History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v2.c37: Chapter XXIII. The Struggle Between the Pathans and the Mughals
History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v2.c37
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Chapter XXIII. The Struggle Between the Pathans and the Mughals
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The struggle between the Afghans and the Mughals was prolonged from 1576, the date of the death of Dāūd Shāh Kararānī at the battle of Rajmahal, to the final return of Rāja Mān Singh from the north-eastern *Ṣubāhs* in 1606. The first separate *Ṣubāhdār* for Orissa was not appointed till 1607 in the reign of the Emperor Nūruddīn Jahāngīr. All accounts ascribe the Musalman conquest of Orissa to Sulāimān Kararānī.¹ As the Mughal army arrived on the borders of Orissa only eight years after the fall of the last of the real *Gajapatis*, the Afghans had no time to consolidate themselves in Orissa. After the battle of Rajmahal they practically became the hunted and the Mughals the hunters, though the general apathy and neglect of the Mughal officers permitted them to linger on in Orissa and south-eastern Bengal till the end of Akbar's reign. Mughal rule in Orissa can hardly be said to have begun during the life time of Akbar. From 1576 till the death of the great Emperor in 1605, nearly thirty years were spent by Mughal officers of Bengal in trying to stamp out the rebellious spirit of the Afghans in that province and in Orissa. In the course of Mun'im Khān Khān-i-Khānān's war with the Afghans of Bengal we hear first of all that Khān Jahān Lodī governed Orissa for Dāūd.¹ During the period of internal dissensions between the Mughal officers in Bengal, Dāūd tried to regain his independence and the Khān-i-Khānān was compelled to march to Chittua in the Medinipur district as Dāūd had arrived at Haripur. The Mughal army entered Orissa by another route and foiled Dāūd’s attempts to block the road by entrenchment. Dāūd was defeated in the ensuing engagement at Tukaroi on the 3rd March 1575.² The name of the battle-field is given as Bajhorah, Bachhorah, Bashorh or Bachhorh in the *Tabaqāt-i-Akbarī* and *Mantkhab-ut-Tawārīkh*. In the *Akbarnāmā* and *Ma’aṣir-ul-‘Umarā* it is called Takarohi or Takaroi. Blochmann identified it correctly with Moghulmari on the road from Medinipur to Jalesar. Tukaroi (spelt Tookaroe) lies two miles from Moghulmari on the south bank of the Suvarṇarekhā (*’Aīn*, Eng. trans. Vol. I. pp. 375-76). Rājā Toḍar Mall and Shāham Khān were sent in pursuit of Dāūd. That unfortunate monarch was joined by Jahān Khān and taken to Katak. Dāūd sent Fattū, Shaikh Niẓām and other officers to treat. The Khān-i-Khānān sent Hāshim Khān and Quṭluq Qadam Khān to settle the terms of peace. The summary of the terms of peace were that Dāūd should come and accept service under the Mughals after sending his best elephants and other presents. After serving for some time he was to appear in Court. For the time being one of his relatives was to act as his representative. Dāūd appeared before Mun’im Khān on the 12th April 1575, presented some good elephants and handed over his nephew Shaikh Muḥammad the son of Bāyazid as hostage.¹
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¹ *Dorn's History of the Afghans, London 1829, p. 181; Akbarnāmā, Eng. Trans. pp. 933-34.*
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¹ *Ibid.*, p. 173.
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² *Ibid.*, *vo*, 175-80.
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¹ Ibid., pp. 183-85.
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The next step was the decisive battle of Rajmahal on the 12th July 1576 when Khān-i-Jahān and Rāja Toḍar Mall defeated the Afghans, captured Dāūd and sent his head to Akbar. The Afghans were now divided in opinion and without a crowned head of their own race to guide them. They fought under many leaders and some of them rebelled repeatedly even after taking service under the Mughals. The aversion of the Mughal officers to the province of Bengal helped the Afghans, but Mughal officers had to continue to serve in spite of repeated representations to Court for transfer elsewhere. What Abul Fazl terms "the rebellion of Bengal officers" was really another Afghan war during the reign of Akbar. This rebellion took place in 1580 and the account given in the Akbarnāmā shows that Bengal was being occupied by the Mughals from a number of strong outposts, but there was practically no government. So we hear that "The ringleaders of the Bengal rebellion were Bābā Khān Jabbarī and Wazīr Jāmīl, but S'aid Toqbāi M. Ḥājī Lang, Arab' Bakhshī, Ṣāleḥ, Mīrākī Khān, Murtaẓā Qūlī Turkmān and Farrakh Irghālīq nourished the flame. Qiyā Khān in Orissa, Murād Khān in Fatḥābād and Shāh Bardī in Sonārgāon, spoke about conquering but had not the grace of doing good service."² The language of the Court historiographer of Akbar rendered into plain English means that when the Afghan officers rose in rebellion against the Mughals, Qiyā Khān and other Mughal officers did not make any serious attempt to quell it, but remained practically besieged in their strongholds. Muẓaffar Khān, the Ṣubāḥdār of Bengal, after the death of Khān-i-Jahān, removed Khāldin Khān from the fief of Jaleswar and assigned it to Mīr Jamāluddīn Ḥussain Ānju, which gave great offence. The Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī says that Khāldin was scourged while the Iqbālnāma-i-Jahāngīrī says that Khāldin was insulted and ill-treated by Mīrzā Nijāt, a son-in-law of Muẓaffar.¹ Subsequently, after the death of Muẓaffar Khān, Khān-i-'Aẓam Kokaltāsh Khān was sent to Bengal.² The siege of Patna and connected events have only a distant connection with the history of Orissa. During this rebellion Qiyā Khān was poisoned and Qaṭlū Khān Lohānī marched against Mīrzā Nijāt Khān at Sātgāon, who had to fly to the Portuguese, Tavares, who was formerly in Mughal service. Qaṭlū advanced into the heart of western Bengal and defeated the force under Hamzabān, sent by Bābāi Qāqshal to the relief of Nijāt Khān, at Mangalkot in the northern part of the Burdwan district.³ When Khān-i-'Aẓam joined the army near Patna many of the rebels left Bihar. In the 28th year of the reign of Akbar (1583) Khān i-'Aẓam advanced towards Bengal. At this time Qaṭlū Khān Lohānī was prominent in Orissa and had also occupied a portion of Bengal. Ma'sūm Khān Kābulī entered into a league with Qaṭlū to defend Afghan dominions against the fresh advance of the Mughals.⁴ Another important man on the Afghan side connected with this campaign was Kālāpāhāḍ, alias Kālidās Gajadānī—according to Mr. H. E. Stapleton—who was the reputed conquerer of Orissa. Ma'sum Khān appointed him to command the flotilla in the battle of Garhi.¹ The Afghans submitted to Khān-i-'Aẓam and joined the Mughals against Ma'sum Khān. Then Shāhbāz Khan was sent to Bengal, as Khān-i-'Aẓam openly declined to stay any longer in that country. The Mughal army now proceeded against Qaṭlū.² Qaṭlū Khān was defeated and Ma'sūm Khān and his confederates fled. Qaṭlū now sent envoys to treat and Orissa was promised to him if he submitted and accepted service.
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² Ibid., p. 429.
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¹ Ibid., p. 430 and Note 1.
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² Ibid., p. 454.
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³ Ibid., pp. 469-70.
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⁴ Ibid., p. 590.
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¹ Ibid., p. 592.
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² Ibid. p. 594.
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Abu'l Fazl openly states that as Khān-i-'Aẓam's heart was set on returning from Bengal immediately, he left the negotiations to Wazīr Khān and left for Hajipur near Patna, his own Jāgir. As soon as Khān-i-'Aẓam had left, Qaṭlū Khān proposed impossible conditions, which the Mughals could not accept. The Mughals were unprepared for battle, and though they drew up their forces at Sherpur Atai in the Murshidabad district, they were compelled to add Madaran (Jahanabad sub-division of the Hooghly district), Medinipur and other places in Orissa, to be left in possession of Qaṭlū Khān. Qaṭlū was still playing with the Mughal officers. At first he agreed to send his nephew as a hostage but later on failed to meet Ṣādiq Khān who had gone to meet him. It was some time before the Mughal officers woke up to the fact that Qaṭlū Khān Lohānī was gaining time by those stratagems. So from Burdwan they crossed the river Dāmodar and found Qaṭlū firmly planted in the modern districts of Howrah and Medinipur.¹ Shāhbāz Khān now wrote to his officers from Tāṇḍā stating that, as Qaṭlū was not strong enough to face the imperialists in the field, some of them had better join the army which was opposing Mā’sūm Khān on the Jamnā (the old Jamna near Gobardanga and other places in the 24 parganas). Accordingly Wazīr Khān and a number of officers remained in Orissa and Ṣādiq Khān with others came to Bengal.² Mā’sūm Khān was again defeated in the battle of the Jamunā by Shāhbāz Khān (15th November 1583) and the Mughals finally reached Ghoraghat. While Shāhbāz Khān pursued Ma’sūm Khān into Mymensingh, one Jabbarī escaped from Coochbihar to Ghoraghat. As the country between Ghoraghat and Medinipur was empty of Mughal troops he succeeded in occupying Tajpur, Purneah and Tāṇḍā, thus dividing the Mughals into two parts.³ Wazīr Khān, who had been left in charge of the army in Orissa, remained at Burdwan and it was only when Ṣādiq Khān arrived that Qaṭlū, tired of waiting, broke camp and retired to Orissa. The Mughals pursued him and caught him up at Tukaroi, the scene of Dāūd’s discomfiture nine years earlier. In desperation Qaṭlū took refuge in the forest of Dharmpur. The Mughal officers began to treat with him and Qaṭlū presented sixty elephants and sent his nephew. The hostage and the envoys arrived at Court on the 11th June, 1584. Orissa was left entirely to the Afghans and Ṣādiq Khān was sent to Patna and Wazīr Khān to Tāṇḍā.⁴
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¹ Ibid., pp. 600-2
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² Ibid., p. 625
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³ Ibid., p. 625
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⁴ Ibid., pp. 653-54
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Within a short time Shāhbāz Khān also became tired of Bengal and strenuously attempted to return to Court. Akbar sent Sazāwāls to make him return to his province, where Ma’sūm Khān Kābulī and ’Isā Khān of Sonārgāon had joined hands. Both of them submitted and though many Afghans left Qatlū Khān he was left quietly in possession of Orissa. The Akbarnāmā at this stage describes a Mughal campaign in a country called Kokra, which is described as being situated between Orissa and the Deccan and which Beveridge proposes to identify with Chhota Nagpur, which is clearly inadmissible.¹
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¹ Ibid., pp. 721-22
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The next campaign in Orissa was undertaken by the Kachhwaha Rājā Mān Singh of Ambar. After settling Bihar, Mān Singh invited Sa’id Khan, the Subahdar of Bengal, to join him in an invasion in Orissa, which the latter refused. Mān Singh, with Pāhār Khān, Rāi Pātradās and others from Bengal, reached Jahānābād via Burdwan. Qatlū Khān prepared for battle and arrived within fifty miles of the Mughal camp. Bahādur Kurūh was sent with a large force to Raipur in the Bankura district and Mān Singh sent his own son Jagat Singh to meet him. The drunkard Jagat Singh was caught napping and his army annihilated. The discomfitted Mughals wanted to retire to Salimābād but were prevented by Mān Singh. At this stage Qatlū Khān died suddenly and the Afghans were disheartened. Khwājah ’Isā placed Qatlū’s young son on Masnad and sent envoys to treat. It was decided that “the khuṭba and coinage should be in the name of Shāhinshāh and the Afghans would be obedient and serviceable. Also that Jagannātha, which is a famous temple, and its environs should be made crown-land, and that no harm should happen to the loyal zamindars... ... ... On 4 Shahriyar Khwājah 'Isā brought Qatlū's son to the Rājah and presented 150 elephants and other choice articles. Mān Singh encouraged him and returned to Bihar."¹
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¹ Ibid., pp. 878-80.
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Afghan opposition in Orissa did not come to an end with the death of the brave Qatlū Khan Lohānī. It continued for some years after the peace of 1590. The peace was maintained by the Afghans so long as Khwājah 'Isā was alive. Immediately after his death, they captured and desecrated the temple of Jagannātha and attacked Hamīr Singh of Vishnupur. Mān Singh joined the armies of Bihar and Bengal and started by the water route (? sea) while many others advanced by way of Jhārkhaṇḍ under Yūsuf Khān Chakk, the former king of Kashmīr. Sa'id Khan of Bengal joined Mān Singh later on. The Afghans tried to treat and the Bengal officers were inclined to listen to them. The former entrenched their position and as the Bengal officers could not agree with Mān Singh, they sat down at a distance. The engagement took place at Mālnāpur, which, according to Beames, is on the Suvarṇarekhā, now in the Balasore district. The Afghans came out of their entrenchment and engaged the Mughals. More than three hundred of them fell and they had to retire. The entire Afghan nobility seems to have gathered to oppose the advance of the Mughals, as the Akbarnāmā mentions Nāṣim Khān and Jamāl Khān, the sons of Qatlū, Jalāl Khān Khāṣākhel, Bahādur Kurūh and 'Uṣmān.² After this unexpected victory the Mughals arrived at Jaleśvar and struck coins in the name of the Emperor Akbar. Sa'id Khan of Bengal retired with his forces. The landowners of northern Orissa began to submit and in the town of Bhadrak news was received that the sons of Qatlū and other leaders had taken refuge in the fort of Katak. This fort is not Barabati of the Mughal period but Sarangarh, about four or five miles south of Katak. It is at this stage that we are introduced to Rāmachandra for the second time, who is mentioned as Rām Cand, the founder of the house of Khurda by Abu'l Fazl. We are informed that Sarangarh belonged to Rām Cand, who was one of the great land-holders of the country. Mān Singh entered Katak and captured Sarangarh, compelling the Afghans to take refuge in the forests near the sea. Alāwā Khān, the Khāṣkhel of Qatlū Khān, surrendered the strong fort of Al to the Mughals and Rām Cand gave shelter to those who had taken protection in Sarangarh fort. Mān Singh won over Rāmchandra, who sent his son Birbal with presents. Another Oṛiyā chief, called the Ṭilā Rājāh, surrendered to the Mughals at Kalkalghaṭi. Mān Singh left Yūsuf Khān Chakk, the Kashmīrī, in charge of Katak and went on a pilgrimage to Puri. In the meanwhile Fath Khān of Hijli and Ḥabī Khān, Daryā Khān, Sujāwal Khān, and Mewā Khān attacked Jaleśvar and compelled Bābuī Manklī, the renegade Afghan of Bengal, to evacuate that city. Mān Singh sent Pāhār Khān and others against Fath Khān and Jaleśvar was re-occupied. The Afghans now surrendered and waited upon Mān Singh.¹
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² Ibid., pp. 934-36.
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¹ Ibid., pp. 940-41.
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The final conquest of Orissa by the Mughals under Mān Singh inaugurated a new era in the political history of the country by the establishment of a new dynasty of Hindu Kings in that country under the suzerainty of the Mughal emperors. Rāmāi Rāotrā or Rāmachandra Deva succeeded in persuading or bribing the Mughal general into nominating him as the Gajapati under peculiar circumstances. The origin of the new Hindu King is obscure. According to one account he was the son of Dānāi Vidyādhara, the minister of some of the kings of the Bhoi dynasty. He is said to have come from the south and seized the western part of the Puri district and fixed its capital at Khurda. His reign is calculated from 1568-69 or the year after the death of Mukunda Harichandana.¹ According to another account Rāmachandra was related to the Bhoi kings and for this reason he became the Superintendent of the temple² (parikshā). Stirling’s account, which is the earlier, states: “The Uria historians go on to relate that at the expiration of twenty-one years of anarchy and inter-regnum, the ministers and the principal men of the country beginning to recover from their depression and alarm, assembled together to consult about the affairs of the nation, and chose as their chief a person named Ranai (Rāmāi) Raotra, son of the before mentioned Danaye Bidyadhar, whom they raised to the rank and dignity of Maha Rajah of Orissa, A. D., 1580, under the title of Ramchander Deo. With him begins the third and titular race of Sovereigns called the Bhoi Vamsa, or Zemindari race.”³ So, what was represented to Sterling in 1825 as the election of a king by the people of Orissa after twenty-one years of anarchy, became in 1908 a direct succession to the throne for Rāmachandra Deva after the death of Mukunda Harichandana in 1568, in the hands of unscrupulous Oṛiyā compilers. The compiler of the gazetteer states in a special foot-note that "This account of the dynasty has been compiled from the palm-leaf chronicles, checked and supplemented by the information in Muham-madan and other histories."¹ The next sentence in Stirling's account casts the gloom of inconsistency over his narrative of the accession of Rāmchandra, because we are informed that this election was confirmed by "Sewai Jye Sinh, the general of the Emperor Akbar, who came into the province about the time, with his army, to look after the imperial interest." Neither the *Āin-i-Akbarī* nor the *Akbarnāmā* mention any Mughal general of that name, who came to Orissa during the reign of Akbar, nor do they mention any Jai Singh among the *Manṣabdārs* of Akbar's court. Jai Singh I, Mīrzā Rājah, was a general of Shāh Jahān I and Aurangzīb 'Alamgīr; Sawāī Jai Singh or Jai Singh II, the founder of the modern city of Jaipur, was a contemporary of the emperors Farrukhsiyar (1713-19) and Muḥammad Shāh (1719-48). Therefore, none of them could be the contemporary of Akbar. This irrelevancy makes the entire statement of Stirling about the election of Rāmāi Rāotrā, son of Dānāi Vidyādhara, as Gajapati Rāmachandra Deva of Orissa by the grandees of the country in 1580, entirely untrustworthy.
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¹ Bengal District Gazetteer Puri, p. 46.
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² Ibid., p. 111.
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³ Asiatic Researches Vol. XV, pp. 290-91.
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¹ *Note to p., 45.*
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According to a third account this Rāmachandra was the son of one Vīra Behara of the Bhoi dynasty. It is stated that when the images of Jagannātha, Subhadrā and Balarāma were carried away to Bengal, one Visara Mahānti followed the image of Jagannātha to Bengal and recovered the holy relic or *Brahma-śarīra* from it. It is perhaps not generally known that some relic is kept in a hollow in the image of Jagannātha and this is placed in a new image, when the old one is changed, by a priest, who is blind-folded. The images of Jagannātha, etc., are made of *Nim* wood and require periodical renewal and at such times the holy object is taken from the old image and put inside the new. The story of the recovery of the holy object by Visara Mahānti may or may not be true. Rāmachandra seems to have made new images and installed them in the temple after producing the real holy relic or a faked one. Iconoclasts like Kālāpāhāḍ never leave their work of destruction incomplete, and, therefore, it is extremely difficult to believe that he left the wooden images partially burnt and thus permitted Visara Mahānti of Oṛiyā tradition to recover the *Brahma-śarīra*.
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These conflicting accounts of the origin of Rāmachandra I of Khurda, prove that the accounts kept in the Puri temple are compilations later in date than Rāmachandra. Rai Bahadur Ramā Prasād Chanda has found out the correct date of the *Mādalā Pāñji* account of the origin of Rāmachandra I of Khurda. "Bhawani Charan has recorded that in the second *Aṅka* or the first year of the reign of Rāmachandra Deva of Khurda the Rājah ordered Vaṭeswar Mahānti to compile the annals. . . .But the history of the reign of Rāmachandra Deva must have been compiled long after and by persons who could not even definitely ascertain the father's name of that king. We have, therefore, rather a distorted version of the history of Rāmachandra Deva in the Puri annals.”¹ Chanda has proved definitely that Rāmachandra was not created a chief of Orissa by the Mughals. Somehow or other he had managed to obtain possession of the fort of Sarangarh when Rājā Mān Singh invaded Orissa in 1590. Mān Singh’s Hindu sympathies and the end of the turbulent Pathan rule encouraged Hindu chiefs to come forward and claim the title Gajapati. One of the claimants was Rāmachandra, a son of the last real Gajapati, Mukunda Harichandana. Rāmachandra of Khurda had at first sided against the Mughals and even fought with Mān Singh but eventually he had to submit. Mān Singh’s first expedition to Orissa failed to break the spirit of the turbulant Afghans. In 1592 Rāmachandra was asked to attend the Court of the Ṣubāhdār of Orissa, but he refused as he had sent his son. Mān Singh sent Jagat Singh with a number of Mughal officers against him. Rāmachandra took refuge in his fort of Khurda, where he was besieged, and the neighbouring forts were captured by the Mughals; but the war was apparently stopped by Akbar from the capital and Mān Singh recalled his troops. Then Rāmachandra was persuaded to pay his respects to Rājā Mān Singh. Mān Singh had given Jāgira to Khwājah Sulaimān, Khwājah ’Uṣmān, Sher Khān and Haibat Khan in sarkār Khalifatābād in Bengal (Jessore and Khulna districts) but later on, he confiscated their Jāgirs and asked them to come to his presence. The Afghans were approaching Kharagpur when they heard the news and rebelled. They approached Sātgāon but could not capture it. They then turned eastward and went to Bhūshaṇa in the Jessore district. Chānd Rāi, son of Kedār Rāi, attempted to capture the Afghans but failed and was killed in the attempt. From Bhūshaṇa the Afghans proceeded eastwards and joined 'Isā Khān of Bhati or the part of the Ganges Doāb below Sonārgāon. Abul Fazl states that it was at this time that the fort of Mānpur, between Orissa and Telinganā, was taken by Rājā Mān Singh and given to Rāmachandra Deva of Khurda.
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¹ Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 1927, Vol. XIII, p. 27.
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The account given in the *Mādalā Pāñji* about the Mughal recognition of Rāmachandra Deva is altogether different:—"In the 12th Aṅka (10th year) of Rāmachandra Deva a son of Telinga Mukunda Deva complained to the Pādshā of Delhi. The Pādshā sent Rājā Mān Singh to Orissa saying, 'He who is the leader (*nāeka*) of Orissa should be made the Rājā (of Orissa).' Rājā Mān Singh came to Puri accompanied by the son of Mukunda Deva. Rāmachandra Deva met him. When the *Chandana Yātrā* was celebrated, the priests asked Mān Singh, 'Whom should we give the *gadi prasāda*, share of offerings to the God due to the occupant of the *gadi* or throne'? Mān Singh had then by him both Rāmachandra Deva and the son of Mukunda Deva. He looked at both and said to the priests, 'Bring the *gadi prasāda*'. The priests brought the *gadi prasāda* accordingly. In the presence of the goddess Bimalā, Rājā Mān Singh offered the *gadi prasāda* to Rāmachandra Deva, and made him Rājā of Orissa. He conferred Al on the son of Mukunda Deva. Thus was the kingdom divided."¹
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¹ *Ibid.*, *vv.* 24-25
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This account, published for the first time, through the favour of the present Rājā of Khurda, shows that Rāmchandra Deva I obtained recognition as *Gajapati* through the personal favour of Rājā Mān Singh and not by valour or position. He was a creation of the Mughal General and had no real claim to sovereignty in any form over any part of Orissa. According to Mughal policy Telinga Rāmachandra, the son of Mukunda Harichandana, should have been recognised as the *Gajapati* after the expulsion of the Afghans. Rājā Mān Singh was a strict business man and he never showed any favour to anybody unless it benefited him personally or his master, the Mughal Emperor. His manipulation of the *gadi-prasāda* in favour of Rāmachandra of Khurda was manifestly obtained by bribery. Yet, by recognising Rāmachandra Deva, he did not harm the Mughal Empire, as he left the yet unconquered Southern portion of Orissa only to the new *Gajapati*. Mughal recognition helped Rāmachandra I to obtain the suzerainty of the Garhjāt Chiefs, however perfunctory, till it was snatched away by the Marathas.
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Rāmachandra Deva organised the worship in the temple of Jagannātha at Puri. Stirling says, "Khurdah with Pursottem Chetter and certain Mehals, were assigned in Zemindari tenure, free of all tribute, to Ramachandra Deva, with the title of Maha Raja, and the Musselman dignity of the commandership or sovereignty over, and to collect tribute from, 129 of the Killahs or jurisdiction of the Khetris of Orissa, including all the present Cuttack tributary Mehals south of the Mahanadi, and the Estates of Gumser, Moherry, etc., reaching as far as the borders of Kimedy in Ganjam. Killah Al, with its dependencies, was assigned as a Zemindari to Ramachander, the eldest son of Telinga Mukund Deo, and Sarengerh on the same tenure to the second son Chakauri Bhowerber, Both were acknowledged as Rajas, and had the control of a number of the Killahjat Estates in different parts of the district,¹ Inspite of his installation by a Mughal Viceroy, Rāmachandra Deva's successors became the quarry of each and every Mughal officer in Orissa, Hindu or Musalman, till the cession of the province to the Marathas in 1751.
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¹ Asiatic Researches Vol. XV pp. 292-93
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Ma'sum Khān Kābulī died on the 10th May 1599.² Qatlū Khān's son was defeated by Rājā Mān Singh at Sherpur Afai in the Murshidabad district of Bengal.³ Rājā Mān Singh returned to Court from Bengal and Orissa in 1605 and tendered 1,000 mohurs and 12,000 silver rupees as nazar. He also brought numerous elephants from the north-eastern provinces,⁴
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² Akbarnama, Eng. trans, Vol. III. p. 1130
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³ Ibid., p. 1174
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⁴ Ibid., p. 1256
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Up to the date of Akbar's death Orissa was included in the Ṣubāh of Bengal. In the description given in the Mughal Imperial Gazetteer of Akbar's time the only places mentioned are Cuttack, Puri and Konarak. It is stated that Akbar divided it into five Sarkārs : (1) Jalesar, which comprised the modern districts of Medinipur and part of Hooghly, (2) Bhadrak consisting of the modern districts of Balasore and a part of Cuttack, (3) Cuttack and Puri, (4) Kalang Dandapat (Kalīṅga) and (5) Raja Mahendrah. The last two could not have formed any part of the dominions of Akbar, as even in 1641 the Quṭb-shāhī Faujdārī of Chikakol was very recent. The term Daṇḍapāt means a Viceroyalty or Governorship in Oṛiyā. Kalaṅg (Kaliṅga) consisted of the country to the south of the Chilka now included in the district of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. The names of the Mahals in the Sarkārs of Kaliṅga and Rājamahendrī are not given and, therefore, their extent can not be determined at present. It is simply stated that Kaliṅga consisted of 27 and Rājamahendrī of 16 Mahals. The revenue from the former was 5,560,000 and that from the latter 5,000,000 Dāms. Detailed description is given in the case of each of the northern Sarkārs of Orissa which enables us to determine the exact jurisdiction of each of them. Jaleśwar consisted of 28 Mahals and the revenue was 5,052,738 Dāms. Among the Mahals are mentioned Babhanbhum, the town of Jaleśwar, Tamluk, Kāśijoṛā, Kharagpur, Maljheta, Medinipur and Narayanpur. The Sarkār of Jaleśwar contained a portion of the modern district of Bankura and Hooghly and the whole of Midnapur with a slice from the top of Balasore. The Mahals mentioned have, in many cases, become irrecognisable on account of the mistakes of the editor; such as, Kharaksur for Kharagpur and Malchhaṭa and Maljikta for Maljheṭa :—
v2.c37.47
Bansanda, commonly Haftchor, has five strong forts.
v2.c37.48
Castes, Khandait Brahman, and Bhej. Cavalry 100; Infantry 5,800; ... 421,430
v2.c37.49
Bibli (Pipli ?) Cavalry 10, Infantry 40. ... 2,011,430
v2.c37.50
Bali Shahi, Cav. 200, Inf. 2,000 ... 963,430
v2.c37.51
Balkohsi, has three forts: 1 Sokrah; 2, Banhas Tāli; 3, Daddhpur.:Cav. 20, Inf. 300 ... 756,220
v2.c37.52
Parbada. Cav. 400, Inf. 1,600; has a strong fort, partly on a hill, partly fenced by forest. ... 640,000
v2.c37.53
Bhogrāi, has a fortress of great strength; Caste *Khandait*, Cav. 100, Inf. 2,200, archers and matchlockmen ... 497,140
v2.c37.54
Bugdi, *Rajput*, Cav. 100, Inf. 200, ... 39,428
v2.c37.55
Bāzār ... 125,720
v2.c37.56
Bābbanbhūm, *Brāhman*, Cav. 200, Inf. 400 ... 114,208
v2.c37.57
Taliya, with town of Jalesar, has a brick fort, Caste, *Khandait*, Cav. 300, Inf. 6,250, ... 12,007,110
v2.c37.58
Tanbūlak, Cav. 50, Inf. 1,000 has a strong fort, *Khandait*. ... 2,571,430
v2.c37.59
Tarkol : a fort in the jungle, Cav. 30, Inf. 170. ... 720,570
v2.c37.60
Dāwar Shorbhūm, commonly Barah, Cav. 100, Inf. 100 ... 1,342,360
v2.c37.61
Ramna has five forts, 1. adjacent to city; 2. Ramchandrapur; 3. *Aikā*; 4. Dūt; 5. Saldah, Cav. 700, Inf. 3,550, hold the five, ... 5,062,306
v2.c37.62
Rayn, on the border of Orissa, has three forts, Cav. 150, Inf. 1,500 ... 218,806
v2.c37.63
Rāepūr, a large city, with a strong fortress, Cav. 200, Inf. 1,000 ... 986,970
v2.c37.64
Sabang, strong fort in the jungle; Cav. 100, Inf. 2,000 ... 1,257,140
v2.c37.65
Siyāri ... 108,570
v2.c37.66
Kāsijorā, Cav. 200, Inf. 2,500, matchlock and bowmen ... 893,160
v2.c37.67
Kharaksur, a strong fort in the wooded hills, 500 footmen and matchlockmen. ... 528,570
v2.c37.68
Kedarkhand, three strong forts, Cav. 50, Inf. 500. ... 468,570
v2.c37.69
Karai, Infantry 100. ... 285,720
v2.c37.70
Gagnāpūr, *Rajput* Cav. 50, Inf. 400 ... 85,720
v2.c37.71
Karohim. ... 68,570
v2.c37.72
Malchhata, Cav. 500, Inf. 5,000 ... 9,312,610
v2.c37.73
Mednipur a large city with forts, one ancient and the other modern. Caste *Khandait*, Cav. 60, Inf. 500 ... 1,019,930
v2.c37.74
Mahakanghāt, commonly Kuṭbpūr, a fortress of great strength, Cav. 30, Inf. 1,000 ... 240,000
v2.c37.75
Narainpur, commonly Kandhar, with a strong fort on a hill, Cav. 100, Inf. 4,000 ... 1,280,860
v2.c37.76
Of the Mahals mentioned above Jaleśwar is now a small village in the district of Balasore. Close to it is the small village of Tukaroi or Mughalmari, where the Mughals under Mun'im Khān defeated Dāūd Khān. Another battle took place near the same spot in 1592 when Mān Singh defeated the Afghans.
v2.c37.77
The *Sarkār* of Bhadrak corresponded practically to the modern district of Balasore. The headquarters of the *Sarkār* were at Bhadrak, now the southern sub-division of the district of Balasore. It was a small *Sarkār* consisting of seven Mahals only, with a revenue of 18,687,170 Dams. The only places of note were Bhadrak and Kaupur, called Kadsu by Jarrett :—
v2.c37.78
¹ *Ain-i-Akbarī*, Eng. trans. (Bib. Ind.), Vol. II, pp. 142-3
v2.c37.79
"Barwa, two strong fortresses, Bānak and Raskoī, Caste, *Khandait* and *Kāyath*, Cav. 50, Inf. 400 ... 3,240,000
Jaukajri ... 57,140
Subarban, district of Bhadrak, has a fort called Dhāmnagar, with a resident Governor, *Khandait*, Cav. 200, Inf. 5,500 ... 9,542,760
Sahansū, 2 strong forts, *Khandait*, Cav. 300, Inf. 1,700 ... 3,514,280
Kāimān, a stone fort of the greatest strength, *Khandait*, Cav. 100. Inf. 400 ... 1,515,840
Kadsu. ... 730,430
Independent Talukdārs ; three forts, Pach-chham Donk, *Khandait* and *Majori*, Cav. 100, Inf. 300 ; the three forts held by *Khandaits*¹ ... 85,720
v2.c37.80
¹ *Ibid., p. 143*
v2.c37.81
The third *Sarkār* of Orissa was the second in size and importance. Katak the headquarters of the *Subahdār* or *Na'ib-Subahdār* consisting of 21 Mahals with a revenue of 91,432,730 *Dāms* or more than five times that of the *Sarkār* of Bhadrak, but less than one-fifths of the *Sarkār* of Jaleswar. The *Sarkār* of Katak contained the whole of the districts of Puri and Cuttack, with a portion of the modern district of Ganjam, now included in the Madras presidency. Āṣkā, spelt Āṣakāh, is a *Tāluga* of the Ganjam district.
v2.c37.82
The *Sarkār* contained the most important part of Central Orissa, Al, also spelt Aul or Āli, which was the Zamindari given by Mān Singh to Telinga Rāmachandra, a son of the last Gajapati Mukunda-Harichandana. Barang is now a station on the Bengal Nagpur Railway. Parsottam is Purushottama or Puri. Abu’l Fazl’s list includes Kotdesh, which was one of the great Zamindaries of Orissa and which fell during Maratha government to one Trilochan Patnaik. The mention in the *’Ain-i-Akbarī* proves that the Kotdesh Mahal is an old Zamindari usurped by the Patnaik during Maratha rule, as originally he was a *gumashta* under the *Faujdar* of Pipli.¹ Abu’l Fazl mentions three Hindu divisions the boundaries of which cannot be recognised now: Pachchhan Dikh, Dakhan Dikh along with Purab Dikh :—
v2.c37.83
¹ Bengal District Gazetteer Puri, Calcutta, 1908, pp, 284-5
v2.c37.84
| “Āl, Inf. 2,100 | ... | 6,429,130 |
| Āsakāh, Inf. 15,000 | ... | 3,160,380 |
| Athgarh, with a strong fort, Brāhman, | | |
| Cav. 200, Inf. 7,000 | ... | 1,184,980 |
| Purab Dikh, four forts, Cav. 200, Inf. 6,000 | ... | 22,881,580 |
| Bhījnagar with strong fort, Telingha, | | |
| Cav. 50, Inf. 22,000 | ... | 860,390 |
| Banju, *Rajput*, Cav. 100, Inf. 20,000 | ... | 866,206 |
| Parsottam. | ... | 691,530 |
| Chaubiskot, 4 forts of great strength, | | |
| Cav. 500, Inf. 20,000 | ... | 2,391,970 |
| Jash, commonly Tajpur, a strong fort, | | |
| Brahman, Cav. 200, Inf. 1,800, | ... | 2,073,780 |
v2.c37.85
Dakhan Dikh, 4 forts, Cav. 180, Inf. 13,060 ... 22,065,770 Sirān ... 207,830 Shergarh, *Brahman*, Cav. 20, Inf. 200 ... 1,408,580 Pachchham Dikh, Cav. 100, Inf. 50,000 ... 662,490 Bahār. ... 5,129,820 Basāi Dīwarmār, Inf. 1,000 ... 2,746,650 Barang, 9 forts among the hills and jungles, Caste, *Ahir*, Cav. 20, Inf. 300 ... 2,132,940 Kotdes, with three forts, the original Kasibah, Caste *Khandait*, Cav. 5,008, Inf. 300... 4,720,980 Kaṭak Banāras, suburban district with city, has a stone fort of great strength, and a masonry palace within, *Brahman* and *Khandait*, Cav. 200, Inf. 1,000 ... 605,600 Khatrah, with strong fortress, *Khandait*, Cav. 100, Inf. 400 ... 1,120,230 Mānakpatan, a large port, where salt dues are collected.¹ ... 600,000
v2.c37.86
¹ *Ain-i-Akbarī*, Eng. Trans., (Bib. Ind.), Vol. II, pp. 143-44.
v2.c37.87
The late Mr. Manmohan Chakravarti has, in an elaborate article on the Geography of Orissa, identified the majority of the fiscal divisions of the *’Ain* as already existing and as being mentioned in the temple records.² Subsequent changes, particularly in the *Sarkār* of Jaleśwar, will be narrated in the next two chapters. Practically the whole of this *Sarkār* was transferred to the *Ṣubah* of Bengal and a small portion only was left to Orissa around the Hāweli of Jaleśwar.
v2.c37.88
² *Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal*, N. S., Vol. XII, 1916, pp. 29-56.
v2.c37.89
Stirling has quoted a valuable extract from the revenue accounts of Rājā Mān Singh in Amli year 999, from sources unknown to us, describing the position of the Mughal feudatories, or, as Stirling puts it “Killajat, in the jungles and hills under Zemindars subject to Peshkash.” It appears from this that in 999 or 1592 A. D. seven feudatory chiefs were regarded as supreme in the Qila’-jat-Mahal :—
v2.c37.90
1. The Rājā of Khurda with the command of 3,500 under whom there were 31 Zamindars and 200 qila’s. The names of the 31 Zamindaries are quoted in full and among these we can recognise almost all the places; some of which are now feudatory States such as, Baramba, Tigiria, Narsinghpur, Talcher, Athgarh, Nayagarh, Ranpur and Daspalla; and others are the zamindaries such as Dampara, Parikud, Khalikot, Athgada, Chikiti, Mohuri, Sergada and Tickeli Banki; Khurdha and Gumsar are now Khas Mahals of the Government.
v2.c37.91
II. The Rājā of Sarangarh with the command of 500 troops under whom were 31 zamindaries and 50 qila’s. Stirling remarks that the whole of these qila’s lie within and on the borders of the Moghalbandi south of the Mahanadi. The Rājā of Sarangarh was deprived of all control over the sardars long before the Maratha conquest.
v2.c37.92
III. The Rājā of Al or Aul possessed only one qila’, and one zamindary. Stirling remarks against the list of dependent Hindu sardars that Kanika, Rynta, Kujang, Kokilo Dip, Harishpur, Marichpur, Bishanpur, Jamkarera (Jhankar ?), Chedra and Darpan are now tributary estates. The Rājā of Al has lost all control over them. It should be noted that Rynta is probably the same as Ryntoo, the chief of which, Purushottama Bhañja, was the contemporary of Divyasimha I (1692-1719).¹
v2.c37.93
¹ See *poste*, Ch. XXIV.
v2.c37.94
IV. The chief of Keunjhar with 15 zamindaries and 35 qila's and under him there were 14 chiefs with 24 qila's, and the estate of Sukinda. The modern feudatory State of Dhenkanal was then a petty zamindary under the Bhañja Chief of Keunjhar. Stirling notes against the list that the Chief's authority was then confined to Keunjhar.
v2.c37.95
V. The chief of Mayurbhañja with 12 zamindaries and 42 qila's. His own State contains 18 qila's. Among the 11 subordinate zamindars are mentioned a number of chiefs who had long ceased to have any connection with Mayurbhañj. Singhbhum was an independent State in 1825. Nilgiri is now a separate Feudatory State of Orissa. Talmunda and Jamirapal are now in the southen Balasore and Midnapur Districts respectively. It appears, therefore, that though the income of the Mayurbhañj Chief was less than that of the Rājā of Khurda as mentioned in the Fifth Report subsequently mentioned, his status in 1592 was certainly the same as that of the Gajapati and he ruled over a much wider area beginning with Singhbhum and ending with Talmunda, Jamirapal and Jamkunda at the mouth of Subarnarekha river.
v2.c37.96
VI. The zamindar of Vishnupur with 12 zamindaries and 29 qila's. Among the subordinate zamindars are mentioned those of Mahishadal, Tamluk, Manbhum, Bamanbhum and Raipur. It appears, therefore, that the Malla chiefs of Vishnupur, now in the Bankura district, belonged to Orissa and ruled over the entire tract from Tamluk to Manbhum or Purulia.
v2.c37.97
Toraṇa, Mukteśvara, Bhubaneśvara
v2.c37.98
VII. The chief of Fathabad with 7 zamindaries and 17 qila's. Among the six subordinate chiefs are mentioned the zamindars of Ghatsila, Maynajurā and Nārājol.
v2.c37.99
VIII. The chief of Narayangarh with 6 zamindaries and 17 qila's.
v2.c37.100
IX. The chief of Karangarh with 6 zamindaries and 8 qila's.
v2.c37.101
X. The chief of Nagbhum with 1 zamindary and 2 qila's.¹
v2.c37.102
¹ *Asiatick Researches, Vol. XV, pp. 229-35.*
v2.c37.103
The advent of European merchants into Orissa took place in this period, the earliest of them being of Portuguese nationality. No records exist about the doings of the Portuguese in Orissa, but from the English accounts of the first venture of the merchants of that nation into Orissa it appears that they were sufficiently powerful on the eastern coast even after the fall of Hooghly in 1632. Their principal port was Pipli on the Suvarṇarekhā, the very site of which has been forgotten. "Pipli was once the most important port on the Orissa coast and contained settlements of the Portuguese and Dutch. The Portuguese settled there in 1599 and for many years it was a centre of that power. Bruton writing in 1683 describes it as 'a port-town of the Portugals, where the Portugals are resident; and it was a great slave mart where the Arakanese pirates brought their prisoners.' Bernier (1660) mentions it as the port from which he went in a seven-oared scallop to Ogouli (Hooghly), a journey which took him 9 days. The capture of Hooghly in 1632 and their expulsion from Hijli in 1636, destroyed the power of the Portuguese, but even as late as 1723 a Jesuit missionary, Father Laynez.
v2.c37.104
an account of an episcopal visitation of the Bishop of St. Thome, mentions it as a place where Topasses or Portuguese mercenaries congregated....The most credible account is that near the village of Manuagar, on the right bank of the river, there formerly existed a great settlement of Firinghis (Europeans) and Mughals, whose ships used to sail from the sea right up to the spot; and that the Firinghis had a cemetery with masonry tombs, but the site of the whole has been washed into the river."¹ In Balasore town there was a Portuguese church with a wooden cross over the principal doorway. Stirling saw it in the beginning of the last century but it has disappeared long ago.²
v2.c37.105
¹ Bengal District Gazetteer—Balasore, pp. 204-5.
v2.c37.106
² Ibid., p. 189.
v2.c37.107
During the long wars between the Afghans and the Mughals for the possession of Orissa a number of very distinguished Mughal officers, both Hindus and Musalmans, served in that province. The war in Orissa was really a continuation of the war for the conquest of Bengal, and even when Orissa was practically conquered from the Afghans by Rāja Mān Singh, 'Usmān Khan was still defiant in eastern Bengal. Blochmann has left a valuable account of the grandees of the Court of Akbar among whom many served in or are mentioned in connection with Orissa. Mirzā Sharafuddīn Ḥusain, son of Khwājah Mu'in, was sent to Bengal by Akbar, who spared his life after his rebellion in Gujarat. Muẓaffar Khān, the Governor of Bengal, was directed to give him a Jāgir if he found that the Mirzā was repentant, but otherwise to send him to Mecca. When Mā'sūm Khān Kābulī rebelled in Bihar and with Bābā Khan Qāqshāl beseiged Muẓaffar Khān in Ṭaṇḍa, Mir Sharafuddīn joined them carrying away the treasure of Muẓaffar Khān. He was subsequently poisoned in Orissa by Ma’sūm Khān Kābulī.¹
v2.c37.108
¹ ’Ain-i-Akbari, Eng. Trans., Vol. I.
v2.c37.109
Khān-i-Aẓam Mīrzā ’Azīz Kokāh, son of Ātgāh Khān, was appointed to stamp out the Afghan rebellion which followed the death of Muẓaffar Khān. In the 27th year of Akbar’s reign, when Qaṭlū Khān reoccupied the whole of Orissa and a portion of Bengal, Khān-i-Aẓam fought against him but was compelled to hand over his command to Shāhbāz Khān Kamboh on account of illness.² Khān-i-Jahān Ḥusain Qūlī Khān, son of Walī Beg Zu’lqādir, was the sister’s son of Bairām Khān, the regent. After the death of Mun’im Khān Khān-i-Khānān in 983 A. H. (1575-76), Khān-i-Jahān was appointed to Bengal with Rājā Toḍar Mall as his second in command. He defeated Dāūd Shah Kararānī at the battle of Rajhmahal and sent Dāūd’s head to Akbar. While pursuing the remnants of the Afghan army Khān-i-Jahān fell ill and died in A. H. 986³ (1578-79). Rājā Mān Singh was the real conqueror of Orissa. He conquered Orissa in the 35th year of Akbar’s reign and reconquered it after the rebellion of Khwājah Sulaimān and Khwājah’ Uṣmān in 1000 A. H. (1591-92). Mān Singh remained in Bengal and Orissa till 1013 A. H. (1604-5) when Akbar’s illness induced him to return to Court hastily.⁴ Muḥammad Qūlī Khān Barlās was of the Chaghatai clan. He served under Mun’im Khān but refused to follow Dāūd Shāh Kararānī when the latter withdrew into Orissa from Sātgāon. Later on, re-inforced by Rājā Toḍar Mall, he did move into Orissa and died at Medinipur in 982 A. H. (1574-75). Qiyā Khān Gung was another officer of Mun'im Khān who was left in Orissa during the rebellion of the Afghans in Bengal in the 25th year of the reign of Akbar. He was deserted by his soldiers and besieged by Qaṭlū Khān Lohānī in some fort of Orissa and killed (989 A. H.=1581-82 A. D.)¹
v2.c37.110
² Ibid., p. 326.
v2.c37.111
³ Ibid., pp. 330-31.
v2.c37.112
⁴ Ibid., pp. 340-41.
v2.c37.113
¹ Ibid., p. 343.
v2.c37.114
Rājā Toḍar Mall accompanied Mun'im Khān Khān-i-Khānān to Bengal in the 19th year and settled the land revenue of Bengal and Orissa. He came to Bengal a second time with Khān-i-Jahān Ḥusain Qūlī Khān.² Stirling says : "In 1582 A D., the celebrated Dewan of the Empire, Rajah Todar, or, as the Urias call him, Toral Mall, visited the province to superintend the introduction of his settlement called the Taksim Jamma and Tankah Raqmi. He proceeded no further with it apparently than the three Sircars of Jaleswar, Badrak and Cuttack. All the account which is preserved of that important and memorable transaction, is, that from the time of Toral Mall's visit to the province, the measurement of Bareh Dasti Padika or rod of twelve spans was introduced. He is said to have treated the Rajah with much respect, and to have admired greatly the temple image of Jagannath, but his proceedings must have been fatal to the power and authority of the Gajapati prince, as he seems to have annexed nearly the whole of his domains to the imperial rent roll." ³
v2.c37.115
² Ibid., p. 351.
v2.c37.116
³ Asiatick Researches, Vol. XV, pp. 291-92.
v2.c37.117
Wazir Khān of Herat was ordered to join Khān-i-’Aẓam Mīrzā ’Aziz Khān and when the latter fell ill Wazir Khān was left in charge of the provinces of Bengal and Orissa. He made good use of the opportunity and moved against Qatlū Khān in Orissa, whom he defeated and compelled to send tribute in the 29th year of Akbar’s reign. He remained in charge of Bengal and Orissa till 995 A. H.¹ (1586-87 A. D.). Ṣādiq Khān, son of Bāqir Khān of Herat, was ordered to join Wazir in the beginning of the 29th year of the reign of Akbar. Ṣādiq Khān mediated a peace with Qatlū Khān Lohānī about 12 miles from Burdwan according to which the latter was confirmed in his possession of Orissa.² Iskandar Khān Uzbeg joined Sulaimān Kararānī of Bengal and accompanied his son Bāyazid in his campaign in Orissa. After his return to Bengal, Sulaimān attempted to kill him and therefore Iskandar fled to Mun’im Khān. Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl was sent by Khān-i-Khānān Mun’im Khān against the Afghans of Orissa and Eastern Bengal.³ Murād Khān, son of ’Amīr Khān Mughal Beg, was sent as Governor of Jaleśwar after Mun’im Khān’s conquest of Bengal and Orissa. When Mun’im died, Dāūd fell upon Naẓar Bahādur, Akbar’s Faujdar of the Sarkār of Bhadrak, and treacherously killed him, and then Murād retreated to Ṭanḍa.⁴ Hājī Muḥammad Khān Sistānī also accompanied Mun’im Khān to Bengal and Orissa and was wounded at the battle of Tukaroi.⁵ Hāshim Beg, son of Qāsim Khān, served in the Panjab and Khandesh during the reign of Akbar. After his return to Court, from Trimbak in the Nasik district, he was appointed to the command of 1500. He was promoted to the command of 2000 horse in the first year of Jahāngīr’s reign and appointed *Ṣubāḥdār* of Orissa in the next year with the rank of 3000 horse. He was transferred to Kashmīr in the 5th year.¹ The new *Gajapati* Rāmachandra Deva of Khurdah is also mentioned among the grandees of the reign of Akbar.² Shaikh Bāyazid, a grandson of Shaikh Salīm Chishtī of Fatḥpur Sikri, was the foster-brother of Emperor Jahāngīr. His son, Mukarram Khān, was made Governor of Orissa by Jahāngīr with the command of 3000 horse and remained there till the 11th year (1029 A. H.) when he was succeeded by Ḥasan Ali Turkmān.³ ’Uṣmān Khān Lohāni is wrongly described as a son of Qaṭlū Khān Lohāni by Stewart. According to the *Tārīkh-i-Makhzan-i-Afāghanā* he was a son of Miyān’Isā Khān Lohāni, who became the leader of Afghans after the death of Qaṭlū Khān. ’Uṣmān received lands in Orissa and Sātgāon from Rājā Mān Singh, but these *Jāgirs* were later on substituted for lands in Mymensingh, portions of which are still held by his descendants. Later on ’Uṣmān was defeated at Nek Ujyal in the northern part of the Dacca district on the 2nd March 1612. No connection can be traced with Orissa in the life of ’Uṣmān after this date. He died at the age of forty-two from wounds received in battle with the Mughals.⁴
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¹ ’Ain-i-Akbari, Eng. Trans. (Bib, Ind.), Vol. II, p. 354.
v2.c37.119
² Ibid., p. 56.
v2.c37.120
³ Ibid., p. 370.
v2.c37.121
⁴ Ibid., p. 374.
v2.c37.122
⁵ Ibid., p. 375.
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¹ *Ibid., pp. 477-78.*
v2.c37.124
² *Ibid., p. 489.*
v2.c37.125
³ *Ibid., p. 493.*
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⁴ *Ibid., pp. 520-21.*
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Shaikh Kabīr Chishti *alias* Shuja'at Khān or Rustam-i-Zamān was a relation of Islām Khān Chishti and received the title of Shuja'at Khān from prince Salīm during the life-time of Akbar. In the last war with Uṣmān Khān Lohānī he followed Uṣmān after his wound and the Afghans finally submitted to him with their families. According to the *Tuzuk-i-Jahāngīrī* Islām Khān Chishti appointed Shuja'at Khān to Orissa, but on the way the Khān broke his neck by jumping from an elephant and died. According to the *Ma'āṣir-ul-'Umāra* the accident took place at Patna.¹
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¹ Ibid., pp. 519-20.