Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D. c25.s12.t1: 5.12.1 Tamil-Brāhmī ḻ

Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D. c25.s12.t1

Language: English

5.12.1 Tamil-Brāhmī ḻ

The sound *ḻ* is produced when the tip of the tongue is raised and rubs the palate (*Tol. Eḻu.* 95). The sound -*ṭ*- (phonetically -*ḍ*-) alternates with *ḻ* in the Early Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions.² The sound *ḻ* in Old Telugu becomes *ḍ* in later times.³ These linguistic correspondences find remarkable corroboration in the formation of Tamil-Brāhmī *ḻ* from Brāhmī *ḍ*, specifically from the Asokan form of *ḍ* (Chart 3:I.¹). Phonetically, *ḍ* appears to be quite close to the sound *ḻ*; (cf. Asokan *ēḍakē*⁴ with Ta. *ēḻakam* 'sheep').

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¹ See sections 2.3.1 & 2.4.2.

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² Corpus: Nos. 34 & 44. See Commentary (34.1.a). See also Bh. Krishnamurti 1958b on *ḻ* in Dravidian.

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³ K. Mahadeva Sastri 1969: p. 40.

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⁴ *CII.* I. Pillar Edict at Delhi-Mirath: V. 11.

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In Asokan Brāhmī, the letter *ḍ* is formed by the addition of a thick dot to the lower end of *ḍ*.⁵ The Tamil-Brāhmī *ḻ* is formed by transposing the dot (enlarged into a circle⁶) from the bottom to the top of the letter (Chart 3:I. 1 & 2). The rare Asokan *ḍ* is not known to have been in use after his time. This is important evidence that the origin of Tamil-Brāhmī cannot be dated much later.

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⁵ C.S. Upasak 1960: pp. 74-75; Appendix 19.

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⁶ G. Bühler 1896 (1959 reprint: p. 55) had suggested that the dot in *ḍ* might be a substitute for a circle.

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Dani derives Tamil-Brāhmī *ḻ* from Southern Brāhmī *ḷ*.⁷ His view is based on a comparison of the looped form of *ḻ* at Tirupparankunram with the form of *ḷ* occurring at Sanchi in ca.1st century A.D.⁸ Bühler derives *ḻ* from an even later prototype, the *ḷ* of the Gupta period.⁹ There is, however, hardly any resemblance between the two letters. In any case, we now know of the existence of much older forms of *ḻ* with the circular top (e.g., Corpus: Nos. *1-3*, ca. 2nd century B.C.) which bear no likeness to the Southern Brāhmī *ḷ*.

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⁷ A. H. Dani 1963 (Indian edition 1986): Fig. 7 (x) at p. 71.

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⁸ A.H. Dani (1986: p. 71) is mistaken in attributing the view that *ḻ* is derived from the Brāhmī 'double-looped' *ja* to K.V. Subrahmanya Aiyer. The comparison was made by H. Krishna Sastri (1919: p. 336, n. 7), which was not accepted by Subrahmanya Aiyer (1924: pp. 284-285) who emphasised the much closer likeness to the modern Tamil *ḻ*.

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⁹ G. Bühler 1896 (1959 reprint: p. 94; Pl. IV. 40. II).

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Figure 5.3. Pottery inscription from Kodumanal: use of *ḍ* as *ḻ* .

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Figure 5.4. Pottery inscription from Arikamedu: use of reversed *ḍ* as *ḻ*.

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Figure 5.5. Cave inscription in Sri Lanka with Tamil-Brāhmī *ḻ* (detail).

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Nagaswamy derives *ḻ* by combining the Brāhmī letters *ṭh* and *ḍ*.¹ However, the suggested derivation is doubtful as it is unlikely that a simple consonant would be derived by combining two other consonants.

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¹ R. Nagaswamy 1979: p. 75.

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Karunaratne derives the Tamil-Brāhmī *ḻ* from the reversed form of Brāhmī *ḍ* by adding hypothetically a small loop in the middle.² However, the evolution of the looped *ḻ* is better explained morphologically as a later development from the older circular form when written with a running hand (cf. Chart 3: I. 3 & 4; Chart 5B: *ḻ*:55 & 76).

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² S. Karunaratne 1984: pp. 33-35.

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(b) *Evolution of ḻ

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In Early Tamil-Brāhmī, *ḻ* has a circular top which may or may not be bisected by the vertical (Chart 3: I . 2 & 3; Chart 5B:*ḻ*:17 & 49). Both variants are also attested in the pottery inscriptions from Kodumanal (Chart 7: KDM 27 & 164; 148 & 3). The step-like line derived from Brāhmī *ḍ* (Corpus: *ḷu* in No. *1* and *ḷi* in No. 2), tends to change from the angular to cursive shape (Chart 5B: *ḻ*: 17). Towards the end of the Early Period, the top circle opens out and forms a large loop with a gracefully curved tail as at Tirupparankunram (Chart 3 : I.⁴; Chart 5B : *ḻ*: 55). Still later, the tail gets straightened (Chart 3: I .⁵; Chart 5B : *ḻ*: 77). It is this late form that is seen in the pottery inscriptions at Arikamedu (Chart 7: AKW:16). The Early Vaṭṭeluttu form is similar but somewhat more cursive (Chart 3 : I.⁶; Chart 5B : *ḻ*: 116).

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A unique feature of the pottery inscriptions from Kodumanal³ is the apparent use of the Brāhmī letter *ḍ* to represent the sound *ḻ*. Apart from the forms of Tamil-Brāhmī *ḻ* with the circular top,⁴ there are five occurrences of *ḍ*,⁵ a letter which is not attested elsewhere in Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions. Even though the pottery inscriptions are too fragmentary, it seems unlikely that inscriptions with the letter *ḍ* are in Prakrit, as almost all the inscriptions at this site are in Tamil. It is also unlikely that -*ḍ*- represents the voicing of -*ṭ*- in medial positions as such a usage is unknown in Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions at this site⁶ or elsewhere.⁷ The conclusion, therefore, appears inescapable that there was a unique innovation in the pottery inscriptions at this site, which permitted the employment of the Brāhmī *ḍ* to represent the Tamil sound *ḻ*. A plausible example is the word ...*toḷut*[*t*]*ai* 'slave woman, servant maid' (*TL*), where *ḍu* seems to have the value *ḻu* (Fig. 5.³).¹ This tentative suggestion is supported by the evidence regarding the use of the reversed *ḍ* to represent *ḻ* at Arikamedu and in the loanwords in the cave inscriptions of Sri Lanka, which we shall consider next.

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³ Y. Subbarayalu, Catalogue of Pottery Inscriptions from Kodumanal 1996 (unpublished).

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⁴ The circular forms of *ḻ* with bisected top circle occur in KDM 3 & 148, and without bisecting in KDM 27, 84 & 164 (see Palaeographic Chart 7 for examples).

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⁵ The Brāhmī letter *ḍ* probably stands for the sound *ḻ* in KDM 2, 70, 83?, 151 & 167. (See Palaeographic Chart 7: KDM 70 & 2 for examples.)

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⁶ E.g., asaṭa[*ṇ*] and neṭuñ-, where the medial -*ṭ*- occurs (KDM 38 & 110 respectively).

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⁷ See section 6.22 for discussion on voicing of consonants in Tamil-Brāhmī.

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¹ KDM 2. Y. Subbarayalu (1988:p. 120) reads *...toṭittai*.

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(d) *Use of reversed ḍ for ḻ in pottery inscriptions from Arikamedu

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Another connected innovation is the representation of the sound *ḻ* by the reversed form of *ḍ* in the pottery inscriptions at Arikamedu. The choice of the reversed form of *ḍ* (unlike at Kodumanal) has the advantage of avoiding confusion with Prakrit inscriptions which also occur minimally along with Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions on pottery at ancient Tamil sites. Karunaratne² first pointed out that in a Prakrit inscription from Arikamedu,³ the reversed *ḍ* denotes the Tamil *ḻ* in the expression *yaḻu-valabhutaya*⁴ 'of Yaḻu Balabhūtā'.

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² S. Karunaratne 1984: p. 34.

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³ K.A. Nilakanta Sastri 1942: pp. 3-4 and Fig. 5. P. Z. Pattabiramin 1946: Pl. XXI, No. 3. R.E.M. Wheeler *et al.* 1946: p. 114, Fig. 47. 20. I. Mahadevan 1973: pp. 60-64, Inscription No. IV, Fig. 4.

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I have found another instance in a Tamil-Brāhmī pottery inscription (Fig. 5.⁴) at Arikamedu from the excavations by Wheeler and published by him but not read satisfactorily so far.⁵ The earlier part of the inscription is fragmentary with portions missing; the later part is clear; it reads:

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⁴ In my 1973 paper, I had read the expression as *yaḍu-valabhuti-y* on the basis of the eye copy published by Pattabiramin and interpreted the word as a 'masculine' personal name and hence regarded the language as Tamil. I have reconsidered the matter after re-inspection of the original sherd and also in the light of the new evidence presented here. I now consider this to be a Prakrit inscription influenced by Tamil. See the previous two notes for references.

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⁵ R.E.M. Wheeler *et al.* 1946: p. 112, Fig. 46, No. 4 (right fragment).

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. . . [*ma*] *ṇa ca ṇ ṭai kō va ḻā ṉ* 'Aḻāṉ, the chief of . . . maṇacaṇṭai '.

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The penultimate letter, perfectly preserved, is the reversed form of *ḍā* with the value *ḻā* which fits the context.⁶

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⁶ *kōvaḻāṉ* is analysed as *kō* 'chief' + *v* (glide) + *aḻāṉ* (name). The name is attested in Old Tamil; cf. *aḻāṉ* and *aḻāntai*, cited as illustrations in *Tol. Eḻu.* 349, comm., Iḷam. The name *aḻāṉ* is also attested as a variant reading in *Naṟṟ.* 121, comm. Mayilai. The incomplete expression *... maṇacaṇṭai* is probably a place name.

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The open looped form of *ḻ* with the straight tail (a late feature) also occurs at Arikamedu (Chart 7: AKW 16). The earlier circular form of *ḻ* is not attested at this site.

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(e) *Use of reversed ḍ for ḻ in Sinhala-Brāhmī inscriptions

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Karunaratne has drawn attention to the employment of the reversed *ḍ* of Brāhmī with the sound *ḻ* in Early Sinhala-Prakrit inscriptions.⁷ He points out that in the expression *damēḍa*⁸ (corresponding to Ta. *tamiḻa*), the letter *ḍ* is reversed even though the direction of writing of the inscription is not reversed. His inference that the reversed form of *ḍ* in such cases has to be read as *ḻ* is acceptable.

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⁷ S. Karunaratne 1984: pp. 33-35; Fig. 35

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⁸ Ibid. Inscription No. 48.

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However, his suggestion that the reversed *ḍ* found in Sri Lanka is "the earliest known form of Dravidian *ḻa*"¹ needs to be reconsidered in the light of the new evidence on the formation and evolution of Tamil-Brāhmī *ḻ*.

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¹ S. Karunaratne 1984: pp. 34-35.

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(f) *Occurrence of Tamil-Brāhmī ḻ in a Sinhala-Brāhmī inscription*

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I have also found a unique and hitherto unnoticed occurrence of the early circular form of the Tamil-Brāhmī letter *ḻ* (but with reversed orientation) from the published estampages² of an early cave inscription at Bambaragastalava, Eastern Province, Sri Lanka (detail in Fig. 5.5). The expression in which this form occurs is a personal name which has been read as *aśaḍiya* by Paranavitana and as *aśaḷiya* by Karunaratne, both treating the third letter as the reversed form of *ḍi*.³ However, these expressions occur nowhere else.⁴ The letter in question which is clearly seen in the estampages in both the publications, is the earlier circular form of Tamil-Brāhmī *ḻa* but with reversed orientation and the top circle (looking squarish as in Kodumanal)⁵ bisected by the vertical line. I read the expression as *aśaḻaya* (*aśaḻa* + *aya* < Pkt. *asaḍa* + *aya* < Skt. *āshāḍha* + *ārya*).⁶ This unique occurrence confirms the existence of the Tamil-Brāhmī script from at least the 2nd century B.C., the date assigned to this inscription by Karunaratne.

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² S. Paranavitana 1970: No. 504. S. Karunaratne 1984: No. 15.

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³ S. Paranavitana 1970: No. 504. S. Karunaratne 1984: No. 15. See also Karunaratne's discussion on this letter at p. 33. His eye copies of the letter at p. 33 and in Fig. 35 are incorrect. The reading *aśaḷiya* at p. 58 appears to be a typographic error.

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⁴ Paranavitana (1970: Glossary) lists *asaliya*, the genitive singular of *asali* (< Skt. *āślēsha*). But the letter under discussion here cannot be read as *li*.

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⁵ Cf. *Palaeographic Chart 7*: *ḻi*: KDM 164.

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⁶ Cf. *aśaḍa* and the suffix *-(a)ya* in Sinhala-Prakrit inscriptions (S. Paranavitana 1970: Glossary). Interestingly, the Tamil form of the name occurs as *asaṭa[n]* in a pottery inscription from Kodumanal (KDM 38).

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(g) *Occurrence of Tamil-Brāhmī ḻ in a Southern Brāhmī inscription*

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In 1942, Nilakanta Sastri⁷ published a Prakrit inscription of the Ikshvāku dynasty found earlier at Gurzala near Nagarjunakonda. The record is in the Southern Brāhmī script of the 3rd century A.D. and gives the name of the ruler as *siri-ruḷu-purisa-dāta*-as read by Nilakanta Sastri. (Later, Krishnan⁸ corrected the reading *-ruḷu-* as *-ruḻa-* <Pkt. *ruḍa* < Skt. *rudra*.) Interestingly, when Nilakanta Sastri published this inscription, the occurrence of a similar circular form of *ḻ* in the Tamil cave inscriptions had not been recognised; he identified the letter *ḻ* by comparing it with a somewhat similar form found in a later Western Chalukya record of the 7th century A.D.⁹

Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D. c25.s12.t1: 5.12.1 Tamil-Brāhmī ḻ

5.12.1 Tamil-Brāhmī ḻ

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