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Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India c7: Chapter III: Travellers in the Age of Mahājanapadas

Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India c7

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Contents

Chapter III: Travellers in the Age of Mahājanapadas

c7.2

WE HAVE seen in the previous chapter how the Aryans had progressed and organised themselves in the country, but unfortunately in the absence of archaeological evidence their history is still literary and confused. The systematic history of India begins with the occupation by the Achaemenian power of Sind and some parts of the Panjab and the subsequent campaigns of Alexander. These sources inform us that the caravans of the immigrant Aryans had come to a stop on the sector of the Grand Route from Balkh to Taxila and that the chapter of political campaigns had begun. The invasion of India from the time of Achaemenians was continued by the Scythians, Parthians, Kushāṇas, Huns, Turks and the Mongols. In this chapter we shall try to deal with the immigration of foreign tribes in this country.

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The campaigns of Cyrus and Darius I were political in nature. The campaigns of Cyrus continued upto the river Jaxartes (Syr Darya) and of Darius I to the Indus. According to Pliny, however, Cyrus reached upto Kāpiśī and Herodotus is of the opinion that the campaigns of Darius reached upto the Indian Ocean. Foucher¹ is of the opinion that the campaigns of Alexander were modelled after the campaigns of the Achaemenians as Alexander was much influenced by the Iranians. He adopted their religion and the administrative methods of Darius III. Perhaps this was essential for re-establishing the political boundaries of the Achaemenians. Foucher again draws our attention to the refusal of Alexander’s soldiers to proceed beyond the Beas river; it was not due to the fact that they were tired, but because they had re-established the boundaries of the ancient Iranian empire and, therefore, it was not incumbent upon them to go beyond it. When puzzled and angry Alexander returned by the way of the Indus to Iran even then he was taking the same route which Darius I took.

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It is important to know about the conquest of Gandhāra by the Achaemenians. It is evident from the Achaemenian inscriptions that this event took place in 520 B.C. or a little before that. Sind perhaps came under the rule of Iran in 517 or 516 B.C. Foucher divides the conquest of Sind by the Achaemenians in two parts. Cyrus (552-530 B.C.) in his first campaign put an end to the capital town of Kāpiśī then perhaps marching on the Grand Route he conquered Gandhāra which became a province of his empire. At that time the frontier of Gandhāra in the west was Upairisaena or beyond the Hindukush and in the south to the lower Panjab in which lay Kaspapyros (Kassapapura) or Multan. In the east its boundary touched Rawalpindi which along the river Jhelum formed a part of the kingdom of Taxila. It should be noted that according to Strabo, the Doab between the Chenab and the Ravi was also known as the Gandaris. From the above boundaries of Gandhāra it is evident that it extended from Kapiśa to the Panjab.

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To safeguard his long exit route Darius at first decided to subdue the lower Indus and then reach the Arabian Sea and perhaps with this intention he despatched Skylax to explore the lower Indus. His flotilla started from Multan. A little below the city on the left bank of the Chenab, Darius's fleet was made ready which after sailing for two and a half years reached Egypt. In the course of the voyage the fleet touched the Egyptian ports on the Red Sea thus ensuring the safety of the ports on the Western Indian coast as well. With this conquest from the mouth of the Euphrates and Tigris upto the mouth of the Indus, Sind came under his control and the peace of the Indian Ocean was ensured.

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But the history tells us that the occupation of Achaemenians over Sind lasted only for a short period. It is known that on the upper regions of the Indus, Alexander did not face much opposition, but in the lower Sind he met with the resistance of the Brāhmaṇa republics. On this basis we may also presume that even the Achaemenians had to face the same opposition.

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It is also necessary to know about other countries occupied by the Achaemenians. Their list is given by Herodotus (3/89 ff) which could be compared with the names appearing in the inscriptions of Darius I. The names of these countries follow the racial and administrative terms.² The inscriptions and the list of Herodotus reveal that in the organisation of these provinces the realization of revenue from the tribes inhabiting there was of primary consideration. For instance, the sixteenth province included the Parthians, Aria, Khorasmia, Drangiana and Sogdiana. The twelfth province included Balkh and Margiana, the twentieth province included the marshy part of Hāmūn, eastern Sagarati or the nomadic tribes living in Kohistān and some tribes living on the Persian Gulf. The Indians and the Baluchis were included in the seventeenth province. The inscriptions always mention the Makas whose country was situated on the boundary of Sind. In the time of Herodotus the Mukoi were included in the fourteenth province. Herodotus does not mention the current name of Baluchistan but calls it as Parikanva. In the seventh province were included Gandhāra and Sattagydai (ancient Iranian Thathagura). This region was situated in the mountains of Hazarjat which were inhabited by the Daradas and Aprītis (Afridis). The correct location of the fifteenth province is untraceable. Like Paktha, Arakhosia was not prominent in that period. Paktha, according to Herodotus (III/102; IV/44) was Sulaiman Hill situated in the west of Multan. The mention of the Śakas and Kassapas in the place of Paktha creates certain confusion because in the tenth province the Caspians are mentioned near the Caspian Sea and the Śakas in the Seistan. Foucher identified the Kassapas in the fifteenth province as the inhabitants of Multan which was later on occupied by Kshudraka-Mālavas. These Śakas could be identified with the Haumavarga Śakas of Śakasthāna.³

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According to Hékatée Kaśyapapura (Kassapapura) was situated in Gandhāra but Herodotus places it in another region. To remove this anomaly it could be taken for granted that Afghanistan and Panjab conquered by Darius I were later on divided in the time of Xerxes and Artaxerxes into two equal parts. It seems at this time Gandhāra was separated from the lower Panjab and added to Seistan. This division was effected on geographical grounds. The Panjab from geographical point of view is divided into two parts by the Salt Range. In its north the Grand Route passing Peshawar, Rawalpindi, Lahore, and Delhi joined the Gangetic Plain with the High Asia. But the southern part of the Panjab was not connected with the West except through Herat and Gandhāra. This region was divided into two parts, one of which included the Kabul valley and the higher regions of the Panjab and the second included the Helmand valley and the lower Panjab. This kind of the division of the road follows geographical conditions.

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At the time when the Achaemenians were establishing their power in Sind and Gandhāra the country extending from east Panjab to the whole of the northern India had not seen penetrated by any foreign power. This was the period of the Buddha and Mahāvīra who raised their revolt against the Vedic religion. Even in the seventh century B.C. northern India was divided into sixteen Mahājanapadas or great states which constantly fought among themselves, but the cultural and commercial relations between them were never interrupted. These Mahājanapadas were (1) Aṅga, (2) Magadha, (3) Kāśī, (4) Kosala, (5) Vajji, (6) Malla, (7) Chedi, (8) Vaṁśa or Vatsa, (9) Kuru, (10) Pañchāla, (11) Matsya, (12) Śūrasena, (13) Aśmaka, (14) Avantī, (15) Gandhāra and (16) Kamboja.⁴ In the sixth century B.C. political condition in northern India had undergone certain changes because Kosala had merged Kāśī with itself and Magadha had occupied Aṅga.

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In the time of the Buddha we find two big empires and some smaller kingdoms and many republics. The capital of the Śākyas was Kapilavastu, of the Bulias at Allakappa, of the Kalāmas Kissaputta, of the Bhaggas Sumsumāragiri, of the Koliyās Rāmagrāma, of the Mallas Pāvā-Kusinārā and of the Licchhavis at Vaiśālī. These states were situated to the east of Kosala between the Gaṅgā and the hilly tracts. The Śākyas occupied the Himalayan slopes though it is difficult to determine the boundary of their state. The ancient capital Kapilavastu may now be located at Tilaurākot in Nepal. We do not know about the boundaries of the states of the Bulias and Kalāmas but this much is certain that they were situated on the route from Kapilavastu to Vaiśālī. Kolias were the neighbours of the Śākyas and the river Rohiṇī formed the boundary line between their states. The Mallas had two branches, whose capitals were at Pāvā (Papaur) and Kusīnārā respectively. Kuśīnārā is now situated in the Padrauna District of Uttar Pradesh. The Vajjis occupied most of northern Bihar and their capital was Vaiśālī.

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There is very little doubt that within the life time of the Buddha, Kosala was the largest kingdom though it had to face the Lichchhavis and Ajātaśatru of Magadha. The states of the Śākyas, Koliyas and Mallas situated in the east of Kosala were under the influence of Magadha. In the south the boundary of Kosala touched Kāśī, where in order to propitiate the people of Kāśī, the younger brother of Prasenajit acted as the ruler of the state in the same way as even after the occupation of Aṅga by Magadha the rulers of Aṅga continued to rule over Champā for some time.⁵ It is difficult to determine the boundary of Kosala in the west. In that period the northern parts of Lucknow and Bareilly districts were covered with forests, but we know that the northern route of the Gangetic Valley passed through this region.⁶ Therefore, it is possible that there must have existed towns in that region. As the Buddhist literature does not mention Uttara Pañchāla it is possible that in the west Gaṅgā formed the boundary line of Kosala and other states within the sphere of its influence.

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In the time of Buddha, Prasenajit was the ruler of Kosala. Ajātaśatru of Magadha had defeated him once but later on he avenged the defeat. Prasenajit was deposed by his son Viḍūḍabha. Prasenajit went to Rājagṛiha to seek help from Ajātaśatru, but he died there. To avenge his insult Viḍūḍabha attacked the country of the Śākyas and slaughtered even old men, children and women and thus ending the state of the Śākyas. But Viḍūḍabha also got suitable retribution for his act. While returning from Kapilavastu with his army he was drowned in the river Achirāvatī. Thus ended Kosala which was gradually annexed by Magadha.

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Like Prasenajit of Kosala and Udayana of Vatsa, Bimbisāra of Magadha was contemporary of the Buddha. Aṅguttarāpa (Bhagalpur and Monghyr districts in the north of the Ganga) was at the time under his rule and there was no power in the east and south to confront him. In the time of the patricide Ajātaśatru, Magadha had three enemies. Kosala has been mentioned above. At that time the Lichchhavis had also become so powerful that their soldiers crossing the Ganga reached upto Pāṭaliputra and stayed there for months.⁷ The reason of the enmity between Ajātaśatru and the Lichchhavis was the customs duty which was realised in the hilly region on the frontier of Magadha and Vṛijji. Perhaps this indicates the route which passes from Jaynagar to Dhankota.⁸ Their enmity came to such a pass that in the *Mahāparinibbāna Suttanta*, we hear Ajātaśatru planning to mount an attack on the Vajjis and with this end in view he built a fort to the south of Pāṭaligrāma. Perhaps this village was at that time the boundary line between Magadha and Vṛijji. Only after three years of this event Vassakāra the minister of Ajātaśatru by his conspiracy caused the downfall of Vaiśālī. The third opponent of Ajātaśatru was Chaṇḍa Pradyota of Avanti who intended to attack Rājagṛiha. It is not known at what point the boundary line of Magadha and Avanti met but perhaps it was somewhere in the Palamau district of Bihar. Whatever truth there may be in this conjecture, rivalry between Avanti and Magadha was for the possession of the Gangetic Valley. It is natural that Udayana, the ruler of Vatsa, was on good terms with his father-in-law Chaṇḍa Pradyota of Avanti. Bodhikumāra, grandson of Pradyota, with the intention of attacking Magadha was camping at Sumsumāragiri or Chunar. It is possible that Pradyota also followed the same route. However, it is clear that in the time of the Buddha both the kingdoms of Avanti and Magadha intended to establish their authority in northern India. But after the defeat of the Vajjis, Ajātaśatru became very powerful and in this way Magadha became the great empire of the north.⁹

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Udāyibhadra, the son and successor of Ajātaśatru, laid the foundation of Kusumpura or Pāṭaliputra in the south of the Ganga. This new city apparently was built near Ajātaśatru's fort. From the very beginning this city became a great centre for commerce and politics.

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In northern India at that time there existed another great power of Vaṁśa or Vatsa. To the east of this kingdom lay Magadha and to the south Avanti. Within its territory was included a part of Chedi and Bharga. Pañchāla lay to its west and was perhaps under the rule of Vatsa. In the country of Śaurasena, to the west of Vatsa, ruled Māthura Avantiputra, grandson of Pradyota. To its north the Kuru king ruled over Thullakoṭṭitha and, therefore, he was a kinsman of Udayana. It is evident from these references that Vatsa at that time was as extensive a kingdom as that of Kosala. As Kosala was lost to Magadha, in the same way Vatsa fell a prey to Avanti. On account of this only Magadha and Avanti remained to carry on their feuds.¹⁰

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We have described above some of the kingdoms of the Gangetic Valley and Malwa, but as we have seen the sixteen Mahājanapadas included Gandhāra and Kamboja as well. The Buddhist literature informs us that Gandhāra was ruled by Pushkarasāri. If as suggested by Foucher the Achaemenians had advanced upto the Beas, then they must have come face to face with Pushkarasāri, but the Pāli Buddhist literature does not hint to such an event. Here we want to draw the attention of the scholars to a story appearing in Buddhist Sanskrit literature. The story says that Jīvaka Kumārabhṛitya, the great physician, proceeded to Taxila to study medicine. During his stay there the Khasa tribe of the Pāṇḍavas inhabiting the frontier region attacked the city of Pushkarasāri but with the help of Jīvaka Kumārabhṛitya, the king was able to defeat the attackers.¹¹ It is not known who were these Khasas. But it is possible that the story perhaps indicates the advance of Darius I towards the Panjab.

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The Buddhist literature is also acquainted with the people living in the country of Kamboja though it is a debatable question whether in the time of Buddha, Kamboja was included in India proper.

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We have hurriedly surveyed above the conditions of the states and republics in the Panjab and the Middle Country. In order to understand the traditional events on the Grand Route, on the strength of the Buddhist literature we can safely say that in the time of Buddha the Grand Route of Northern India proper started from the country of the Kurus and then passing through Uttara Pāñchāla (Bareilly district) and going through the territory of Kosala and its tributaries like the Śākyas and Mallas reached Kapilavastu. After the destruction of Kapilavastu, the route between Śrāvastī and Kapilavastu lost its importance and gradually the territory of the Śākyas was swallowed by dense forests. With the inclusion of Kosala and Vajji Janapadas in the Magadha empire its territories extended from Uttar Pradesh to Kajaṅgala in north Bihar. The southern route of the Gangetic Valley starting from Indraprastha and passing Mathura reached Kauśāmbī and then proceeded to Chunar. On this sector of the route the Vatsa influence was predominant. From Kauśāmbī the capital of the Vatsas, one straight route proceeded to Ujjain, but after the fall of the Vatsas the section of the route between Mathura and Ujjain came within the power of Avanti. It was only after Ajātaśatru that the trade routes of the Middle Country were divided between the kingdoms of Magadha and Avanti.

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As we have seen above the reason of constant warfare between the sixteen Mahājanapadas was political, though economic factor might have also played its part. The route proceeding to Ujjain connecting northern India with the coastal region of western India was in the hands of Avanti, which also exercised influence over the route between Kauśāmbī and Pratishṭhāna. In this way controlling these routes Avanti could stop the commerce of Magadha with western and south India. In the same way parts of the northern and southern routes in the Gangetic valley being under the control of Magadha that state could easily stop profitable commerce of the people of Avanti with Kāśī and Magadha.

II

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We have summarised above the political history of the Indian routes but their importance was not only political but commercial as well. The Pāli literature mentions many incidents on the roads and the adventures of travellers, informing us how courageous the merchants and travellers were.

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It seems that in the time of Pāṇini the Indian routes were divided into separate categories. Commenting on a Sūtra of Pāṇini (*"Uttara-pathenāhṛitam"*) (V/1/77), Patañjali quotes a *Vārtāika* of Kātyāyana namely *“ajapatha śaṅkupatha-bhyam cha”*. According to this from *ajapatha* and *śaṅkupatha* were derived *ājapathika* and *śaṅkupathika*. From the land routes came black pepper and madhuka (*madhukamarīchayoraṇasthalāt*) i.e. for trading in *madhuka* and pepper the land route was used. According to Hema Chandra the word *madhuka* was used for zinc as well (*Etude Asiatique*, vol. 2, p. 46, Paris, 1925).

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*Ājapathika* or the track on which only goats could pass is mentioned by Pāṇini in his gaṇapāṭha (V/3/100). Along with this are mentioned *devapatha*, *hamsapatha*, *sthalapatha*, *karipatha*, *rājapatha* and *śaṅkupatha*. We will see later on how the travellers made use of these routes and tracks.

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The *Jātakas* mention many kinds of roads though it is difficult to distinguish them from one another. This much, however, is evident that most of the roads were dirty roads. Comparing the Grand Routes (*mahāmagga*, *mahāpatha*, *rājamagga*) with the smaller roads reveals the fact that some roads were specially constructed and did not come into existence because travellers passed over them. The roads were generally uneven and dirty.¹²

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The routes often passed through forests and deserts and there was always the danger of drought, wild animals, robbers, ghosts, and poisonous plants.¹³ Often heavily armed robbers robbed the travellers of their clothings¹⁴. Often the primitive tribes (*aṭavīmukhavāsī*) acted as guides to caravans on difficult routes and for that they were amply rewarded.¹⁵

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When grand routes were traversed by big armies then they were accompanied by a labour force for repairing the roads. The *Rāmāyaṇa*¹⁶ mentions that when Bharata proceeded to Chitrakūṭa to meet Rāma he was accompanied by a huge labour force. The army was proceeded by guides (*daiśika*, *pathajña*), topographers (*bhūmi-pradeśana*), surveyors (*sūtra-karma-viśārada*), unskilled labourers, masons, engineers (*mantra-kovida*), carpenters, diggers (*dātrin*), tree planters and the builders of bamboo huts (*vaṁśakarmakāra*).¹⁷ This labour force which could be compared to the modern sappers and miners levelled the ground, chopped the trees obstructing the roads, repaired old roads and also laid new roads.¹⁸ They cut the trees on the roads skirting the hills and removed other impediments and planted trees in arid regions. By felling big *sāl* trees the ground was levelled and the rocks in the way were broken with pick-axes. The low lying areas on the roads and blind wells were filled with earth and on the rivers in the way boat bridges were provided.¹⁹

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It is at least evident from the *Rāmāyaṇa* that the roads on which armies marched were constantly repaired. A *Jātaka*²⁰ informs us that a Bodhisattva was engaged in repairing roads. He with his comrades got up early in the morning and then with road-making implements such as shovels and rollers they went to their work. At first they removed stones from the road crossings and in order to facilitate the movement of the wheels, they lopped off certain trees with their axes. The even roads were levelled, dykes were made, tanks were dug up and rest houses were raised. It is clear that the Bodhisattva and his comrades did the same work as the labour force accompanying Bharata’s army. It is also evident from the *Jātakas* that the sanitation and repair of the roads was entrusted to a specialised labour force but it is not known what position they occupied in the general administration of the state or the city.

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When important persons travelled on the road then also it was repaired. Bimbisāra, king of Magadha, when he heard that the Buddha was proceeding from Vaiśālī to Magadha, he requested him to postpone his journey temporarily to give him time to repair the road. The road from Rājagṛiha to the extent of five *yojanas* was levelled and at every *yojana* a rest-house was set up. Across the Ganga the Vajjis also did the same thing. When all this arrangement was complete, the Buddha set out on his journey.²¹ In ancient India free rest-houses were provided on roads for the comfort of travellers. A *Jātaka* gives an interesting story about the erection of such a rest-house.²² It is related that the Bodhisattva and his comrade a carpenter, built a rest-house on the city square. But they decided that in the performance of such a religious act they would not take the help of any woman. But women could not be hoodwinked by such a pious resolution. One of the women approached the carpenter and asked him to make for her a pinnacle. The carpenter had some dry wood with him and he at once made it. When the erection of the rest-house was complete then the builders came to realise that it had no pinnacle and the carpenter was asked to make one. He, however, informed his friend that such a pinnacle was with a particular woman. They requested her to give it to them. But she refused to part with it till they were prepared to share the act of merit with her. By the force of circumstances later on they had to accept her term. This rest-house was provided with chowkies for sitting and water-pots. It was fenced with a wall which had a gate. In the open space inside the rest-house sand was spread and outside rows of palm trees were planted.

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In another *Jātaka*²³ it is mentioned that the citizens of Aṅga and Magadha always travelled from one kingdom to another and on the boundary of those states they stayed in a rest-house. In the night they happily drank wine and ate *kababs* and fish and as soon as the day dawned they started on their journey on their bullock-carts. From the above account it is evident that the *sabhā* (rest-house) of that period was like the *sarāi* of the Mughal period.

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Those travellers who reached the city gate at night were not allowed to enter the city. They had to pass their night either in the gate-keeper's lodge or forced to take shelter in some dilapidated haunted house,²⁴ but it is said that the city of Taxila had a rest-house outside the city gates where travellers could stay even after the gates were closed.²⁵

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As we have seen above alongside the roads, wells and tanks were provided for the comfort of travellers. It is mentioned in a *Jātaka*²⁶ that on the highway to Kāśi, there was a very deep well which was not provided with steps to reach the water. But even then travellers passing that way, in order to gain merit, drew water from that well and filled the troughs for animals.

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Many rivers crossed the routes on which there were ferries. A *Jātaka*²⁷ tells us the story of a foolish boatman who after ferrying passengers asked them for their fare which he never got. The Bodhisattva advised him to charge his fare before he ferried passengers across the river because those who crossed the river had one mood on one side and quite another after they had crossed the river.

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The *Jātakas* do not mention about bridges on the rivers but in the shallow waters people crossed the rivers by dykes and for deep waters small boats (*ekadoṇī*) were used.²⁸ Kings often travelled with a flotilla of boats. At one place it is mentioned that the king of Kāśi crossed the Gaṅga with his flotilla (*bahunāvasaṅghāṭa*).²⁹

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Travellers either travelled on foot or used conveyances. The wheels of bullock carts were often iron tyred.³⁰ Chariots and sedans were comfortably cushioned.³¹ Princes and rich men often travelled on palanquins.³²

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In ancient times while passing through dense forests travellers were very much frightened of robbers, wild beasts, evil spirits and non-availability of food.³³ According to the *Aṅguttara Nikāya*³⁴ robbers lay in wait on the roads for travellers.

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The leaders of robber gangs treated difficult routes as their friend. Deep rivers, unpassable mountains and the plains covered with grass and shrubs helped as their hideouts. They not only bribed government officials but at times even kings and their ministers took their help for their own gains. If inquiries were instituted against them they took recourse to bribing in order to escape punishment. At times they caught travellers in order to realise ample ransom from their friends and relatives. In order to realise the settled amount of the ransom they at first released half the number of the people they had caught and the other half later on.³⁵ If robbers caught a father and son together then they kept the son with themselves and sent the father to bring the settled amount of the ransom. If their prisoners happened to be a teacher and disciple, then they kept back the teacher and sent his disciple to bring the ransom money for his release.³⁶ The state did not take any special measure to stop the depredations of the outlaws. It seems that as in the Mughal period travellers had to make their own arrangements for their protection.³⁷ Caravans appointed aboriginals to act as gudies and to protect caravans.³⁸ These tribal men had well-bred dogs, wore yellow garments and red garlands and their hair was tied with ribbons. They used stone tipped arrows.

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At times the captured robbers were awarded very heavy punishment, they were tied with ropes and put into jail.³⁹ There they were tortured and then hung on gibbets made of wood.⁴⁰ Often their noses and ears were chopped off and they were thrown into lonely caves or in rivers.⁴¹ For capital punishment they were handed over to hangmen (*choraghātaka*) who were provided with thorny whips and sharp edged axes.⁴² Criminals were made to lie down on the ground and whipped. Very often their limbs were chopped off.

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There was great danger from wild beasts on the roads. It is said that the Grand Route to Banaras was visited by a man-eater (tiger).⁴³ People also believed that forests were haunted by witches who under false pretences devoured travellers.⁴⁴ Owing to the non-availability of food on the route travellers had to carry their own provision. Cooked food was carried on bullock carts.⁴⁵ Travellers on foot, however, had to subsist on *sattū* (grain meal). It is said at one place⁴⁶ that the young wife of an old Brahman filled a leather bag (*chammaparisibbakam*) with *sattū* and handed it over to him. After eating some *sattū* he proceeded to drink water leaving the bag open. As a result a snake entered it.

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At times owing to the fear of untouchability, Brahman travellers had to undergo many hardships. It is mentioned in a story that the Bodhisattva, born in a family of untouchables, once undertook a journey providing himself with some rice. On the road a northern Brahman without any provision accompanied him. In the way, suffering from the pangs of hunger, he was forced to eat the leavings of the Bodhisattva. But in the end to expiate for his sin the Brahman entered a dense forest and lost his life.⁴⁷

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People did not travel only for commercial purpose. The roads were equally used by ascetics, pilgrims, showmen, jugglers and students. The *Jātakas* frequently mention that at the age of sixteen princes proceeded to Taxila for their education.⁴⁸ People also travelled to gain knowledge of different countries and their inhabitants. It is mentioned in the *Darīmukha Jātaka*⁴⁹ that prince Darīmukha with his friend, son of the royal priest, after finishing his education at Taxila toured other parts of the country to study the manners and customs of the people.

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At times learned men travelled for disputations in the *Śastras*. A *Jātaka* gives an interesting story about this.⁵⁰ It is said that after the death of their father four sisters holding the branches of jamboline tree, travelled to many cities for disputations and finally reached Śrāvastī. There, outside the city gate, they planted the jamboline branches and made a public announcement that if anybody dared to uproot the branches he would have to enter into public disputation with them.

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In those difficult days if a traveller could get a companion he considered himself very fortunate but steadiness was considered a necessary virtue for him.

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The *Dhammapada* forbids to travel with the lazy and the foolish. In the absence of an intelligent companion it was better to travel alone.⁵¹ Hence traders from north-western India often travelled to Vārāṇasī⁵² alone. In one *Jātaka*,⁵³ a very amusing story of a horse trader is given. Once a merchant with 500 horses came to Banaras from Uttarāpatha. The Bodhisattva when he was in favour of the king allowed the horse seller to put his own prices on the horses. But at that time the greedy king sent one of his own horses among those 500 horses for sale and his horse bit the other horses and the merchant was forced to sell his horses at much reduced prices.

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Pedlars often undertook long journeys. It is mentioned that once the Bodhisattva accompanied a dealer of pots and pans. After crossing the Jailavahā river they reached Andhapur (Pratishṭhāna). Both of them divided the city in two parts, and entrusted one part to each to carry on his business. They began calling the people to buy the pots. Often they were able to get gold and silverware in exchange for their pots and pans. They always carried a weighing scale, cash money and bags.⁵⁴ In another place we are told that a potter from Vārāṇasi loading his ceramics on a donkey carried them from city to city to sell them. Once he proceeded as far as Taxila.⁵⁵

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In search of their livelihood dancers and acrobats also travelled from place to place. It is mentioned in a *Jātaka*⁵⁶ that a courtesan named Sāmā sent a party of acrobats in search of her lover, a robber chief.⁵⁷ In another place the story of acrobats says that every year five hundred acrobats visited Rājagṛiha where they earned sufficient money from their shows. One day a female acrobat showed such astounding feats that the son of a banker fell in love with her. She agreed to marry him on the condition that he should himself turn an acrobat and join the party. He agreed to her condition and in due course became an acrobat.

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In the Buddhist literature such travellers are also mentioned who went on long journeys only for enjoyment. The only award of such journeys was the adventures befalling them. One of the *Jātakas* gives an interesting account of such adventures.⁵⁸ It says, “He wandered as a pedlar in Kaliṅga, and holding a staff he traversed uneven and difficult routes. He was often seen in the company of acrobats and sometimes he was seen trapping innocent animals. He often gambled and at times he spread his net to catch birds and sometimes he fought with a stick in the crowds.”

III

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In spite of many difficulties in travelling there is hardly any doubt that masters of the caravan increasingly carried on internal and external trade of India. They were not only machines for earning money, they were also the carriers of Indian culture and adventurous spirit abroad. We are often under the wrong impression that India in all periods was a peaceful and wealthy country. However, history is a witness to the fact that this country also suffered from the same weaknesses as other countries. Like today even in those days there were robbers and thieves. Forests were infested with wild beasts and the caravans often missed the right direction and proceeded in a wrong direction. In such condition the safety of the caravan depended on the intelligence and quick decision of its leader. He had complete control over the movement of the caravan and he expected implicit obedience from his comrades. It was his duty to arrange for the food of the caravan and its proper distribution. He was also a clever trader. In the times of danger he never lost the equanimity of mind and we shall see later on by this alone he was able to protect his caravan against many dangers. It is mentioned in a *Jātaka*⁵⁹ that when a caravan entered a forest then the master of the caravan issued an order to his followers that without his permission they should not eat strange leaves, fruits and flowers. Once his followers fell ill by eating the forbidden articles but the master of the caravan cured them by administering emetics.

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In one *Jātaka*⁶⁰ the story of the Bodhisattva who acted as master of the caravan is given. Once when he was making preparations to start on a journey another foolish merchant also decided to start his caravan at the same time. The Bodhisattva thought that if a thousand carts started simultaneously then there was every possibility of the roads being ruined, water would become scarce, and there would be no food and grass for bullocks. Therefore, he decided to allow the second caravan to precede him. That foolish leader of the caravan thought, “If I proceed first then I will be in an advantageous position. The road will be undisturbed, the oxen will be able to get fresh grass and my men will be able to get fresh vegetables. We will be assured of good water supply and I will be able to barter my goods on good terms.” The Bodhisattva, however, thought of the advantages accruing to his caravan starting later on, “The first party will make the road level, his oxen will graze the old grass, and my oxen then will be able to get fresh grass, after the old vegetables are picked up my men will get fresh vegetables, and the first caravan unable to get fresh water will have to dig new wells which will provide us with fresh water. To fix the prices of the goods is a difficult matter and if I follow the first caravan then I will be able to sell my goods at the prices already fixed by the first party."

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The foolish master of the caravan loaded water vessels on his cart to cross a desert stretching for sixty yojanas. But tricked by evil spirits who informed him that there was sufficient water on the route, he threw away the water. Going in front, he and his comrades with their servants in order to save themselves from the ferocity of the wind preceded the carts. But whenever the wind blew behind them, then they went behind the caravan. The end came as destined. Scorched by terrible heat they died in the waterless desert.

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The intelligent Bodhisattva acting as master of the caravan when he reached on the border of the desert, he ordered the filling of the water pots and asked his followers that without his permission not even a handful of water was to be used. As the desert was full of poisonous plants and fruits, he told his followers not to use them without his permission. The evil spirits in the way tried to persuade him to throw away the water telling him that it was raining ahead. After hearing this the Bodhisattva put certain questions to his followers, "Some people have informed us that it is raining in the jungles ahead of us. Will you tell us from how far we can find out the rainy wind?" His comrades answered, "One *yojana*". The Bodhisattva again questioned, "Has such rain laden wind reached us?" The comrades answered "No." The Bodhisattva again put a question, "From how far one can see the flash of lightning?" The comrades answered, "From four or five *yojanas*." The Bodhisattva again put a further question, "From how far a man could hear the thunder of clouds?" The comrades answered, "From two or three *yojanas*". The Bodhisattva then asked "Has anybody heard the thunder?" They answered "No." After these questions and answers the Bodhisattva informed them that the information about the rain ahead was false and in this way the caravan was able to reach its destination safely.

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In one *Jātaka*⁶¹ it is said that the Bodhisattva was born in the family of a master of caravan in Vārāṇasī. Once upon a time leading his caravan he reached a desert sixty *yojanas* wide. The dust in that desert was so fine that it slipped between the fingers if it were held in closed fist. It was difficult to travel during the day in that burning desert and, therefore, the caravan carried with it fuel, water, oil and rice, and travelled during the night. In the morning the travellers arranged their wagons in a circle and covered them with an awning. After finishing their breakfast they rested for the whole day in the shade. After the sunset taking their dinner and as soon as the earth cooled down a little they pushed on their wagons and resumed their march. The travel in this desert was like sailing in the ocean. A guide (*sthalaniryāmaka*) with the help of stars guided the caravan. When some distance remained for crossing the desert, then throwing away the wood and water the caravan proceeded. The guide seated on the leading wagon and marking the movements of the stars guided the caravan. Unfortunately, he fell asleep and as a result the oxen turned in another direction. When the guide woke up in the morning then, realising his mistake, he ordered the wagons to turn back. The members of the caravan then became very much troubled but the Bodhisattva kept his mind cool. He saw a green spot where he thought water was available. After digging quite deep, the diggers came across a rock, and the people thought that no water was available. But at the order of the Bodhisattva a man got down in the well and broke the rock with a hammer and the water came out gushing. They drank the water. Some of the carts were dismantled and from the fuel thus obtained they boiled rice and fed themselves and their animals. After that crossing the desert the caravan reached its destination safely.

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In the absence of any geographical information it is difficult to identify this desert, but it is possible that perhaps this was either the desert of Thar Parkar or Marwar. Till recently the camel caravans passing between Sind and Kutch crossed this region during the night with the help of the stars.

IV

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The sea ports perform several useful functions. They serve as gateways and windows seated on which we can enjoy the colourful beauties of foreign lands. Coming out from these geteways Indian merchants met foreigners and through these gateways entered foreign merchants who sold their articles to Indian merchants and bought manufactured and raw products of the country. This commerce continued for a very long time. Ancient Indian merchants exporting Indian goods to foreign lands and importing foreign goods were not merely mercenary traders but also ambassadors of Indian culture, who, though working for their own profits, had enlarged their social viewpoint. Crossing geographical boundaries they helped the human society to come closer.

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The international viewpoint of Buddhist merchants and sailors was different than the parochial viewpoint of the Brahmans whose world was confined to the country between the Vindhyas and Himalayas, in the south to the sea, in the west to the Indus and in the east to the Brahmaputra river. For the Brahmanic culture Aryavarta was the centre of the universe and those living outside its boundaries were treated as hateful Mlechchhas. In the matter of food and drinks and in marriage the caste system held sway, and, therefore, fearing contacts with foreigners sea voyage was forbidden, though it is open to question that in ancient India how many people followed the general ban. The Buddhists, however, did not believe in caste system and, therefore, we get many accounts of sea voyage in the Buddhist literature which are almost absent in the Brahmanical literature.

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In *Jātaka* stories many sea voyages are mentioned which point to the difficulties of Indian sailors. Many merchants sailed to Suvarṇadvīpa or Malaysia and Ratnadvīpa or Sri Lanka. The *Baveru Jātaka* (Jātaka 339) informs us that some merchants of Vārāṇasī taking a direction finding bird with themselves set out on a sea voyage to Babylonia. The merchants in their second voyage sold a peacock there. This voyage was performed through the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf. The *Suppāraka Jātaka* (463) tells us that the brave sailors of ancient India passed Khuramāla (the Persian Gulf), Agnimāla (the Red Sea), Dadhimāla, Nīlakusamāla, Nalamāla and Balabhāmukha (the Mediterranean Sea), however, history informs us that before the Christian era the Indian navigation did not proceed beyond Bab-el Mandeb. From this point the Arab agents took hold of Indian cargo and carried it to Egypt. The frequent mention of Suvarṇadvīpa in the *Jātakas* is considered by scholars as a proof of the later date of the *Jātaka* stories. But it is important to remember here that Kauṭilya's *Arthaśāstra* also mentions it and it was visited by Indian merchants in search of aromatics and spices for a very long time. Indians, however, went to settle down in Malaysia in the early centuries of the Christian era.

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The *Śaṅkha Jātaka*⁶² mentions a voyage to Suvarṇadvīpa. A Brahman named Śaṅkha seeing his property diminishing on account of his munificent habits, took to a voyage to Suvarṇadvīpa. The ship was built by himself and loaded with cargo. After taking leave of his relatives he reached the port with his servants. In the afternoon his ship weighed anchor.

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In ancient India sea travellers had to face many difficulties and dangers and those who returned home safely from such voyages were considered very lucky. In such conditions one would well imagine the anxiety of their relatives. The mothers and wives of travellers tried to stop them from such hazardous journeys, but unlike the voyagers of Mediaeval India, ancient Indian sailors were not made of soft stuff, and they were not sentimental. At one place it is said that when a wealthy merchant of Vārāṇasī built a ship and decided to take a sea voyage his mother tried her best to dissuade him, but as he was determined to sail he left his mother weeping and boarded the ship.⁶³

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In ancient India the wooden ships were often drowned by whirlpools (*vohara*). Their greatest weakness was their very simple construction. On account of this the timber was unable to withstand the pressure of water which seeped through the joints in the rough sea and the sailors had to bale it out.⁶⁴ When the ship began sinking then poor merchants prayed to their gods to save them from the calamity.⁶⁵ When they saw that their prayers did not bear fruit, then floating on the planks they often reached dangerous places.⁶⁶ It is mentioned in the *Balahassa Jātaka* that when a ship was wrecked near the coast of Sri Lanka then the voyagers swam to the coast.⁶⁷ When this news reached Yakshiṇīs inhabiting the island, they after decorating themselves and taking rice gruel reached those merchants with their children and servants and promising marriage with them managed to devour them.

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Before abandoning the wrecked ship the voyagers filled themselves with ghee and sugar which could sustain them for several days. It is mentioned in the *Śaṅkha Jātaka* that on the seventh day of Śaṅkha's voyage the ship developed leaks and the sailors were unable to bale the water out. Fearing for their lives they became boisterous, but Śaṅkha, keeping calm took a servant with him and oiling his body and partaking a meal of ghee and sugar climbed the mast and plunged into the sea and floated for seven days.⁶⁸

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The *Mahājanaka Jātaka* (539) gives an eyewitness account of a sinking ship. The ship of Mahājanaka sailing with speed towards Sri Lanka developed cracks and began sinking. The voyagers began cursing their fate and praying, but Mahājanaka did nothing of the kind. When the ship began submerging in the water then he caught hold of the floating mast. Others floating in the sea were attacked by dangerous fishes and turtles and the sea became red with their blood. After floating to some distance Mahājanaka left the mast and began swimming freely. In the end he was rescued by Maṇimekhalā, the goddess of sailors. We have seen above that in the time of danger travellers prayed to their gods. According to the *Śaṅkha* and *Mahājanaka Jātakas*, the goddess Maṇimekhalā presiding over the seas protected voyagers with religious bent of mind. The researches of Prof. Sylvain Levi have proved that Maṇimekhalā as a heroine and a goddess was popular among the common people. As a goddess her worship was common in the city of Puhār situated at the mouth of the Kaveri and there was another temple of hers situated at Kanchi. As a goddess her influence extended from the Cape Comorin to lower Burma.⁶⁹ The *Jātakas* also inform us that ships were made of timber planks (*dāruphalakāni*).⁷⁰ They sailed with favourable wind (*erakvāyuyutta*).⁷¹ We get also further information about the construction of the ship. Besides its outer framework it was provided with three masts (*kūpa*, Gujarati, *kūā thambha*), rigging (*yottarān*), sails (*sitam*), planks (*padarāni*) and oars (*laṅkharoḥ*).⁷² The helmsman (*niyāmako*) controlled the movement of this ship with the help of a steering wheel.⁷³

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⁶⁹ *I.H.Q.* 1930, pp. 597-609.

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⁷⁰ *Jāt.* IV. 159.

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⁷¹ *Jāt.* II. 112.

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⁷² *Ibid.*

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⁷³ *Jāt.* IV. 159.

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The sailors had their own guild, whose chief was called as *niyāmakajeṭṭha*. It is said that at the age of sixteen, Supparakkumāra had become the chief of his guild and gained proficiency in the art of navigation (*niyāmakasutta*).⁷⁴

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⁷⁴ *Jāt.* IV. 137.

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Like the ancient Phoenecians and Babylonians, the Indian sailors also used direction-finding birds for locating the sea-shore. These direction-finding birds were released from the ships. In the *Kevaḍḍhasutta* of the *Dīghanikāya*, in the words of Buddha, “In very ancient times the sea-going merchants took direction-finding birds on their ship which were released when required. They flew in all directions and alighted when they saw solid ground. But if no such ground was seen they returned to the ship.”⁷⁵ We have seen above that the *Bāveru Jātaka* also mentions the direction-finding birds. According to this *Jātaka* the Babylonians had no knowledge of such a bird and, therefore, they bought it from an Indian merchant, but the Babylonian literature is explicit on the point that the Babylonians knew about the direction-finding birds from the hoary past. It is mentioned in the story of Gilgamesh that the ship of Utanipishtam reached the Nistir Mountain and then settled down. At first was released a pigeon and afterwards a sparrow to find the shore. In the end a crow was released and when it did not return then it was decided that the sea-shore was very near.⁷⁶

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⁷⁵ *Dīghanikāya*, I. 222.

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⁷⁶ E.A.W. Budge, *The Babylonian Story of the Deluge and the Epic of Gilgamesh*, London, 1929, pp. 31 ff.

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When the ship was in trouble then the reason for that was assigned to the presence of some unfortunate voyager. His name was found out by casting the lot.⁷⁷ It is said that an unfortunate voyager named Mittavindaka reached the port of Gambhīra and there finding that a ship was about to sail, joined the crew. Nothing happened for six days, but on the seventh day the ship suddenly came to a halt. After this other voyagers decided to cast the lot to find the name of the unfortunate person who had caused the accident. The lot was cast and the name of Mittavindaka came out. After that he was forcibly put on a raft and released in the open sea.

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⁷⁷ *Jāt.* I. 363.

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There is very little material in Buddhist literature which tells us about the amusement of the voyagers on board the ship, but it could be taken for granted that they enjoyed music provided for their amusement. A *Jātaka*⁷⁸ tells us a very amusing story of a musician, whose music almost caused a shipwreck. It is said that some merchants on their voyage to Suvarṇadvīpa took with them a musician named Sagga. On board the ship they asked him to sing. At first he refused but the people insisted and he began singing. This caused such commotion among the sea fishes and other animals that it almost caused a shipwreck.

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The *Jātakas* also tell us that on the western sea coast Bharukachchha,⁷⁹ Suppāraka⁸⁰ and Sovīra⁸¹ were chief ports and on the eastern sea coast Karambiya,⁸² Gambhīra⁸³ and Seriva.⁸⁴ These ports were connected by internal trade routes to important cities. These ports also carried on trade among themselves. There was active commerce between India and the western ccuntries. *Valahasysa Jātaka*⁸⁵ mentions our trade with Sri Lanka. Vārāṇasī,⁸⁶ Champā⁸⁷ and Bharukachchha⁸⁸ routes had commercial relations with Suvarṇabhūmi and the *Bāveru Jātaka*⁸⁹ informs us that there was commercial relation between India and Babylonia.

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The *Suppāraka Jātaka*⁹⁰ informs us that sea merchants once started from Bharukachchha and passed Khuramāla, Nalamāla, Valabhāmukha, Agnimāla, Dadhimāla and Nīlakusamāla. As these names are mentioned in the *Gāthās* they are very old. Dr. Jaiswal⁹¹ has identified Khuramāla with some ports on the Persian Gulf situated in south-eastern Arabia. Agnimāla according to him could be identified with the sea coast near Aden and some parts of Somaliland. Dadhimāla is the Red Sea and Nīlakusamāla is a part of Nubia situated in north-east coast of Africa. Nalamāla is the canal joining the Red Sea and the Mediterranean and Valabhāmukha is some part of the Mediterranean in which even today we find volcanoes. If Jaiswal’s identifications are correct then we will have to agree that the Indian navigators were well acquainted with the sea route between Broach and the Mediterranean. Whatever may be the case, it is evident from the Grecian and Latin sources of later date that Indian sailors had no knowledge about this route. They did not proceed beyond the strait of Bab-el Mandeb and the commerce between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean was in the hands of the Arabs. This, however, does not mean that the Indian sailors had no knowledge of the route between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, as we shall see later on some individual Indian sailors reached Alexandria, but mostly their ships did not go beyond Socotra.

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