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Early South Indian Palaeography c13: Chapter V: The Authors of the Inscriptions

Early South Indian Palaeography c13

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Chapter V: The Authors of the Inscriptions

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The earliest inscriptions in the Tamil country are found engraved in the natural caves and caverns in the generally inaccessible heights and slopes of some of the hills in the districts of Tirunelveli, Madurai, Ramanathapuram, Tiruchirappalli and Coimbatore and a few in the North Arcot and Chingleput districts in the Madras State. One is found in the Nellore district of the Andhra Pradesh. With some dressing the caves were made fairly fit for human habitation. Not very far from the bustle and noise of the inhabited areas, and yet solemn and quiet, these places were obviously resorted to by religious people who wanted seclusion and calmness for leading a life of contemplation and religious exercise. Some of the caves are found to exist amidst picturesque surroundings and provided with stone beds carved out of rock and water convenience ; all of them appear to have served as ideal resorts for the serious and religious minded few devoted to a life of seclusion, high thinking and simple living. The period that may be assigned to the lithic records found in these natural caverns and caves is the second century B. C. to the first century A. D.

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The caves and caverns in the Tamil country are associated with the Jains, Buddhists and the Ājivikas, whose arrival and spread formed one of the important aspects of the religious history of South India during the pre-Christian era. These religions appear to have reached the Tamil country in the third and second centuries B.C. when the Mauryan Empire was at the height of its power and influence under its rulers.

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To take up first the early history of Jainism in South India. Our knowledge of the coming in of the religion to the south is mainly based on the evidence of a few inscriptions in the Karnāṭaka country and some Jaina sacred books, the traditional accounts contained in which are not always uniform. Both the classes of evidence are of a comparatively late date. In considering these sources and the light they throw on the coming in of Jainism to South India one important point has, however, to be borne in mind, namely that the mere coming of a group or number of people professing a particular religion to a particular area or territory need not and cannot necessarily mean the spread of the religion in the area. Distinction has to be made between the migration of a religious community to an area and the spread of its religion in that area. This is equally true of Buddhism also.

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Among the available epigraphical records bearing on the coming in of Jainism to South India one on the rock called variously as Candragiri, Kaṭavapra and Kalbappu at the celebrated Jaina centre Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa in the Channarayapatna taluk in the Hassan District in the Mysore State is the earliest and has been assigned to the sixth century A.D. on palaeographical grounds. The inscription says :

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" Bhadrabhāu-svāmi—of a lineage rendered illustrious by a succession of great men who came in regular descent from the venerable supreme Gautama-gaṇadhara, his immediate disciple Lohārya, Jambu, Viṣṇudēva, Aparājita, Govardhana, Bhadrabāhu Viśākha, Proṣṭhila, Kṛttikārya, Jayanāma, Siddhārtha, Dhṛtiṣeṇa, Buddhila and other teachers---who was acquainted with the true nature of the eight-foḷd great omens and was a seer of the past, the present and the future, having learnt from an omen and foretold in Ujjayani a calamity lasting for a period of twelve years, the entire *sangha* (or community) set out from the North to the South and reached by degrees a country counting many hundreds of villages and filled with happy people, wealth, gold, grain, and herds of cows, buffaloes, goats and sheep.

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" Then separating himself from the *sangha* and *Ācarya* Prabhācandra by name, perceiving that but little time remained for him to live and desiring to accomplish *samādhi*, the goal of penance associated with right conduct on this high peaked mountain which forms an ornament to the earth and bears the name Kaṭavapra¹ . . . . . bade farewell to and dismissed the *sangha* in its entirety and in company with a single disciple, mortifying his body on the wide expanse of the cold rocks, accomplished (*samadhi*).²

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¹ The place is called *Kaḷvappu* or *Kaḷbappu* in some Kannaḍa inscriptions.

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² *Epigraphia Carnatica* (Revised Edn.) Vol. II, Tr. pp. 1-2.

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There are a few inscriptions that associate Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta with Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa. An inscription of about A.D. 1100 in one of the caves in the hill mentions the worship of the feet of Bhadrabāhu-svāmi.³ Two inscriptions found on the north bank of the River Kāvērī near Śrīraṅgapaṭṭaṇa of about A.D. 900 say that the summit of the Kaḷbappu hill (Candragiri) was marked by the impress of the feet of the great sages Bhadrabāhu and Chandragupta.⁴ An inscription at Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa itself of about A.D. 650 refers to the sages Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta and says that the Jaina religion which had prospered under their lead had become weak by then and Śāntisēna revived it.⁵ Again an inscription of A.D. 1129 mentions both of them and says that Candragupta by the merit of being the disciple of Bhadrabāhu was served by the forest deities for a long time,⁶ while still another one of A.D. 1163 mentions both of them and says that the sages of Candragupta's *gaṇa* were worshipped by the forest deities.⁷ A still later inscription of A.D. 1432 says that Candragupta who was a disciple of Bhadrabāhu was bowed to by the chief gods on account of his perfect conduct and severe penance.⁸ These traditions about Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta recorded in some inscriptions are supported by a few other pieces of evidence. The smaller hill at the place is said to be called Candragiri on account of the fact that Candragupta is believed to have performed penance there, and the Candragupta-basti is said to be called so since it was caused to be erected by the Emperor. Besides, a cave on the hill is called after Bhadrabāhu since he is said to have expired in it and the foot prints found there are believed to be his.⁹

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³ *E.C.*, *II*, No. 167

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⁴ *Ibid.*, *III*, Nos. 147, and 148.

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⁵ *Ibid.*, *II*, No. 31.

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⁶ *Ibid.*, No. 67.

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⁷ *Ibid.*, No. 64.

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⁸ *Ibid.*, 258.

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⁹ See *Ibid.*, *Introdn.*, p. 36.

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Traditions about the association of Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta with Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa are contained in some Jain literary works of the Śvetambaras and Digambaras. According to the Śvetambara traditions Bhadrabāhu, the fifth Śrutakevalin, predicted a twelve years famine in Magadha, led the Jaina *sangha* to the Karnāṭaka along with his disciple Candragupta, and after the famine, returned to North India. He entrusted the leadership of the *sangha* to Sthūlabhadra, the sixth and the last *Śrutakevalin* and retired to Nepal, where he died in 170 A. V. *i.e.* 357 B. C.¹⁰ According to one of the Digambara traditions Bhadrabāhu the fifth *Śrutakevalin* gave *jinadīkṣa* to Candragupta. Predicting a twelve years' famine in Ujjain, Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta migrated with the *sangha* to the Karnāṭaka. When they reached the smaller hill at Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa, called Katavapra in Sanskrit, Bhadrabāhu foresaw that his end was drawing near, sent the *sangha* to the Cōḷa and Pāṇḍya countries under the leadership of one Vis'ākhācārya and stayed behind and died on the hill at Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa, attended by his disciple Candragupta. The latter survived his *guru* for twelve years at that place itself and died in 162 A. V. *i.e.* 365 B. C. after welcoming back the emigrants on their return to North India at the end of the famine.

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¹⁰ *Jainasena pūrva Purāṇa*, II, vv. 139.42; M. G. Pai, *Sāhitya Parishat Patrika*, XXVI, pp. 2.3.

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Similar traditions with slight variations are found in a few other Jaina works. One of them, the *Bṛhat-Kathākośa*, a Sanskrit work by Harisena (A. D. 931), contains the following account. Bhadrabāhu, who had king Chandragupta as his disciple, predicted a twelve years famine in the country, sent Candragupta muni who was also called Vis'ākhācārya, along with the *sangha* to the south and himself stayed behind, since he thought that his end was approaching. Viśākhācārya led the *sangha* to the Punnāṭa kingdom,¹¹ in the south. Bhadrabāhu went to Bhādrapada, a part of Ujjain and expired there fasting for many days. After the twelve years' famine ended Viśākhācārya returned to Madhyadeśa with the *sangha*.¹² According to the *Bhadrabāhu carita*, a Sanskrit work by Ratnanandi (C. A. D. 1450), Bhadrabāhu predicted a twelve years' famine in Ujjain and migrated to the Karnāṭaka along with twelve thousand disciples. When he reached a forest he saw that his end was drawing near, appointed Viśākhācārya to his own place and asked him to lead the *sangha* to the south. He stayed behind, attended by Chandragupta, while the others proceeded to the Cōḷa country. Bhadrabāhu then expired, performing *sallekhana*. The sage Candragupta drew a likeness of his *guru’s* feet and was worshipping them. When Viśākhācārya returned, he paid homage at the tomb of Bhadrabāhu, and being duly honoured by Candraguptamuni, left for Kanykāubja.¹³

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¹¹ This is the same as *Paunnata* mentioned by Ptolemy and was in the Mysore district with the modern Kittur in the Heggaddevan Kote taluk in the district as its capital (See *Ep. Car.*, Vol. II, Introdn., p. 37. n. 2.)

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¹² See *Ep. Car.*, Vol. II. Introdn., p. 37.

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¹³ *E.C.*, II, p. 38.

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Cidānandakavi’s (C. A. D. 1680) Kannaḍa work *Muṇivaṁśa-bhyudaya* contains some information about Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta. According to it when Śrutakevalin Bhadrabāhu was living in Cikka-beṭṭa in Beḷgoḷa he was perhaps killed by a tiger, and his feet (foot-prints) were even then (period of the composition of the work) worshipped. Dakṣiṇācārya came to the place by order of the sage Arhadbali. Candragupta, who had also come there on pilgrimage took *dīkṣa* from him and was offering worship to the God in the temple founded by him as also the foot prints of Bhadrabāhu. Later Candragupta succeeded to the position of Dakṣiṇācārya.¹⁴ The *Rājavalikathe* of Devacandra (A. D. 1838) says that Bhadrabāhu predicted to Candragupta a twelve years’ famine, and when it actually commenced, Candragupta abdicated in favour of his son Simhasena, took *dīkṣa* and joined him. Both of them migrated to the south with twelve thousand disciples. On the way Bhadrabāhu saw that his end was nearing; and stopping at a hill along with Candragupta, sent Viśākhācārya and his disciples to the Cōḷa and Pāṇḍya countries. On the death of Bhadrabāhu, Candragupta performed the funeral rites and continued to reside in a cave worshipping the foot prints of his *guru*. Bhāskara, the son of Simhasena and grandson of Candragupta himself visited the place, stayed there for some time and built some Jaina temples and a city near Candragiri which was named Beḷgoḷa. Later Candragupta himself died on the hill.¹⁵ With these literary traditions may be compared the epigraphical evidence cited above about the association of Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta with Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa.

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¹⁴ *Ibid.*, p. 38.

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¹⁵ *Ibid.*, p. 38-39.

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From the conflicting and contradictory nature of the evidence it is really difficult to say anything definite about the Jaina migration to the Mysore area. But it must be noted that all accounts are agreed on two important points: (i) the prediction by Bhadrabāhu of a famine for a period of twelve years and (ii) the migration of a strong Jaina community to South India. Besides, there is also general agreement on the fact that the Bhadrabāhu with whose name the Jaina migration to the South has been associated was Śrutakevalin of that name who had a disciple in the person of a Chandragupta, who according to traditional belief, was the founder of the Maurya dynasty.

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Opinion is divided among scholars about the authenticity of these traditions and the identity of Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta. Leumann believes in the traditions and the association of the two with the Jaina migration and says that the Jaina migration to the south was the initial fact of the Digambara tradition.¹⁶ Hoernle who has examined the Jaina *paṭṭāvalis* or succession lists of *gurus* says: "Before Bhadrabāhu the Jaina community was undivided; with him the Digambaras separated from the Śvetambaras—The Śvetembara *paṭṭāvalis* know only one Bhadrabāhu, who, from the dates assigned to him by the Śvetambaras and Digambaras alike, must be identical with Bhadrabāhu I of the Digambaras. Considering the varying and the contradictory character of the Digambara traditions, the probability is that the inception of the great separation took place under Bhadrabāhu I, who died in 162 A.V. according to the Digambaras or 170 A.V. according to the Śvetambaras¹⁷—The Digambara separation originally took place as a result of the separation southwards under Bhadrabāhu in consequence of a severe famine in Bihar, the original home of the undivided Jain community".¹⁸ Hoernle is thus inclined to think that the Jaina migration to the south took place under the Śrutakevalin Bhadrabāhu.

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¹⁶ *Vienna Oriental Journal*, VII, p. 382; quoted by Rice in his *Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions*, p. 6.

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¹⁷ According to Jacobi "the date of Bhadrabāhu's death is placed indentically by all Jaina authors from Hemachandra down to the most modern scholiast in the year 170 A.V." (*Kalpastra*, *sūtra*, *Intro.*, p. 13.)

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¹⁸ *Indian Antiquary*, Vol. XXI, pp. 59-60.

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The possibility of there being some truth in the tradition of the migration of Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta to the south is, it is claimed, suggested by a few other pieces of evidence also. According to F. W. Thomas, Chandragupta was a confirmed Jain. He says "That Chandragupta was a member of the Jaina community is taken by their writers as a matter of course and treated as a known fact which needed neither argument nor demonstration."18a Megasthenes, the Greek ambassador in the court of Chandragupta, refers to the close connection which the emperor had with the Śramaṇas in matters of religion as distinguished from the Brahmans (Brachmanes) and the Buddhists (Boutta), when he says that "They (the Śramaṇas) communicate with the kings, who consult them by messengers regarding the causes of things and who through them worship and supplicate the deity."¹⁹ The Śarmanes (Śramaṇas) were obviously the same as the Germanes mentioned by Strabo and Samanaeans mentioned by Porphyrus. It has been suggested that they may have belonged to one sect of Jina or to another.²⁰ It is possible that even in those early days the Jains were known as Śramaṇas. Aśoka used the term *sangha* while speaking of the Buddhists while he used the word Śramaṇa, when referring to the Jains.²¹ It may be noted also that Kuṇḍakundācārya, the earliest of the Digambara Jaina writers of South India, refers to the members of his own sect by the term Śramaṇa.²²

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18a Thomas, *Jainism or the Early Faith of Asoka*, p. 23.

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¹⁹ See V. R. R. Dikshitār, *The Mauryan Polity*, pp. 269-73 for a discussion of the question.

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²⁰ Colebrooke, *Essays*, II, p. 203.

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²¹ See Bhandarkar, *Asoka*, pp. 168.72.

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²² *Pravacana sāra*, Introdn., p. XXI; Bhandarkar, *Report an Sanskrit Manuscripts*, 1883.84, pp. 97-100; also S. R. Sharma, *Jainism and Karnataka Culture*, p. 7.

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Thomas was definite that they were the Jains and Chandragupta "submitted to the devotional teachings of the Śramaṇas as opposed to the doctrines of the Brahmans". He further says that the fact that Aśoka was a Jain to begin with and later changed to Buddhism, would also show that Candragupta was a Jain. Further it has been argued that Candragupta's Jaina creed is borne out by the facts that, according to the *Mudrarakṣasa* of Viśākhadatta, the Jains occupied an important position at the time of the Mauryan revolution led by Candragupta, and Cāṇakya employed a Jain as one of his emissaries in the accomplishment of the revolution.²³

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²³ Thomas, *op. cit.*, p. 23.

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A few other arguments have been advanced to show that Candragupta changed a Jain and discarded public life. It is said that he ascended the Magadhan throne when he was fairly young, ruled for twenty-four years and then gave place to his son Bindusāra. At that time he could not have been more than fifty years old. There is nothing to show that he either died in battle or died a natural death. In the absense of any evidence of his death, it has been assumed that 'he could have retired from the throne in order to devote himself, in accordance with the dictates of the Jaina religion, to an ascetic life in the last stage of his existence and accompanied Bhadrabāhu to the South, and that might be the explanation of his early disappearance from public notice and of silence regarding his further career, for absolute renunciation of all earthly ties was the essence of the vow he had taken.'²⁴ According to the South Indian traditions he lived at Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa for twelve years after the decease of Bhadrabāhu and died when he was probably sixty-two years of age. Lewis Rice who has accepted all these lines of reasoning thinks that the migration of Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta along with a large number of Jains could have taken place.²⁵ V. A. Smith was at first inclined to discredit the Bhadrabāhu—Candragupta tradition as 'imaginative history'. But 'after much consideration' he revised his views and admitted 'the main facts as affirmed by tradition' to have solid foundation in fact and said 'in short the Jaina tradition holds the field and no alternative account exists,' and again "I am disposed to believe that the tradition is probably true in its main outline".²⁶ Narasimhachar of Mysore also believed int he traditions and observed "the evidence may not be quite decisive, but it may be accepted as a working hypothesis until the contrary is proved by future research''.²⁷

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²⁴ Rice *Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions*, p. 9.

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²⁵ *Ibid.*, pp. 8-9.

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²⁶ *Early History of India*, Fourth Edn. (1924) p. 154; *Oxford History of India*, (Revised Edn. 1958), p. 99.

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²⁷ *Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society*, Vol. XIII, p. 44.

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But there are also scholars who are not disposed to accept the evidence of these traditions about the migration of the Jains to the South in the third century B.C. Among them are Fleet, Shama Sastri and M. Govinda Pai.

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Fleet admitted that the Jaina migration to South India may well be a historical fact, whether it started from Ujjain or any other place in North India. But he felt that the association of Candragupta Maurya with the fifth Śrutakevalin Bhadrabāhu and their migration to Śravaṇa Beḷgoḷa cannot be believed because of the discrepant and conflicting nature of the literary and epigraphical evidence relating to them.²⁸ He was inclined to identify Bhadrabāhu of the traditions with the *Upaṅgi ācārya* Bhadrabāhu II of Hoernle's *paṭṭāvalis* of the *Sarasvatī Gaccha*,²⁹ the last but one of the Minor Angins who is said to have become pontiff in 53 B.C. He also identified Candragupta of the traditions with Guptigupta, the disciple of Bhadrabāhu II, and thought that he was also known by the names of Arhadbalin and Viśākhācārya who became pontiff in 31 B.C.³⁰

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²⁸ *Ind. Ant.*, Vol. XXI, pp. 156.160. *Ep. Ind.*, Vol. IV, pp. 22-8.

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²⁹ *Ibid.*, Vol. XX, pp. 349.51.

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³⁰ *Ibid.*, Vol. XXI, p. 159.

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Dhirendra Nath Mookerjee who has examined this question arrives at a similar conclusion and says that it was the Upāṅgi *ācārya* Bhadrabāhu II, who became pontiff in 53 B.C. and died in 31 B.C., that led the migration to South India and that the monarch Candragupta who accompanied him was "Candragupta I Vikramāditya who founded the era of 58 B.C." He adds that "as Bhadrabāhu died in V. S. 27, Chandragupta I left the crown about V.S. 26, and as according to Jaina tradition he lived for twelve years more after Ācārya Bhadrabāhu's death, Chandragupta I died about V.S. 39—19 B.C. during Samudragupta's rule". He is further inclined to think that Candra of the Meharauli (Delhi) Iron Pillar Inscription was this Candragupta.³¹

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³¹ *Journal of Indian History*, Vol. XX, pp. 249-274.

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Shama Sastri thinks that the Candragupta of the Jaina traditions was Candragupta II of the Gupta dynasty and says: "It is possible that it was this Chandragupta, who in his old age embraced Jainisin and being moved with pity at the sight of the famished people—left the country in the company of Bhadrabāhu III, a Jain teacher, to spend his days in solitude in Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa in Mysore under the rule of his father-in-law (i.e. Mayūraśarman of the Kadamba dynasty, whose daughter, he seems to have married.)"³²

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³² *Mys. Arch. Report*, 1923, para 67.

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Govinda Pai, who has examined this question in detail, argues that the Bhadrabāhu who migrated to the Karnāṭaka country with 12,000 Jains was none other than the fifth Śrutakevalin of the name, but his disciple was not Candragupta, the founder of the Maurya dynasty, and the grand father of Aśoka, who continued to be of the Brahmanical faith throughout his life but Samprati, who was the grand son of Aśoka and was also called Candragupta. He bases his conclusion on the evidence of the *Vaḍḍarādhane*, a Kannaḍa work of Śivakoṭyācārya, which had a Prākṛt original written in North India probably in the second or third century A.D. The antiquity of the Prākṛt work may be judged from the fact that it mentions only three Vedas as also some foreign coins like the *drachma* and *dinara* which were current in parts of North-West India in the period between the second century B.C. and the third century A.D. According to the work, when Samprati Candragupta was the ruler of Ujjayini, the fifth Śrutakevalin Bhadrabāhu gave him *jinadīkṣa* by his own hands; and fore-seeing a great famine for a period of twelve years, both of them migrated to the Karnāṭaka where the former died at Kaḷbappu, the Kannaḍa form of the Sanskrit word Kaṭavapra. Govinda Pai thinks that Bhadrabāhu's death must have occurred in the first half of the third century B.C., since he was a contemporary of Samprati Candragupta, the grandson of Aśoka, and that the date given by the Śvetambaras and Digambaras has to be dismissed as unhistorical.³³

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³³ *Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrika*, XXVI, pp. 1-21.

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But all these theories are difficult of acceptance. It must be remembered that all the traditions are unanimous in saying that it was Bhadrabāhu who could see the past, the present and the future (*trikalajña*) and that predicting a famine in North India he migrated to the south. And that could have been the fifth Śrutakevalin Bhadrabāhu who is said to have possessed such great powers. The identification proposed by Shama Sastri depends very much on the correctness of the date given by him for the commencement of the Gupta Era, namely 200 - 201 A. D. But this initial date for the Gupta Era has not found favour with scholars. Secondly there is nothing on record to show that in the Gupta period which was a strikingly flourishing age in Indian history there was a great famine in North India which led to the migration of a large number of Jainas to South India. Besides, Candragupta II was of the Brahmanical faith throughout his life and it is impossible to believe that he could have turned a Jaina. More than all, while the Śvetambara tradition mentions only one Bhadrabāhu, the Digambara tradition mentions two Bhadrabāhus. There does not appear to be any historical or traditional basis to argue that there were three Bhadrabāhus. Dhirendra Nath Mookerjee’s attempted identification of the Candragupta of the Jaina traditions with Candragupta I of the Gupta dynasty and also with the author of the Meharauli Pillar Inscription, and his statement that he lived just before the commencement of the Christian era have yet to be proved by reliable evidence. Govinda Pai’s position seems to be stronger; but it must also prove unacceptable when it is seen that Candragupta Maurya turned a Jaina and followed Bhadrabāhu to the Karnāṭaka country after abdicating his throne.

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Though there may be some reason for differences of opinion among scholars regarding the period of the advent of Jainism in the Karnāṭaka, there is no reason to doubt the existence of some Jaina settlements in the Tamil country, particularly in the districts of Tirunelveli, Madurai, Ramanathapuram, Tiruchirapalli and Coimbatore in the extreme south of the peninsulae in the third and second centuries B.C. But some doubt has been expressed with regard to the region through which Jainism came to the Tamil country, whether it was through Andhradeśa or the Karṇāṭaka country. To consider them one after the other.

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The *Mahavaṁsa*, a Buddhist chronicle of the fifth century A.D., while describing the consecration of prince Pāṇḍukābhaya in Ceylon mentions the fresh constructions in Anuradhapura, the new capital, among which was a house for the Nigaṇṭha Jotiya to the east of the cemetery. In that area were living Nigaṇṭha Giri and many ascetics of various heretical sects. The ruler also constructed a chapel for Nigaṇṭha Kumbhaṇḍa which was named after him. The ruler also erected a dwelling for the Ājivīkas.³⁴ The term *Nigaṇṭha* is the Prākṛt form of the word *Nirgrantha*, meaning a follower of the Jaina faith. Since the reign period of Pāṇḍukābhaya has been placed between 377 and 307 B.C.³⁵, it has been suggested that the building of a house as a temple for the Nirgranthas at the capital must be assigned to that period. From these it has been presumed that Jainism had reached at least the northern part of Ceylon and had attained a position to receive attention from the king of the island. It is further urged that "it also points to the possibility that the Tamil land might have come into contact with the creed of Lord Jaina by the period of the fourth century B.C. or even earlier. For, on account of their proximity, closer relationship subsisted between Ceylon and the Tamil country; and the Jaina missionaries like the protagonists of the Buddhist faith might have naturally preached their doctrine in the latter region, prior to their immigration into the island by the land route through peninsular India."³⁶ It has further been suggested that Jainism spread to South India from the Kalinga and the Andhra deśa for it is believed that Mahāvīra himself visited the Kalinga and laid the foundations for the spread of his doctrine there.³⁷ Further it is surmised that Jainism must have come to the Tamil country even before the Bhadrabāhu-Candragupta period, for as said earlier, some traditional accounts relating to the migration of Jainas from North India to the Karṇāṭaka country say that Bhadrabāhu at the time of his death nominated his disciple Viśākhācārya as the leader of the Jainas and asked him to proceed further into the Cōḻa and Pāṇḍya countries.³⁸

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³⁴ Geiger, *Mahāvaṁsa*, p. 75.

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³⁵ *Ibid., Introdn.*, p. xxxvi.

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³⁶ P. B. Desai, *Jainism in South India and Some Jnina Epigraphs*, p. 26.

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³⁷ *Ibid.*, pp. 3 and 25.

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³⁸ *Ibid.*, pp. 25-26.

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The above conclusions have, it appears, been drawn on very slender evidence. Though the *Mahāvaṁśa* mentions the Nirgranthas and some constructions for them at Anurādhapura during the time of the Ceylonese king Pāṇḍukābhaya in the fourth century B.C., it is not known how much of the account is historical and how much is traditional and legendary. It is well known that the sphere of activity of Mahāvīra was restricted to his homeland; and at the time of his death Jainism had not spread beyond the region where it was born. It does not appear that the activities of Mahāvīra extended beyond the Magadhan kingdom and the adjoining regions in Northern India during his time; and the accounts that associate him with Kaliṅga are not to be very much relied upon for historical purposes. Further the traditional accounts which mention that Bhadrabāhu sent his disciples Viśākhācārya and all others except one to the Cōḻa and Pāṇḍya countries, even if there is any historical truth in them, do not necessarily mean that the people of the Tamil country 'were already familiar with the doctrine (of Jainism)'. It is difficult to believe from the above that Jainism had reached the Tamil country even so early as, the fifth or fourth century B.C.

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Therefore evidence about the coming in of Jainism to the extreme south has to be sought for elsewhere; and such evidence is supplied in sufficient measure by a few of the natural caverns in some hills and rocks lying in out of the way places in the southernmost parts of the Madras State. These caverns which appear to have been used for religious purposes were made fit for human occupation and provided wherever necessary or possible with beds cut into them. The beds were chiselled smooth with one side raised a little meant to serve as pillows for persons lying on them. The grooves in the outer fringes of most of the caverns were cut in such a way that rain water was prevented from flowing into them, but was carried off to some distance. Some of the caverns had big holes cut on the open yard, apparently for fixing poles or railings, besides a number of smaller ones which were used obviously in different ways to protect the caves. These oldest monuments in the Pāṇḍya country are also the oldest in Southern India itself." Locally the hills in which these caverns are found are called *pañcapāṇḍava malai* (the hill of the five Pāṇḍavas). A particular hill in the Madurai district is itself called Aivarmalai (the hill of the five), five being obviously a reference to the Pāṇḍavas. The beds in the monuments are called *pañcapāṇḍava paḍukkai*, popularly translated as the bed of the five Pāṇḍavas. Such a literal translation or interpretation of the two terms does not, however, appear to have much significance, for there is nothing to show that the Pāṇḍavas of the *Mahabharata* had anything to do with them. Further, in many cases the number of beds are not five in a cavern, but more than twice or thrice the number of the Pāṇḍavas.

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K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, while examining the religious associations of the monuments thinks that they were Buddhist and says that the term *pañcapāṇḍavamalai* "strongly reminds us of the *pāṇḍava-pabbata* at whose foot the Buddha after his renunciation took his first meal which he had obtained by begging; and this fact suggests that these caves might have been the favourite resorts of Bauddha *bhikshus* who probably had their meals in them, as the name *Uṇḍankal* 'the rock of one who took a meal' applied to one of them indicates, and should have been called *Paṇḍavamalai* after the name of the monument where the Great One, whom they followed in every way first resided. In this connection, it is also worthy of note that some of these hills are termed *Kaḻugumalai*, a Tamil rendering of the Sanskrit *Gṛdhrakūṭa*, the hill occupied by the Buddha during his ascestic life. That this practice of naming monasteries after those (the names of places associated with the life and activities) of the Great One was in vogue in Ceylon also may be gathered from the name *Jetavanarāma* given to one of the monasteries of Anurādhapura, evidently after the one built for the Buddha by the rich merchant Anāthapiṇḍika at Śrāvāsti and in which the Buddha passed several years of his life "⁴⁰

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⁴⁰ *Proceedings of the Third Oriental Conference*, p. 279.

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He further thinks that the caverns of the Tamil country have close resemblance to similar early monuments in Ceylon and says that they "go to prove the fact that they must have all come into existence at the same time shaped by the same hands and for the same purpose".⁴¹ The close relation between Ceylon and the Tamil country from such early times is borne out by literary evidence. The *Mahāvaṁśa* says, for instance, that Mahinda and the principal *theras* who followed him to Ceylon, besides those of whom Ariṭṭa was the chief one, as also a large number of sanctified Ceylonese priests and priestesses spread abroad the Buddhist creed.⁴² It has also been suggested that the caverns were used by the Buddhist priests for pious meditation. "Whether they were primarily designed as a provision for the annual retreat initiated by the Buddha when it was ordained that the monks were to keep *vassa* and refrain from peregrination during the hot season cannot now be easily determined......... The doubt raised in the first part of the passage quoted here whether the caverns were designed for the annual retreat or were intended to give a cool resort can be cleared from the reply which Mahinda gave to Tissa when the latter requested the saint to halt in the beautiful garden near his capital on a certain night. The statement of the *thera* shows that the Buddhist monks were prohibited by the rules of their order from staying even in the nearest proximity of cities or villages: in a way it also accounts for the necessity of the caverns".⁴³

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³⁹ See *Ind. Ant.*, Vol. XL, pp. 210-11.

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⁴¹ *Proceedings of the Third Oriental Conference*, pp. 299-300.

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⁴² *Ibid.*, pp. 280-81.

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⁴³ *Ibid.*, p. 280

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There are however some difficulties in taking all these early lithic monuments of South India as Buddhist, though it is possible that at least in the third century B.C., Buddhism had reached the Tamil country. As said earlier the main reason put forward by K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar to show that they are of Buddhist origin or association is that they resemble in many respects the caverns in Ceylon. But it must be remembered that in spite of their similarity, there are absolutely no Buddhist remains in the caverns in the Tamil country while such remains are found in the caverns in Ceylon. Apart from that, as will be seen from the sequel, many of these caverns in the Tamil country have Jaina associations. Near the caverns at places like Tirupparaṅkuṉṟam, Aḻagarmalai, Muttupaṭṭi, Kīḻavaḷavu, Kaḷugumalai, Sittaṇṇavāśal, Śuṇḍakkāpārai, and a few others are found Jaina figures which may be taken as bearing testimony to the Jaina association of these monuments. It may be that some of the Jaina sculptures were made and consecrated at later date on the rocks of the caverns containing relics of an earlier period, such as the beds and Brāhmī inscriptions associated with the Jainas. However they are indicative of the Jaina association of these monuments.

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As said earlier most of these caverns are known locally as *pañcapāṇḍava paḍukkai*. Since even caverns having Jaina association are also so called, there is no particular significance in associating them with the Buddhists and the Pāṇḍavapabbata.

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The age of these caverns and the *pañcapāṇḍavapaḍukkais* in them may be determined with the help of the Brāhmī inscriptions engraved on the rocks near many of these caverns or in the caverns themselves, or sometimes on the pillows or beds in them. Palaeographically these inscriptions which bear close resemblance to the cave records of Ceylon of almost the same period and the Bhaṭṭiprolu Brāhmī inscriptions may, as said earlier, be assigned from the third to the first century B.C., though there is much difficulty experienced in deciphering and grouping of the letters and words in them and interpreting them. As will be seen in the sequel, these inscriptions, which record either donations of the caverns to some people or mention the men residing in them, may be assigned to the period to which the caverns themselves belong. The men who resided in these carverns, were not only holy men who belonged to the Buddhist order, but also to the Jaina or Ājīvika orders. Thus there is nothing particularly Buddhist about them. On the other hand they show that quite like Buddhism, Jainism and Ājivikism also had come to the Tamil country by the third century B.C., and some holy men of the Jaina and Ājivika orders also retired to these caverns and spent their time in seclusion and religious exercise, though it cannot on that account be said that Jainism or the Ājivika faith had well spread in the region by that time and had large followings.

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The early history of Buddhism in South India is still wrapped in considerable obscurity. Like Jainism, Buddhism also appears to have reached South India in the third and second centuries B.C. While the coming in of Jainism is usually associated with Śrutakevalin Bhadrabāhu and the Mauryan emperor Candragupta the advent of Buddhism in South India is associated with Aśoka, the grandson of Candragupta.

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A few traditional accounts of its advent into Ceylon would suggest that the new religion had reached the island and South India even before the days of Aśoka. There is a Ceylonese tradition which says that not only Gautama himself but also the three preceding Buddhas were miraculously transported to Ceylon where arrangements were made for its conversion. Gautama himself is said to have made three visits to the island.⁴⁴ Again it is said that about the time of the Buddha's death one Vijaya started from Bhṛgukacca (Broach) with 700 followers, conquered Ceylon with the slaughter of many of its ancient inhabitants called Yakkhas (Yakṣas), settled in the island and spread Buddhism in it. He is mentioned as belonging to the Sākya clan, while his nephew Pāṇḍuvāsudēva married a daughter of the cousin of the Buddha. He himself is said to have married a Pāṇḍya princess.⁴⁵ On account of the proximity of the Pāṇḍya country to Ceylon and the matrimonial connection mentioned above, it is believed that people in the Pāṇḍya country would have become familiar with Buddhism, though they might not have changed over to the new faith. It is, however, doubtful if these traditional accounts contained in the Ceylonese chronicles may be treated as historically reliable. It is not possible to believe that the Buddha's activities were extended beyond the Madhyadeśa ; the places associated with his life were all in North India namely Rājagṛha, the Magadhan capital, Bodhgayā, Banaras, Śrāvastī, Vaiśālī, Nālandā, Pāvā and Kuśinagara.⁴⁶ Nor is it likely that Vijaya could have invaded Ceylon and spread Buddhism at such an early period in the island. It is not known from what part of the country Vijaya took his followers to the island. The contemporaneity of Vijaya with the Buddha is not above suspicion. It may be doubted if it was not the deliberate attempt on the part of the chronicles to make Vijaya's landing in Ceylon synchronise with the *pari nirvāṇa* of the Buddha. These apart, there is no corroborative evidence on the Tamil side to support the tradition of Vijaya's marriage with a Pāṇḍya princess.

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⁴⁴ Geiger, *Mahavamsa*, 1, 19ff.

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⁴⁵ See C. W. Nicholas and S. Parnavitana, *A Concise History of Ceylon*, (1961), pp. 21-23.

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⁴⁶ See E. J. Thomas, *The Life of the Buddha*, pp. 13-14; K. G. Saunders *Story of Buddhism*, p. 45; N. Dutt, *Aspects of Mahāyāna Buddhism and its relation to Hīnayāna*, p. 14.

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Likewise there are traditions about the association of the Buddha with the Tamil country. According to HiuenTsang "Talopitu had been frequently visited by the Buddha, and king Aśoka had erected Topes at the various spots where the Buddha had preached and admitted members into his Order......Not far from the south of the capital (Kanchi-pu-lo) was a large monastery which was a rendezvous for the most eminent men of the country. It had an Aśoka Tope, above hundred feet high where the Buddha had once defeated the Tirthikas by preaching, and had received many into his communion. Near it were traces of a sitting place and exercise-walk of the Four Past Buddhas."⁴⁷

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⁴⁷ T. Watters, *On Yuan Chuang's Travels in India*, Vol. II, p. 226; Beal, *Buddhist Records of the Western World*, Vol. II, p. 230.

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There cannot be any difficulty in identifying Talopitu with Toṇḍai-maṇḍalam and Kanchi-pu-lo with Kāñcīpuram. But to put any faith in the account of the Chinese pilgrim regarding the Buddha's activities at Kāñcīpuram is wrong; for, as said above, the activities of the Buddha were confined to the Madhyadeśa only. Hence it is difficult to believe that Buddhism had reached the Tamil country and Ceylon even during the life time of the Buddha himself.⁴⁸

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⁴⁸ See R. Satyanathier, *Studies in the Ancient History of Tondaimandalam*, p. 2.

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Thus since Buddhism could not have reached South India at such an early date, it may be taken that it spread in the Tamil country during the period of the Mauryan Emperor Aśoka, the next important epoch in the history of the religion. Traditional accounts of its spread in South India during Aśoka's time contained in the *Mahāvaṃśa* and the chronicles of Hiuen Tsang are largely confirmed by not only Brahmanical sources but also the Edicts of the Emperor. It is a well-known fact that Aśoka occupies a unique position in the history of the spread of Buddhism in India and abroad and he gave it a character, which it had not attained previously. Whatever may be the effect of his missionary activity for Buddhism in the countries to the west of India, there can be no doubt about the success of his missions whithin India, where, on account of his missionary activity the doctrines of Buddhism "spread as far as northern Bengal in the east, Nepal and Kashmir in the north, Gandhara in the west and Ceylon in the south".⁴⁹ Traditions of his association with these regions are found to exist in them; and on account of the geographical contiguity of Ceylon and South India it is possible that what he did for Ceylon with regard to the spread of Buddhism should have influenced South India also.

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⁴⁹ See B. C. Law, *New Indian Antiquary*, Vol. II, p. 695.

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According to the traditions contained in the *Mahāvaṁśa* there appears to have been close relationship between the mainland and Ceylon from very early times. The *Mahāvaṁśa* would have us believe that Devānāmpiya Tissa,⁵⁰ the King of Ceylon who was on friendly terms with Aśoka, although they had not met, sent to the Mauryan Emperor "a complimentary mission bearing wonderful treasures." Aśoka who was obviously pleased with the mission said that "he had taken refuge in the law of Buddha and advised the King of Ceylon to find salvation in the same way". He is also said to have sent to the Ceylonese King rich presents including royal insignia and Tissa was crowned for a second time, which probably signifies that he became disciple and vassal of Aśoka.⁵¹ Such close association and intercourse between the Mauryan Emperor and the Ceylonese King made it easy for the former to send religious missions to the island and convert its King and people to Buddhism.

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⁵⁰ With this title may be compared the Mauryan Emperor's title *Devānāṁpriya*. Apparently the Ceylonese King took that title in imitation of Aśoka.

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⁵¹ See *History of Ceylon*, (University of Ceylon), Vol. I, pp. 132-34.

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Again according to the *Mahāvaṁśa* Aśoka held in the seventeenth year of his coronation the Third Buddhist Council at Pāṭaliputra under the presidency of the monk Moggaliputta Tissa (Upagupta in the North Indian texts) and at its end "he sent forth *theras* one here and one there to various countries." It is said that he sent Mahendra with Rāṣṭriya, Uttiya, Sarupala and Bhadrasara to Lankā (Ceylon.). The *Mahāvaṃśa* says that Mahā Ariṭṭa, the maternal uncle of Moggaliputta Tissa and a great statesman of the day went at the request of his nephew to the court of Aśoka and brought a Bodhi tree along with Mahinda Sangamitra.⁵² These traditions are supported by the Pāli canonical work, the *Parivarapāṭha* which was compiled about the beginning of the Christian era.⁵³

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⁵² *Ibid.*, pp. 139-40.

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⁵³ See B. M. Barua, *Inscriptions of Aśoka*, Pt. ii, p. 236. The traditions about Moggaliputta Tissa's efforts to establish Buddhist faith in Ceylon during the time of As'oka contained in the *Dīpavaṃśa* are indirectly confirmed by the records on the relic caskets of Kōtiputta Kassapa Gotta, Koḍiniputta Majjhima and Gotiputta Dundubhissara from Sāñchi and Sonari (*J.R.A.S.*, 1905).

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The Ceylonese chronicles would have us believe that Buddhism was received in Ceylon direct from Magadha as may be seen from the account that Mahendra miraculously flew to the island in the air. It is strange that the chronicles are silent about the Aśokan missions to the Tamil country. This points to the fact that the Ceylonese monks were anxious to record their direct relations with the homeland of Buddhism and Aśoka. As Oldenberg shrewdly observes "the story of Mahinda and his sister seems to have been invented for the purpose of possessing a history of the Buddhist institutions in the island and to connect it with the most distinguished person conceivable—the great Asoka."⁵⁴ It seems that such accounts of the direct relations between Magadha and Ceylon are too fantastic and improbable. It is more likely that Buddhism reached Ceylon through the Deccan and South India with which both the Mauryan emperors and Ceylon had contacts, though it is not improbable that the Aśokan missions were more successful in the island than in the Tamil country. A tradition recorded by Hiuen Tsang associates a Buddhist mission under Mahendra with Malayakūṭa below Drāviḍa, *i.e.*, the Tāmraparṇī country before it went to Siṃhala. Referring to the place he says:

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⁵⁴ Introduction to the *Vinaya Piṭaka*.

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"(Here) some follow the true doctrine, others are given to heresy. They do not esteem learning much, but are wholly given to commercial gain. There are the ruins of many old

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convents, but only the walls are preserved and there are few religious followers. There are many hundred Deva (Brahmanical) temples and a multitude of heretics, mostly belonging to the Nirgranthas (Jains)".

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"Not far to the east of this city is an old saṅghārāma (monastery) of which the vestibule and court are covered with wild shrubs. This was built by Mahendra the younger brother of Aśoka Rājā. To the east of this is a *stūpa*, the lofty walls of which are buried in the earth ... This was built by Aśoka Rājā".⁵⁵ Thus these traditions preserved in later writings show that Mahendra had something to do with the spread of Buddhism in the Tamil country. In fact the Ceylonese chronicles give such singularly onesided and often exaggerated account of the close and direct contacts between the island and Pāṭaliputra that one is not able to get a correct idea of the part played by Mahendra in the spread of the religion in South India.

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⁵⁵ Beal, *op. cit.*, Vol. II, p. 231.

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Whatever that may be, it seems probable that Mahendra did something for the spread of Buddhism in the Tamil country. Probably he stayed in the region for some time, most probably at Nāgapaṭṭinam, which was an important centre of Buddhism from early times. This may be inferred from the fact that Hiuen Tsang mentions a monastery built by Mahendra near Tanjavur.⁵⁶ Later traditions affirm that there was a Buddhist monastery at Nāgapaṭṭinam which was called *Dharmaśoka Mahārāja vihāra*, apparently named after Aśoka.⁵⁷ The great Śaiva revivalist Sambandar mentions the place as a centre of Buddhism.⁵⁸ Later still the smaller Leyden grant of Kulōttunga I mentions a Rājēndra śōḻapperumpaḷḷi as also some Buddhist temples at the place.⁵⁹ Morco Polo who visited Nāgapaṭṭinam mentions a *stūpa* at the place.⁶⁰ All these point to the fact that the east coast of the Tamil country, particularly the Nāgapaṭṭinam area had come under the influence of Buddhism during the days of Aśoka, probably on account of the work of missionaries like Mahendra.

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⁵⁶ Watters, *Yuan Chuang*, Vol. II, p. 228.

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⁵⁷ See B. M. Barua, *Asoka and his Inscriptions*, p. 352.

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⁵⁸ VII, 252–10. See also M. A. Dorai Rangaswamy, *The Religion and Philosophy of the Tēvāram*, Bk. II, pp. 1135-41.

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⁵⁹ *Ep. Ind.*, XXII, p. 276.

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⁶⁰ Henri Cordier, *Marco Polo*, p. 114.

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The edicts of Aśoka are an invaluable source of information for a study of the life and activities of the Emperor; and but for them, it should be very difficult to recover his true history particularly in view of the fact that "myths and legends have freely and luxuriantly grown round him especially in the tropical climate of Ceylon".⁶¹ These edicts which are incised on rocky surfaces and exquisitely polished pillars of stone contain largely the Emperor's messages and sermons to his people and record his many sided activities. Some of them record his work in connection with the spread of *Dharma* inside and outside his empire. Of them Rock Edicts II and XIII are of particular value on account of the details they contain about his religious missions to South India and Ceylon. In Edict II he records:

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⁶¹ R. K. Mookerjee, *Asoka*, p. 2.

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"Throughout the domain of King Priyadarśin, Beloved of the Gods, so also in the bordering territories such as Cōḷa, Pāṇḍya, Satiyaputra, Ketalaputra, as far (south) as Tāmraparṇī (that of) of the Greek King named Antiochos, or even (those of the Greek) kings who are the neighbours of the said Antiochus--everywhere King Priyadarśin, Beloved of the Gods has arranged for two kinds of medical treatment, that for men and that for animals. The medicinal herbs that are suitable for men and for animals have been caused to be supplied and planted wheresoever these are not to be found. The medicinal roots and fruits too, have been caused to be supplied and planted wheresoever these are lacking. On the roads wells (and the like) have been caused to be excavated and shade trees planted for the enjoyment of men and animals'.⁶²

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⁶² See B. M. Barua, *Inscriptions of Asoka*, II. Pt. ii. p. 180. also Hultzsch, *The Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum*, Vol. I, pp. 3-4; R. K. Mookerjee, *op. cit.*, pp. 131.2., D. C. Sircar, *Inscriptions of Aśoka* (1957), p. 40; N. A. Nikam and Richard Mc Keon, (Ed), *The Edicts of Asoka*, p. 27.

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The edicts mention the kingdoms and peoples outside Aśoka's dominion as distinguished from the territories and peoples within them. The terms used to denote the former are *anta, pracamta* or *pratyanta* meaning ruling peoples of the bordering states which were obviously contiguous to his own empire while the territories and people within his empire are referred to by the term *vijita*, which show that they were conquered by him or his predecessors and hence formed an integral part of his empire. To the group of independent kingdoms and people outside the pale of the Mauryan Empire belonged territories of the Cōḷa, Pāṇḍya, Satiyaputra and Keralaputra as far (south) as Tāmraparṇī.

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