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Indian Epigraphy: A Guide to the Study of Inscriptions in Sanskrit, Prakrit, and the Other Indo-Aryan Languages c9.s1.t2: 4.1.2 Land grant (copper plate) charters

Indian Epigraphy: A Guide to the Study of Inscriptions in Sanskrit, Prakrit, and the Other Indo-Aryan Languages c9.s1.t2

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4.1.2 Land grant (copper plate) charters

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B. Ch. Chhabra, "Diplomatic of Sanskrit Copper-Plate Grants"; A. Gaur, *Indian Charters on Copper Plates*, vii–xiii; SIE 103–60; PIP 145–6.

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Inscriptions on copper plates recording land grants⁴ are exceedingly common almost everywhere in India,⁵ numbering well into the thousands, and their study is an important subfield within Indian epigraphy. Such inscriptions are engraved on one or more plates of copper which vary widely in size but generally reproduce the shape of traditional nonepigraphic writing materials such as palm leaves and bark strips, or sometimes stone stelae. Smaller examples, usual in the earlier centuries, are typically about two to three inches high and five to six inches long; later specimens are often large, in the range of fifteen to twenty inches. The plates are usually prepared with some care in order to protect the writing from damage and wear; often the edges are raised to prevent the plates from rubbing together, and sometimes the outer plates or faces are left blank. The writing usually goes along the longer direction of the plates, though inscriptions written across the shorter dimension are not uncommon, especially in eastern India and in the plates of the Vijayanagara kings in southern India. Charters on multiple plates are joined together with a ring (occasionally two rings, one at each end) of copper or bronze which is inserted through holes in the plates. The ends of the ring are soldered together onto a seal, usually of bronze, which is intended to certify the authenticity of the document and to prevent tampering by the addition or removal of plates. The number of plates varies widely; in general, later specimens are larger and longer, and examples with several dozen plates and weighing as much as two hundred pounds total are known (Chhabra 4; SIE 124).

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⁴ See specimens in fig. 4 and Appendix: Baroda copper plate inscription of Karkkarāja (no. 10).

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⁵ Despite their abundance in India proper, copper plate inscriptions are generally not common outside of India, though they are sometimes found in Nepal (see 4.3.7.2) and Burma (see 4.3.7.5). In Indonesia, copper plate inscriptions in Javanese, but not in Sanskrit, are quite numerous.

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The usual purpose of copper plate inscriptions is to record donations, usually by kings or their functionaries, of villages or (somewhat less commonly) of cultivated fields to Brahmans who are felt to be especially deserving by virtue of their learning or holiness. They may also record endowments to temples or other religious institutions, and copies in stone of inscriptions of this type are frequently found engraved on the walls of the temples in question. Occasionally, the grantees may be *kṣatriyas* or other non-Brahmans, as in the grant of a field to a general (*senāpati*) in a Kadamba inscription from Halsi (IA 6, 23–4). Similar grants to Buddhist and Jaina venerables and institutions are also not uncommon, particularly in western, eastern, and southern India (e.g., SI I.531). The grantees were normally entitled to all rights and revenues accruing from the granted lands in perpetuity, the details of the grant and benefits thereof being spelled out, often in great detail.

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The earliest specimens of copper plate charters come from southern India, issued by the early Pallava and Śālaṅkāyana dynasties and datable, according to Sircar (SIE 107), to about the middle of the fourth century A.D.⁶ Although these early examples are in Prakrit, in form and style they are essentially the same as the more elaborate Sanskrit copper plate inscriptions which became so abundant in succeeding centuries. Probably the oldest extant copper plate grant from northern India is the Kalāchalā grant of Īśvararāta, in Sanskrit, dated on paleographic grounds by Sircar (EI 33, 303–6) to the later part of the fourth century A.D.

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⁶ The Tañjāvur grant of the Western Gaṅga king Arivarman dated Śaka 169 = A.D. 248 has been cited as possibly the earliest copper plate inscription (Gaur, *Indian Charters*, x and 8), but is in fact clearly a late forgery (Fleet, IA 8, 212).

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There is clear evidence, however, that the origins of the copper plate charters or their prototypes go back farther than the fourth century, for some of the donative cave inscriptions of the Western Kṣatrapa and Sātavāhana kings from Nāsik, datable to the first or second century, are evidently copies on stone of original documents written on portable materials, possibly copper (SIE 108). The antiquity of the practice of recording land grants on copper plates is also attested by their description in early *dharmaśāstra* texts such as the *Viṣṇu-* and *Yājñavalkya-smṛtis* and the commentaries thereon (SIE 104–5). Here and elsewhere (including in the inscriptions themselves), the copper plate charters are referred to by such terms as *tāmraśāsana*, *tāmrapaṭṭa*, *tāmraphalī*, *dānaśāsana*, and so on.

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Copper plate inscriptions in Sanskrit began to be more common in the Gupta period, and in the following centuries became abundant and more lavish in size and style. The genealogical, laudatory, and benedictory portions are often elaborated at great length and typically constitute the bulk of a record, as is the case in the Baroda copper plate grant of Karkkarāja (Appendix, no. 10), in which forty of the seventy-three lines of the inscription are taken up by the genealogy and eulogy of the donor. In this respect, the more elaborate copper plate inscriptions have come to resemble in content and style the panegyric stone inscriptions described previously (4.1.1).

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The tradition of recording land grants on copper plates continued throughout the medieval era and even into the European period,⁷ and in certain cases such documents have been adjudged to be still legally valid in modern times.⁸

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⁷ For examples of copper plate inscriptions in Sanskrit and/or vernacular languages as late as the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, see ARIE 1957–58, nos. A.3–5; OHRJ 2, 1953, 47–56; and Gaur, *Indian Charters*, 23–4.

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⁸ See P. V. Kane, *History of Dharmaśāstra*, vol. II, pt.2, 865.

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In general, the donative or "functional" parts of the inscriptions are in prose, while the formal portions of the genealogy and so on are often versified, especially in the longer and more ornate specimens. But there are occasional examples of copper plate inscriptions written entirely in verse, such as the Rajamundry plates of Raghudeva (SI II. 195–209).

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Since the use of copper instead of ordinary perishable writing materials reflects a desire to establish the document as a permanent record, in effect a deed to the granted lands, it is not surprising that copper plates are most often found underground where they had been buried for safekeeping by the grantees or their descendants according to the traditional Indian practice.⁹ Such finds are usually made accidentally by villagers in the course of plowing their fields or digging a foundation for a house. A copper plate inscription of the more ornate type would typically contain all or most of the following sections.¹⁰

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⁹ In several cases copper plates have been found inside buried urns in which they had been placed for further protection; see, e.g. EI 28, 1949–50, 175–6.

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¹⁰ The terminology and formulation here are based largely on that of Chhabra and Sircar (who mostly follows Chhabra). This scheme is intended merely as a typical pattern; in actual practice, copper plate charters vary widely in their ordering and inclusion or exclusion of the standard elements and in the degree of detail and elaboration accorded to them. For the historical background of the development of the stylistic conventions of copper plate and other formal records, see O. Stein, "Formal Elements in Indian Inscriptions," IHQ 9, 1933, 215–26.

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4.1.2.1 Preamble

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(a) Invocation. The invocation or *maṅgala* typically consists of an auspicious word, most commonly *siddham* (expressed by word or symbol), often followed by one or more verses in praise of various deities. [Appendix, no. 10, line 1]¹¹

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¹¹ For purposes of illustration, reference is given for each section to the appropriate lines in the copper plate inscription of Karkkarāja given in the Appendix.

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(b) Place of issue. The place of issue, normally the capital city of the issuing king or a military camp (*jayaskandhāvāra*), is usually mentioned after the invocation, typically in the ablative case. Most often this is just a single word or phrase, but in some ornate inscriptions this part is expanded into an elaborate poetic description of the place. In many inscriptions, however, the place of issue is not specified at all. [line 43]

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(c) Grantor’s name and genealogy. The name of the grantor, normally a king, is supplied along with his titles and epithets and often (especially in later inscriptions) detailed genealogical and other information. In ornate inscriptions this portion may be developed at great length, giving long and detailed, if bombastic and exaggerated, accounts of the dynastic history of the issuing authority. This portion is thus often the most important one from the historian’s point of view (cf. 7.1.1). [lines 1–41]

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(d) Address. After the grantor is introduced, the text specifies the officers and other authorities who are to be officially informed of the transaction. These are given in the accusative case as object of a verb such as *ājñāpayati* or *ādiśati* ‘commands’ or *bodhayati* ‘informs’, followed by a formulaic phrase such as *viditam astu vo yad* . . . (“Be it known to you that . . .”). The sometimes very extensive lists of officials provided here constitute an important source for the study of administrative structures (7.1.2). [lines 41–3]

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4.1.2.2 Notification

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(e) Specification of the gift. The grant usually next specifies the name and location of the granted land. This may be one or more villages or fields, specified in terms of the administrative subdivisions (*viṣaya*, *maṇḍala*, *bhukti*, etc.) in which they fall. The territory in question is often further delimited by specifying its borders (*sīman*, *āghāṭana*) with reference to neighboring villages and natural or artificial features such as rivers, forests, marking stones, and so on. This is usually followed by a list, often extensive, of *parihāras* ‘exemptions’ or ‘privileges’ to be enjoyed by the grantees, such as *acāṭabhaṭaprāveśya* ‘not to be entered by royal agents and police’, *sodraṅga* ‘together with the *udraṅga* revenues’, and so forth.¹² [lines 46–51]

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¹² A complete list of *parihāras* is given in IEG 388–408.

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(f) Names of the grantees. The names of the grantees, almost always Brahmans, are given with appropriate identification as to their descent, place of birth or residence, *śākhā* and *gotra* affiliation, and so on. Sometimes verses eulogizing the virtues of the grantees are inserted here. The number of grantees may be anywhere from one to over a hundred; the Karandai plates of Rājendra Coḻa (K. G. Krishnan, *Karandai Tamil Sangam Plates*, 55; cf. SIE 135) list 1,083 grantees. In the case of multiple recipients, the shares to be enjoyed by each grantee are usually separately specified. [lines 44–5]

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(g) Occasion. Land grants were typically announced on astrologically auspicious occasions for gift giving such as eclipses or *saṃkrāntis* (solar passages). Such a special occasion is mentioned where applicable, though this section is often omitted. [not in Baroda plates]

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(h) Intention and/or function. The grantor usually specifies the particular benefit which he hopes to obtain from his pious gift, such as long life, glory, or spiritual merit for the donor himself and his parents in this life and the next.¹³ This section is sometimes omitted. The function of the grant is also sometimes mentioned; this typically involves such pious activities as funding a Brahman's daily worship, feeding Brahmans, or maintaining a temple. [lines 43–4]

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¹³ The donor's intention is also sometimes alluded to at the beginning of the notification, with a reference to the transitory nature of earthly life and property as contrasted to the permanence of a gift. [ll. 40–1]

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4.1.2.3 Conclusion

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(i) Exhortation. This portion typically comprises the issuing king's command to respect the grant in perpetuity, often specifying the benefits of doing so and the evil consequences of violating a gift. This statement is usually supported by the quotation of well-known exhortatory verses attributed to Vyāsa, Manu, Rāma, and others about land gifts and their sanctity. Sometimes as many as twenty such verses are cited. Among the most commonly quoted verses, usually attributed to Vyāsa, is *bahubhir vasudhā bhuktā rājabhiḥ sagarādibhiḥ / yasya yasya yadā bhūmis tasya tadā phalam* // ("The Earth has been enjoyed by many kings from Sagara onward. Its fruits belong to whomever possesses it at any time").¹⁴ [lines 54–68]

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¹⁴ For a comprehensive list of such verses, see *SIE* 170–201.

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(j) Date. The inscriptions are usually dated, sometimes only by year (regnal or of an era), but often, especially in later records, with full details of month, fortnight, *tithi*, weekday, and sometimes also *nakṣatra* and other astronomical information (see 5.4.2.2). The location of the date within the inscription varies considerably; in some records it appears at the very beginning, or together with the "occasion" (item g). [line 52]

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(k) Names of officers and functionaries. The inscription usually gives at the conclusion the name(s) of one or more functionaries involved in the ordering and execution of the grant. Most commonly mentioned is the conveyer of the royal order, usually referred to as *dūta(ka)* or *ājñā*/*ājñapti*. The writer and scribe is also often named, and sometimes the composer and engraver as well (see 2.5.2.2). [lines 68–70]

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(l) Authentication. The inscription is often authenticated at the end by the purported¹⁵ signature of the issuing king, usually with the formula *svahasto 'yaṃ mama* . . . ("This is my signature . . ."). The signature is sometimes engraved in larger or more ornate characters (cf. 2.5.3.1), as if to demonstrate the king's authority or skill in writing. The document is further authenticated and guaranteed by the royal seal on the ring attached to the plate(s), which is often inscribed with a dynastic motto and/or the royal insignia. [lines 68–9]

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¹⁵ The signatures were presumably not actually engraved on the plate by the kings themselves but rather copied from an archetype.

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Special types of copper plate charters include "blanks" such as the Chittagong plate of Kāntideva (*EI* 26, 313–8), containing only the formulaic portions and omitting the functional section for details and specifications, which were presumably supposed to have been filled in at a later date. There are also several examples of reissues or palimpsests, wherein an old and presumably invalid or inoperative copper plate was reinscribed after the old inscription had been obliterated, as in the Veligalani grant (EI 33, 275–92). In some cases the original text is still partially legible, for example, the Nūtimaḍagu plates (EI 25, 186–94; cf. SIE 91, 124–5).

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Forged and altered copper plate inscriptions are also well documented. These include both copies or imitations made at a later date which were apparently meant to be passed off as the original documents, such as the Nālandā and Gayā spurious plates of Samudragupta (SI I.270–4), and altered plates wherein, for instance, the names of the donees or the granted village have been changed. Such "spurious" documents are usually crudely executed and more or less readily identifiable by their linguistic, stylistic, chronological, and paleographic inconsistencies.¹⁶

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¹⁶ For examples and details, see section 5.3.

Cites (6)