five hundred.¹ The number of images of the Tîrthankaras in these temples is very great, and is constantly being augmented; in 1889 the number of separate images counted was 6,449 exclusive of smaller ones on slabs. A few watchmen only remain during the night, at the gateways of the Tûks. The priests come up every morning and perform the daily services, and a few attendants keep the place clean, which they do with the most assiduous attention, or feed the sacred pigeons which are the sole denizens of the spot; but there are no human habitations, properly so called, within the walls. The pilgrim or the stranger ascends in the morning, and returns when he has performed his devotions or satisfied his curiosity. He must not eat or drink, or at least must not cook food, on the sacred hill, and he must not sleep there. It is a city of the gods, and meant for them only, and not intended for the use of mortals.

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¹ The official inventory, kept in the Bhandar or treasury, gave the number of shrines in 1868 as five hundred and thirteen. A translation of this document was given in the 'Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency,' etc. (1885), pp. 188, 193-213; but in the 2nd edition (1897) its editor has employed a different arrangement of the temples.

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Jaina temples and shrines are, of course, to be found in cities, and where there are a sufficient number of votaries to support a temple, as in other religions; but, beyond this, the Jains seem, almost more than any sect, to have realised the idea that to build a temple, and to place images in it, was in itself a highly meritorious act, whilst they also share in the merits of its use by their co-religionists. Building a temple is with them a prayer in stone, which they conceive to be eminently duteous and likely to secure them benefits both here and hereafter.

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It is in consequence of the Jains believing to a greater extent than the other Indian sects in the efficacy of temple-building as a means of salvation, that their architectural performances bear so much larger a proportion to their numbers than those of other religions. It may also be owing to the fact that nine out of ten, or ninety-nine in a hundred, of the Jaina temples are the gifts of single wealthy individuals of the middle classes, that these buildings generally are small and deficient in that grandeur of proportion that marks the buildings undertaken by royal command or belonging to important organised communities. It may, however, be also owing to this that their buildings are more elaborately finished than those of more national importance. When a wealthy individual of the class who build these temples desires to spend his money on such an object, he is much more likely to feel pleasure in elaborate detail and exquisite finish than on great purity or grandeur of conception.

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All these peculiarities are found in a more marked degree at Pâlitânâ than at almost any other known place, and, fortunately for the student of the style, extending over a considerable period of time. Some of the temples may be as old as the 11th century, but the Moslim invaders of 14th and 15th centuries made sad havoc of all the older shrines, and we have only fragments of a few of them.¹ In the latter half of the 16th century, however, the Jains obtained tolerance and security, and forthwith began to rebuild their old fanes. From 1500 they are spread pretty evenly over all the intervening period down to the present date. But the largest number and some of the most important were erected within the last seventy years, or within the memory of living men. Fortunately, too, these modern examples by no means disgrace the age in which they are built. Their sculptures are inferior, and some of their details are deficient in meaning and expression; but, on the whole, they are equal, or nearly so, to the average examples of earlier ages. It is this that makes Satrunjaya one of the most interesting places that can be named for the philosophical student of architectural art, inasmuch as he can there see the various processes by which cathedrals were produced in the Middle Ages, carried on on a larger scale than almost anywhere else, and in a more natural manner. It is by watching the methods still followed in designing buildings in that remote locality that we become aware how it is that the uncultivated Hindû can rise in architecture to a degree of originality and perfection which has not been attained in Europe since the Middle Ages, but which might easily be recovered by following the same processes.

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