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Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I, Part I: History of Gujarat c6: Chapter IV. The Mauryas. B.C. 319-197

Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I, Part I: History of Gujarát c6

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English

Contents

Chapter IV. The Mauryas. B.C. 319-197

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B.C. 319-197.

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Girnár as Pushyagupta is simply called a Vaisya and a brother-in-law of king Chandragupta and has no royal attribute, particulars which tend to show that he was a local governor subordinate to king Chandragupta. The same inscription¹ states that in the time of Aśoka (B.C. 250) his officer Yavanarája Tusháspa adorned the same Sudarsana lake with conduits. This would seem to prove the continuance of Mauryan rule in Girnár for three generations, from Chandragupta to Aśoka. Tusháspa is called Yavanarája. The use of the term rája would seem to show that, unlike Chandragupta's Vaisya governor Pushyagupta, Tusháspa was a dignitary of high rank and noble family. That he is called Yavanarája does not prove Tusháspa was a Greek, though for Greeks alone Yavana is the proper term. The name Tusháspa rather suggests a Persian origin from its close likeness in formation to Kershásp, a name still current among Bombay Pársis. Evidence from other sources proves that Aśoka held complete sway over Málwa, Gujarát, and the Konkan coast. All the rock edicts of Aśoka hitherto traced have been found on the confines of his great empire. On the north-west at Kapurdigiri and at Shabazgarhi in the Baktro-Páli character; in the north-north-west at Kálsi, in the east at Dhauli and Jaugada; in the west at Girnár and Sopára, and in the south in Maisur all in Maurya characters. The Girnár and Sopára edicts leave no doubt that the Gujarát, Káthiáwáda, and North Konkan seaboard was in Aśoka's possession. The fact that an inland ruler holds the coast implies his supremacy over the intervening country. Farther it is known that Aśoka was viceroy of Málwa in the time of his father and that after his father's death he was sovereign of Málwa. The easy route from Mandasor (better known as Dasapur) to Dohad has always secured a close connection between Málwa and Gujarát. South Gujarát lies at the mercy of any invader entering by Dohad and the conquest of Káthiáwáda on one side and of Upper Gujarát on the other might follow in detail. As we know that Káthiáwáda and South Gujarát as far as Sopára were held by Aśoka it is not improbable that Upper Gujarát also owned his sway. The Mauryan capital of Gujarát seems to have been Girinagara or Junágadh in Central Káthiáwáda, whose strong hill fort dominating the rich province of Sorath and whose lofty hills a centre of worship and a defence and retreat from invaders, combined to secure for Junágadh its continuance as capital under the Kshatrapas (A.D. 100-380) and their successors the Guptas (A.D. 380-460). The southern capital of the Mauryas seems to have been Sopára near Bassein in a rich country with a good and safe harbour for small vessels, probably in those times the chief centre of the Konkan and South Gujarát trade.

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¹ Probably from some mistake of the graver the text of the inscription अशोकस्य ते यवनराजेन yields no meaning. Some word for governor or officer is apparently meant.

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Buddhist and Jain records agree that Aśoka was succeeded, not by his son Kunála who was blind, but by his grandsons Dasaratha and Samprati. The Barábar hill near Gayá has caves made by Aśoka and bearing his inscriptions; and close to Barábar is the Nāgārjuna hill with caves made by Daśaratha also bearing his inscriptions. In one of these inscriptions the remark occurs that one of the Barābar caves was made by Daśaratha 'installed immediately after.' As the caves in the neighbouring hill must have been well known to have been made by Aśoka this 'after' may mean after Aśoka, or the 'after' may refer solely to the sequence between Daśaratha's installation and his excavation of the cave. In any case it is probable that Daśaratha was Aśoka's successor. Jaina records pass over Daśaratha and say that Aśoka was succeeded by his grandson Samprati the son of Kunāla. In the matter of the propagation of the Jain faith, Jain records speak as highly of Samprati as Buddhist records speak of Aśoka.¹ Almost all old Jain temples or monuments, whose builders are unknown, are ascribed to Samprati who is said to have built thousands of temples as Aśoka is said to have raised thousands of stupas. In his Pātaliputra-kalpa Jinaprabhasuri the well known Jaina Āchārya and writer gives a number of legendary and other stories of Pātaliputra. Comparing Samprati with Aśoka in respect of the propagation of the faith in non-Aryan countries the Āchārya writes: 'In Pātaliputra flourished the great king Samprati son of Kunāla lord of Bharata with its three continents, the great Acharya who established vihāras for Sramanas even in non-Aryan countries.'² It would appear from this that after Aśoka the Mauryan empire may have been divided into two, Daśaratha ruling Eastern India, and Samprati, whom Jaina records specially mention as king of Ujjain, ruling Western India, where the Jain sect is specially strong. Though we have no specific information on the point, it is probable, especially as he held Mālwa, that during the reign of Samprati Gujarāt remained under Mauryan sway. With Samprati Mauryan rule in Gujarāt seems to end. In later times (A.D. 500) traces of Mauryan chiefs appear in Mālwa and in the North Konkan. The available details will be given in another chapter.

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¹ Hemachandra's Parishista Parva; Merutunga's Vichārśreni.

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² The text is 'Kunālasunotrikkhandabharatādhipak Paramārhanto Andryadeśeśvapi Pravartitavihāras-vharah Samprati Mahārāja Sabhāhavat' meaning 'He was the great king Samprati son of Kunāla, sovereign of India of three continents, the great king who had started monasteries for Jain priests even in non-Aryan countries.'

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After Samprati, whose reign ended about B.C. 197, a blank of seventeen years occurs in Gujarāt history. The next available information shows traces of Baktrian-Greek sway over parts of Gujarāt. In his description of Sarastrene or Surashtra the author of the Periplus (A.D. 240) says: 'In this part there are preserved even to this day memorials of the expedition of Alexander, old temples, foundations of camps, and large wells.'³ As Alexander did not come so far south as Káthiáwáda and as after Alexander's departure the Mauryas held Káthiáwáda till about B.C. 197, it may be suggested that the temples camps and wells referred to by the author of the Periplus were not memorials of the expedition of Alexander but remains of later Baktrian-Greek supremacy.

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³ McCrindle's Periplus, 115. The author of the Periplus calls the capital of Surastrene Minagara. Pandit Bhagvanlāl believed Minagara to be a miswriting of Girinagara the form used for Girnār both in Rudradāman's (A.D. 150) rock inscription at Girnār (Fleet's Corpus Ins. Ind. III. 57) and by Varāha-Mihira (A.D. 570) (Brihat-Samhita, XIV. 11). The mention of a Minagara in Ptolemy inland from Sorath and Menoglassura or Mangrul suggests that either Girnār or Junāgadh was also known as Minagara either after the Mins or after Men that is Menander. At the same time it is possible that Ptolemy's Agrinagara though much out of place may be Girinagara and that Ptolemy's Minagara in the direction of Ujjain may be Mandasor.

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Demetrius, whom Justin calls the king of the Indians, is believed to have reigned from B.C. 190 to B.C. 165.¹ On the authority of Apollodorus of Artamita Strabo (B.C. 50 - A.D. 20) names two Baktrian-Greek rulers who seem to have advanced far into inland India. He says: "The Greeks who occasioned the revolt of Baktria (from Syria B.C. 256) were so powerful by the fertility and advantages of the country that they became masters of Ariana and India....... Their chiefs, particularly Menander, conquered more nations than Alexander. Those conquests were achieved partly by Menander and partly by Demetrius son of Euthydemus king of the Baktrians. They got possession not only of Pattalene but of the kingdoms of Saraostus and Sigerdis, which constitute the remainder of the coast."² Pattalene is generally believed to be the old city of Pátál in Sindh (the modern Haidarábád), while the subsequent mention of Saraostus and Sigerdis as kingdoms which constitute the remainder of the coast, leaves almost no doubt that Saraostus is Suráshtra and Sigerdis is Ságaradvípa or Cutch. The joint mention of Menander (B.C. 126) and Demetrius (B.C. 190) may mean that Demetrius advanced into inland India to a certain point and that Menander passed further and took Sindh, Cutch, and Káthiáwáda. The discovery in Cutch and Káthiáwáda of coins of Baktrian kings supports the statements of Justin and Strabo. Dr. Bhagvanlál's collecting of coins in Káthiáwáda and Gujarát during nearly twenty-five years brought to light among Baktrian-Greek coins an obolus of Eucratides (B.C. 180-155), a few drachmæ of Menander (B.C. 126-110), many drachmæ and copper coins of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100), but none of Demetrius. Eucratides was a contemporary of Demetrius. Still, as Eucratides became king of Baktria after Demetrius, his conquests, according to Strabo of a thousand cities to the east of the Indus, must be later than those of Demetrius.

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¹ Justin's date is probably about A.D. 250. His work is a summary of the History of Trogus Pompeius about A.D. 1. Watson's Justin, 277; Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 231.

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² Hamilton and Falconer's Strabo, II. 252-253.

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As his coins are found in Káthiáwáda Eucratides may either have advanced into Káthiáwáda or the province may have come under his sway as lord of the neighbouring country of Sindh. Whether or not Eucratides conquered the province, he is the earliest Baktrian-Greek king whose coins have been found in Káthiáwáda and Gujarát. The fact that the coins of Eucratides have been found in different parts of Káthiáwáda and at different times seems to show that they were the currency of the province and were not merely imported either for trade or for ornament. It is to be noticed that these coins are all of the smallest value of the numerous coins issued by Eucratides. This may be explained by the fact that these small

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THE MAURYAS AND GREEKS.

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coins were introduced by Eucratides into Káthiáwáḍa to be in keeping with the existing local coinage. The local silver coins in use before the time of Eucratides are very small, weighing five to seven grains, and bear the Buddhist symbols of the Svastika, the Trident, and the Wheel. Another variety has been found weighing about four grains with a misshapen elephant on the obverse and something like a circle on the reverse.¹ It was probably to replace this poor currency that Eucratides introduced his smallest obolus of less weight but better workmanship.

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¹ These small local coins which were found in Hálár Gondal were presented to the Bombay Asiatic Society by the Political Agent of Káthiáwár and are in the Society's cabinet. Dr. Bhagvanlál found the two elephant coins in Junágaḍh.

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The end of the reign of Eucratides is not fixed with certainty: it is believed to be about B.C. 155.² For the two Baktrian-Greek kings Menander and Apollodotus who ruled in Káthiáwáḍa after Eucratides, better sources of information are available. As already noticed Strabo (A.D. 20) mentions that Menander's conquests (B.C. 120) included Cutch and Suráshtra.³ And the author of the Periplus (A.D. 240) writes: 'Up to the present day old drachmæ bearing the Greek inscriptions of Apollodotus and Menander are current in Barugaza (Broach).⁴ Menander's silver drachmæ have been found in Káthiáwáḍa and Southern Gujarát.⁵ Though their number is small. Menander's coins are comparatively less scarce than those of the earliest. Kshatrapás Nahapána and Chashtana (A.D. 100 - 140). The distribution of Menander's coins suggests he was the first Baktrian-Greek king who resided in these parts and that the monuments of Alexander's times, camps temples and wells, mentioned by the author of the Periplus⁶ were camps of Menander in Suráshtra. Wilson and Rochette have supposed Apollodotus to be the son and successor of Menander,⁷ while General Cunningham believes Apollodotus to be the predecessor of Menander.⁸ Inferences from the coins of these two kings found in Gujarát and Káthiáwáḍa support the view that Apollodotus was the successor of Menander. The coins of Apollodotus are found in much larger numbers than those of Menander and the workmanship of Apollodotus' coins appears to be of a gradually declining style. In the later coins the legend is at times undecipherable. It appears from this that for some time after Apollodotus until Nahapána's (A.D. 100) coins came into use, the chief local currency was debased coins struck after the type of the coins of Apollodotus. Their use as the type of coinage generally happens to the coins of the last king of a dynasty. The statement by the author of the Periplus that in his time (A.D. 240) the old drachmæ of Apollodotus and Menander were current in Barugaza, seems to show that these drachmæ continued to circulate in Gujarát along with the coins of the Western Kshatrapas. The mention of Apollodotus before Menander by the author of the Periplus may either be accidental, or it may be due to the fact that when the author wrote fewer coins of Menander than of Apollodotus were in circulation.

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² Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 266. Gardner's British Museum Catalogue, 26, brings Eucratides to after B.C. 162.

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³ See above page 15.

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⁴ McCrindle's Periplus, 121.

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⁵ The Bombay Asiatic Society possesses some specimens of these coins of bad workmanship found near Broach with the legend incorrect, probably struck by some local governor of Menander. Two were also found in Junágaḍh.

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⁶ McCrindle's Periplus, 115.

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⁷ Numismatic Chronicle (New Series), X. 80; Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 288.

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⁸ Numismatic Chronicle (New Series), X. 80.

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The silver coins both of Menander and Apollodotus found in Gujarát and Káthiáwáḍa are of only one variety, round drachmæ. The reason that of their numerous large coins, tetradrachmæ didrachmæ and others, drachmæ alone have been found in Gujarát is probably the reason suggested for the introduction of the obolus of Eutratides, namely that the existing local currency was so poor that coins of small value could alone circulate. Still the fact that drachmæ came into use implies some improvement in the currency, chiefly in size. The drachmæ of both the kings are alike. The obverse of Menander's coins has in the middle a helmeted bust of the king and round it the Greek legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΜΕΝΑΝΔΡΟΥ Of the king the Saviour Menander. On the reverse is the figure of Athene Promachos surrounded by the Baktro-Páli legend Mahárájasa Trádátasa Menandrasa that is Of the Great king the Saviour Menander, and a monogram.¹ The drachmæ of Apollodotus have on the obverse a bust with bare filleted head surrounded by the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΟΔΟΤΟΥ Of the king the Saviour Apollodotus. Except in the legend the reverse with two varieties of monogram² is the same as the reverse of the drachmæ of Menander. The legend in Baktro-Páli character is Mahárájasa Rájátirájasa Apaladatasa that is Of the Great king the over-king of kings Apaladata. During his twenty-five years of coin-collecting Dr. Bhagvánlál failed to secure a singlecopper coin of Menander either in Gujarát or in Káthiáwáḍa. Of the copper coins of Apollodotus a deposit was found in Junágadh, many of them well preserved.³ These coins are of two varieties, one square the other round and large. Of the square coin the obverse has a standing Apollo with an arrow in the right hand and on the top and the two sides the Greek legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΟΔΟΤΟΥ that is Of the King Saviour and Fatherlover Apollodotus. On the reverse is the tripod of Apollo with a monogram⁴ and the letter drí in Baktro-Páli on the left and the legend in Baktro-Páli characters Mahárájasa Trádátasa Apaladatasa. The round coin has also, on the obverse, a standing Apollo with an arrow in the right hand; behind is the same monogram as in the square coin and all round runs the Greek legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΟΔΟΤΟΥ. On the reverse is the tripod of Apollo with on its right and left the lettors di and uin Baktro-Páli and all round the Baktro-Páli legend Mahárájasa Trádátasa Apaladatasa.

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¹ Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Plate XXII. Number 41. Gardner's British Museum Catalogue, Plate XI. Number 8.

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² Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Plate XXII. Number 66, shows one variety of this monogram.

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³ These coins are said to have been found in 1882 by a cultivator in an earthen pot. Two of them were taken for Pandit Bhagvánlál and one for Mr. Vajeshankar Gaurishankar Naib Diván of Bhávnagar. The rest disappeared.

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⁴ Ariana Antiqua, Plate XXII. Number 47.

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The reason why so few copper coins of Apollodotus have been found in Gujarát perhaps is that these copper coins were current only in the time of Apollodotus and did not, like his silver drachmæ, continue as the currency of the country with the same or an imitated die. The date of the reign of Apollodotus is not fixed. General Cunningham believes it to be B.C. 165-150,¹ Wilson and Gardner take it to be B.C. 110-100.² Though no Indian materials enable us to arrive at any final conclusion regarding this date the fact that Apollodotus' coins continued to be issued long after his time shows that Apollodotus was the last Baktrian-Greek ruler of Gujarát and Káthiáváda. After Apollodotus we find no trace of Baktrian-Greek rule; and no other certain information until the establishment of the Kshatrapas about A.D. 100. The only fact that breaks this blank in Gujarát history is the discovery of copper coins of a king whose name is not known, but who calls himself Basileus Basileon Soter Megas that is King of Kings the Great Saviour. These coins are found in Káthiáváda and Cutch as well as in Rájpútána the North-West Provinces and the Kábul valley, a distribution which points to a widespread Indian rule. The suggestion may be offered that this king is one of the leaders of the Yaudheyas whose constitution is said to have been tribal, that is the tribe was ruled by a number of small chiefs who would not be likely to give their names on their coins.³

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¹ Numismatic Chronicle (New Series), X. 86.

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² Ariana Antiqua, 288; Gardner and Poole's Catalogue of Indian Coins, xxxiii.

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³ Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, 382-334) identifies the coins marked Basileus Basileon Soter Megas with a king or dynasty of Indian extraction who reigned between Azes and Kadphises (B.C. 50-25), chiefly in the Panjáb. Gardner (British Museum Catalogue, 47) says: The Nameless king is probably cotemporary with Abdagases (A.D. 30-50); he may have been a member of the Kadphises dynasty. Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 245) places the coins of the tribal Yaudheyas in the first century A.D. The remark of Prinsep (Jour. Bengal Soc. VI. 2, 973) that in the Behat group of Buddhist coins some with Baktro-Páli legends have the name Yaudheya in the margin seems to support the suggestion in the text. But the marked difference between the Stag coins of the Yaudheyas (Thomas' Prinsep, I. Plate V.) and the Nameless king's coins (Gardner, Plate XIV. 1-6) tells strongly against the proposed identification. Of the Yaudheyas details are given below.

Chapter V. The Kshatrapas (B.C. 70—A.D. 398)

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THE KSHATRAPAS

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With the Kshatrapas (B.C. 70) begins a period of clearer light, and, at the same time, of increased importance, since, for more than three centuries, the Kshatrapas held sway over the greater part of Western India. Till recently this dynasty was known to orientalists as the Sâh dynasty a mistaken reading of the terminal of their names which in some rulers is Simha Lion and in others, as in Rudra Sena (A.D. 203-220) son of Rudra Simha, Sena Army.¹

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¹ Journal Bengal Asiatic Society (1835), 684; (1837), 351; (1838), 346; Thomas' Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, I. 425-435, II. 84-93; Thomas in Journal Royal Asiatic Society (Old Series), XIV. 1-72; Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 405-413; Journal B. B. R. A. S. VI. 377, VII. 392; Burgess' Archaeological Report of Káthiáwár and Kachh, 18-72; Journal B. B. R. A. S. XII. (Proceedings), XX111.; Indian Antiquary, VI. 45, X. 221-227.

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The sway of the rulers who affix the title Kshatrapa to their names extended over two large parts of India, one in the north including the territory from the Kábul valley to the confluence of the Ganges and the Jamná; the other in the west stretching from Ajmir in the north to the North Konkan in the south and from Málwa in the east to the Arabian

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The dynasty of the Kshatrapas or Mahákshatrapas of Saúráshtra was known to Prinsep (J. R. A. S. BE VII. 1. (1837), 351) to Thomas (J. R. A. S. F. S. XII. 1-78), and to Newton (J. B. R. A. S. IX. 1-19) as the Sah or Sâh kings. More recently, from the fact that the names of some of them end in Sena or army, the Kshatrapas have been called the Sena kings. The origin of the title Sah is the ending siha, that is simha lion, which belongs to the names of several of the kings. Stha has been read either sah or sena because of the practice of omitting from the die vowels which would fall on or above the top line of the legend and also of omitting the short vowel i with the following anusvára. Sâh is therefore a true reading of the writing on certain of the coins. That the form Sâh on these coins is not the correct form has been ascertained from stone inscriptions in which freedom from crowding makes possible the complete cutting of the above-line marks. In stone inscriptions the ending is stha lion. See Fleet's Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III. 36 note i. Mr. Fleet (Ditto) seems to suggest that with the proof of the incorrectness of the reading Sâh the evidence that the Kshatrapas were of Indo-Scythian origin ceases. This does not seem to follow. In addition to the Parthian title Kshatrapa, their northern coinage, and the use of the Saka (A.D. 78) era, now accepted as the accession of the great Kushán Kanishka, the evidence in the text shows that the line of Káthiáwáda Kshatrapas starts from the foreigner Chashtana (A.D. 130) whose predecessor Nahápana (A.D. 120) and his Saka son-in-law Ushavadatta are noted in Násik inscriptions (Násik Gazetteer, 538 and 621) as leaders of Sakas, Palhavas, and Yavanas. Further as the limits of Ptolemy's (A.D. 150) Indo-Scythia (McCrindle, 138) agree very closely with the limits of the dominions of the then ruling Mahákshatrapa Rudradáman (A.D. 150) it follows that Ptolemy or his informer believed Rudradáman to be an Indo-Scythian. There therefore seems no reasonable doubt that the Kshatrapas were foreigners. According to Cunningham (Num. Chron. VIII. 231) they were Sakas who entered Gujarat from Sindh. The fact that the Kushán era (A.D. 78) was not adopted by the first two of the Western Kshatrapas, Chashtana and Jayadáman, supports the view that they belonged to a wave of northerners earlier than the Kushán wave.

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Sea in the west. The former may be called the Northern the latter the Western Kshatrapas.

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Besides as Kshatrapa, in the Prâkrit legends of coins and in inscriptions the title of these dynasties appears under three forms Chhatrapa,¹ Chhatrava,² and Khatapa.³ All these forms have the same meaning namely Lord or Protector of the warrior-race, the Sanskrit Kshatra-pa.⁴ It is to be noted that the title Kshatrapa appears nowhere as a title of any king or royal officer within the whole range of Sanskrit literature, or indeed on any inscription, coin, or other record of any Indian dynasty except the Northern and the Western Kshatrapas. According to Prinsep Kshatrapa is a Sanskritized form of Satrapa, a term familiar to the Grecian history of ancient Persia and used for the prefect of a province under the Persian system of government. As Prinsep further observes Satrapa had probably the same meaning in Ariana that Kshatrapa had in Sanskrit, the ruler feeder or patron of the kshatra or warrior class, the chief of a warlike tribe or clan.⁵ Prinsep further notes the Persian kings were often in need of such chiefs and as they entrusted the chiefs with the government of parts of their dominions the word came to mean a governor. So during the anarchy which prevailed on the Scythian overthrow of Greek rule in Baktria⁶ (B.C. 160) several chiefs of Malaya, Pallava, Abhira, Meda, and other predatory tribes came from Baktria to Upper India, and each established for himself a principality or kingdom. Subsequently these chiefs appear to have assumed independent sovereignty. Still though they often call themselves rajâs or kings with the title Kshatrapa or Mahâkshatrapa, if any Baktrian king advanced towards their territories, they were probably ready to acknowledge him as Overlord. Another reason for believing these Kshatrapa chiefs to have been foreigners is that, while the names of the founders of Kshatrapa sovereignty are foreign, their inscriptions and coins show that soon after the establishment of their rule they became converts to one or other form of the Hindu religion and assumed Indian names.⁷

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¹ The Taxila plate in Journal R. A. S. (New Series), IV. 487; the Baktro-Pâli on Nahapâna's coins also gives the form Chhatrapa.

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² Chhatrava appears in an unpublished Kshatrapa inscription from Mathurâ formerly (1888) in Pandit Bhagvânlâl's possession.

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³ Khatapa appears in the inscription of Nahapâna's minister at Junnar (Bombay Gazetteer, XVIII. Pt. III. 167) and in some coins of the Northern Kshatrapa kings Pagamasha, Râjuvula, and Sudâsa found near Mathurâ. Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, II. Pl. XLIV. Figs. 12, 20, 21.

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⁴ Kshatrampatiti Kshatrapah.

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⁵ Thomas' Prinsep, II. 63 and 64.

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⁶ Malaya or Malava, Pallava, Abhira, Meva or Meda, and Mihira or Mehr appear to be the leading warlike tribes who came to India under these chiefs. These tribes formed the Kshatras whose lords or Kshatrapas these chiefs were.

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⁷ The explanation of the word Kshatrapa started by Prinsep and accepted by Pandit Bhagvânlâl is of doubtful accuracy. The title is well known in Greek literature in the form satrapys, and in the form Kshatrapâvan occurs twice (B.C. 520) in connection with the governors of Baktria and Arachosia in the great Behistan inscription of Darius (Rawlinson's Herodotus, I. 329; Spiegel's Altpersische Keilinschriften, 24-26). The meaning of Kshatrapâvan in old Persian is not "protector of the Kshatra race" but "protector of the kingdom," for the word kshatram occurs in the inscriptions of the Achæmenidæ with the meaning of "kingship" or "kingdom" (Spiegel, Altpersische Keilinschriften, 215). As is well known Satrap was the official title of the ruler of a Persian province. That the name continued in use with the same meaning under the Greek kings of Baktria

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NORTHERN KSHATRAPAS, B.C. 70-A.D. 78.

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According to inscriptions and coins Northern Kshatrapa rule begins with king Maues about B.C. 70 and ends with the accession of the Kushán king Kanishka about A.D. 78. Maues probably belonged to the Saka tribe of Scythians. If the Maues of the coins may be identified with the Moga of the Taxila plate the date of king Patika in the Taxila plate shows that for about seventy-five years after the death of Maues the date of his accession continued to be the initial year of the dynasty. From their connexion with the Sakas, arriving in India during the reign of the Saka Maues and for nearly three quarters of a century accepting the Saka overlordship, the Kshatrapas, though as noted above their followers were chiefly Malayas, Pallavas, Abhiras, and Medas, appear to have themselves come to be called Sakas and the mention of Saka kings in Puránik and other records seems to refer to them. After lasting for about 150 years the rule of the Northern Kshatrapas seems to have merged in the empire of the great Kushán, Kanishka (A.D. 78).

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Though recently found inscriptions and coins show that the Kshatrapas ruled over important parts of India including even a share of the western seaboard, nothing is known regarding them from either Indian or foreign literary sources. What little information can be gleaned is from their own inscriptions and coins. Of the Northern Kshatrapas this information is imperfect and disconnected. It shows that they had probably three or four ruling branches, one in the Kábul valley, a second at Taxila near Attak on the North-West Panjab frontier, a third at Behát near Saháranpur or Delhi, and a fourth at Mathurá. The last two were perhaps subdivisions of one kingdom; but probably those at Kábul and at Taxila were distinct dynasties. An inscription found

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(B.C. 250-100) is known from Strabo, who says (XI. 11) "the Greeks who held Baktria divided it into satrapies (satrapies) of which Aspionus and Turriva were taken from Eukratides (B.C. 180) by the Partians." It is to be presumed that the Baktro-Grecians introduced the same arrangement into the provinces which they conquered in India. The earliest occurrence of the title in its Indian form is on the coins of a Rajabula or Ranjubula (Gardner, B. M. Cat. 67), who in his Greek legend makes use of the title "King of kings," and in his Indian legend calls himself "The unconquered Kshatrapa." His adoption for the reverse of his coins of the Athens Promachos type of Menander and Apollodotus Philopator connects Rajabula in time with these kings (B.C. 126-100) and we know from an inscription (Cunningham Arch. Rep. XX. 48) that he reigned at Mathurá. He was probably a provincial governor who became independent about B.C. 100 when the Greek kingdom broke up. The above facts go to show that Kshatrapa was originally a Persian title which was adopted by the Greeks and continued in use among their successors; that it originally denoted a provincial governor; but that, when the Greek kingdom broke up and their provincial chiefs became independent, it continued in use as a royal title. That after the Christian era, even in Parthia, the title Satrapes does not necessarily imply subjection to a suzerain is proved by the use of the phrase satrapae tur satrapae Satrap of Satraps, with the sense of King of Kings in Gotarzes' Behistun inscription of A.D. 50. See Rawlinson's Sixth Monarchy, 88 n. 2 and 290 n. 1.—(A. M. T. J.)

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The Pandit's identification of the Malavas or Malayas with a northern or Scythian tribe is in agreement with Alberuni (A.D. 1015), who, on the authority of the Vái Purána (Sachau's Text, chap. 59 page 150-159) groups as northern tribes the Pallavas, Sakas, Mallas, and Gurjars. In spite of this authority it seems better to identify the Mallas, Malavas, or Malayas with Alexander the Great's (B.C. 325) Malloi of Multan (compare McCrindle's Alexander's Invasion of India, Note I). At the same time (Rockhill's Life of Buddha, 132, 133, 137) the importance of the Mallas in Vaisali (between Patna and Tirhut) during the lifetime of Sakya Muni (B.C. 580) favours the view that several distinct tribes have borne the same or nearly the same name.

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in Mathurá shows a connection either by marriage or by neighbourhood between the Behát and Mathurá branches. This is a Baktro-Páli inscription recording the gift of a stúpa by Nandasiriká daughter of Kshatrapa Rájavula and mother of Kharaosti Yuvarája. Kharaosti is the dynastic name of the prince, his personal name appears later in the inscription as Talama (Ptolemy?). From his dynastic name, whose crude form Kharaosta or Kharaottha may be the origin of the Prakrit Chhaharáta and the Sanskritised Kshaharáta, this Talama appears to be a descendant of the Kshatrapa Kharaosti whose coins found at Taxila call him Artaputa that is the son of Arta apparently the Parthian Ortus.

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The same Baktro-Páli Mathurá inscription also mentions with special respect a Kshatrapa named Patika,¹ who, with the title of Kusulaka or Kozolon, ruled the Kábul valley with his capital first at Nagaraka and later at Taxila.

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¹ Patika was apparently the son of Liako Kusulako of the Taxila plate. Dowson in Jour. R. A. S. New Series. IV. 497 mistranslates the inscription and fails to make out the name Patika.

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The same inscription further mentions that the stúpa was given while the Kshatrapa Sudása son of the Mahákshatrapa Rájavula was ruling at Mathurá. The inference from the difference in the titles of the father and the son seems to be that Sudása was ruling in Mathurá as governor under his father who perhaps ruled in the neighbourhood of Delhi where many of his coins have been found. While the coins of Sudása have the legend in Nágari only, Rájavula's coins are of two varieties, one with the legend in Baktro-Páli and the other with the legend in Nágari, a fact tending to show that the father's territories stretched to the far north.

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Though Kharaosti is mentioned as a Yuvarája or prince heir-apparent in the time of his maternal uncle Sudása, the inscription shows he had four children. It is curious that while the inscription mentions Nandasiriká as the mother of Kharaosti Yuvarája, nothing is said about her husband. Perhaps he was dead or something had happened to make Nandasiriká live at her father's home.

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Another inscription of Sudása found by General Cunningham at Mathurá is in old Nágari character. Except that they have the distinctive and long continued Kshatrapa peculiarity of joining ya with other letters the characters of this inscription are of the same period as those of the inscriptions of the great Indo-Scythian or Kushán king Kanishka. This would seem to show that the conquest of Mathurá by Kanishka took place soon after the time of Kshatrapa Sudása. It therefore appears probable that Nahapána, the first Kshatrapa ruler of Gujarat and Káthiáwár, the letters of whose inscriptions are of exactly the same Kshatrapa type as those of Sudása, was a scion of the Kharaosti family, who, in this overthrow of kingdoms, went westwards conquering either on his own account or as a general sent by Kanishka. Nahapána's advance seems to have lain through East Rajputána by Mandasor³ in West Málwa along the easy route to Dohad as far as South Gujarát. From South Gujarát his power spread in two directions, by sea to Káthiáwáda and from near Balsár by the Dang passes to Násik and the Deccan, over almost the whole of which, judging from coins and inscriptions, he supplanted as overlord the great Andhra kings of the Deccan. No evidence is available to show either that East Málwa with its capital at Ujjain or that North Gujarát formed part of his dominions. All the information we have regarding Nahapána is from his own silver coins and from the inscriptions of his son-in-law Ushavadáta at Násik and Kárle and of his minister Ayama (Sk. Aryaman) at Junnar. Nahapána's coins are comparatively rare. The only published specimen is one obtained by Mr. Justice Newton.¹ Four others were also obtained by Dr. Bhagvánlál from Káthiáwáda and Násik.

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² Compare Specht. Jour. Asiatique. 1883. t. II, 325. According to Chinese writers about A.D. 20 Yen-kao-tchin-tai or Kadphises II. conquered India (Thieutchen) and there established generals who governed in the name of the Yuechi.

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³ Pandit Bhagvánlál found two of his copper coins at Mandasor in 1884.

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¹ This is a bad specimen with the legend dim and worn.

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The coins of Nahapána are the earliest specimens of Kshatrapa coins. Though the type seems to have been adopted from the Baktrian-Greek, the design is original and is not an imitation of any previous coinage. The type seems adopted in idea from the drachma of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). On the obverse is a bust with a Greek legend round it and on the reverse a thunderbolt and an arrow probably as on the reverse of the coins of Apollodotus representing the distinctive weapons of Athene Promachos and of Apollo. In addition to the Báktro-Páli legend on the Apollodotus drachma, the reverse of Nahapána's coin has the same legend in Nágari, since Nágari was the character of the country for which the coin was struck. The dress of the bust is in the style of the over-dress of Nahapána's time. The bust, facing the right, wears a flat grooved cap and has the hair combed in ringlets falling half down the ear. The neck shows the collar of the coat. The workmanship of the coins is good. The die seems to have been renewed from time to time as the face altered with age. Of Dr. Bhagvánlál's four coins one belongs to Nahapána's youth, another to his old age, and the remaining two to his intervening years. In all four specimens the Greek legend is imperfect and unreadable. The letters of the Greek legend are of the later period that is like the letters on the coins of the great Skythian king Kadphises I. (B.C. 25). One of the coins shows in the legend the six letters ΣΛΟΔΟ-S. These may be the remains of the name Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). Still it is beyond doubt that the letters are later Greek than those on the coins of Apollodotus. Until the legend is found clear on some fresher specimen, it is not possible to say anything further. In three of the coins the Báktro-Páli legend on the reverse runs:

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रज्ञो छहरातस नहपानस. Raño Chhaharáṭasa Nahapánasa. Of king Chhaharáṭa Nahapána.

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The fourth has simply रज्ञो छहरातस Raño Chhaharáṭasa. Of king Chhaharáṭa.

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² Some coins of Apollodotus have on the reverse Apollo with his arrow; others have Athene Promachos with the thunderbolt.

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The old Nágari legend is the same in all: ॐ क्षहरात नहपानस Ráno Kshaharátasa Nahapánasa. Of king Kshaharáta Nahapána.

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The Chaharáta of the former and the Kshaharáta of the latter are the same, the difference in the initial letter being merely dialectical. As mentioned above Kshaharáta is the family name of Nahapána's dynasty. It is worthy of note that Nahapána is not styled Kshatrapa in any of his coins the inscriptions of Ushavadáta at Násik repeatedly style him the Kshaharáta Kshatrapa Nahapána.¹

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¹ Bom. Gaz. XVI. 571ff.

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Ushavadáta was the son-in-law of Nahapána being married to his daughter Dakhamitrá or Dakshamitrá. Ushavadáta bears no royal title. He simply calls himself son of Dínika and son-in-law of Nahapána, which shows that he owed his power and rank to his father-in-law, a position regarded as derogatory in India, where no scion of any royal dynasty would accept or take pride in greatness or influence obtained from a father-in-law. Násik Inscription XIV. shows that Ushavadáta was a Saku. His name, as was first suggested by Dr. Bhau Daji, is Prakrit for Rishabhadatta. From the many charitable and publicly useful works mentioned in various Násik and Karle inscriptions, as made by him in places which apparently formed part of Nahapána's dominions, Ushavadáta appears to have been a high officer under Nahapána. As Nahapána seems to have had no son Ushavadáta's position as son-in-law would be one of special power and influence. Ushavadáta's charitable acts and works of public utility are detailed in Násik Inscriptions X. XII. and XIV. The charitable acts are the gift of three hundred thousand cows; of gold and of river-side steps at the Bárnása or Banás river near Abu in North Gujarát; of sixteen villages to gods and Brahmans; the feeding of hundreds of thousands of Brahmans every year; the giving in marriage of eight wives to Brahmans at Prabhas in South Káthiáwár; the bestowing of thirty-two thousand coconut trees in Nanangola or Nárgol village on the Thána seaboard on the Chiraka priesthoods of Pinditákaváda, Govardhana near Násik, Suvarnamukha, and Rámatírtha in Sorpáraka or Sopára on the Thána coast; the giving of three hundred thousand cows and a village at Pushkara or Pokhar near Ajmir in East Rájputána; making gifts to Brahmans at Chechina or Chichan near Kelva-Máhim on the Thána coast; and the gift of trees and 70,000 kárshápanas or 2000 suvarnas to gods and Brahmans at Dáhánu in Thána. The public works executed by Ushavadáta include rest-houses and alms-houses at Bharu Kachha or Broach, at Dasápura or Mandasor in North Málwa, and gardens and wells at Govardhana and Sopára; ten ferries across the Ibá or Ambiká, the Párada or Par, the Damana or Damanganga, the Tápi or Tápti, the Karabena or Káveri, and the Dáhánuká or Dáhánu river. Waiting-places and steps were also built on both banks of each of these rivers. These charitable and public works of Ushavadáta savour much of the Bráhmanic religion. The only KSHATRAPAS, A.D. 70-398. Ushavadáta, A.D. 100-120.

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² A well known Sanskrit saying is श्वश्रूयताधमः : A man known through his father-in-law is the vilest of the vile.

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Buddhist charities are the gift of a cave at Násik; of 3000 kárshápanas and eight thousand cocoanut trees for feeding and clothing monks living in the cave; and of a village near Kárle in Poona for the support of the monks of the main Kárle cave. Ushavadáta himself thus seems to have been a follower of the Bráhmanical faith. The Buddhist charities were probably made to meet the wishes of his wife whose father's religion the Buddhist wheel and the Bodhi tree on his copper coins prove to have been Buddhism. The large territory over which these charitable and public works of Ushavadáta spread gives an idea of the extent of Nahapána's rule. The gift of a village as far north as Pokhara near Ajmir would have been proof of dominion in those parts were it not for the fact that in the same inscription Ushavadáta mentions his success in assisting some local Kshatriyas. It is doubtful if the northern limits of Nahapána's dominions extended as far as Pokhar. The village may have been given during a brief conquest, since according to Hindu ideas no village given to Bráhmans can be resumed. The eastern boundary would seem to have been part of Málwa and the plain lands of Khándesh Násik and Poona; the southern boundary was somewhere about Bombay; and the western Káthiáwár and the Arabian sea.

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Nahapána's Era.

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Nahapána's exact date is hard to fix. Ushavadáta's Násik Inscriptions X. and XII. give the years 41 and 42; and an inscription of Nahapána's minister Ayáma at Junnar gives the year 46. The era is not mentioned. They are simply dated vase Sk. varshe that is in the year. Ushavadáta's Násik Inscription XII. records in the year 42 the gift of charities and the construction of public works which must have taken years to complete. If at that time Ushavadáta's age was 40 to 45, Nahapána who, as Inscription X. shows, was living at that time, must have been some twenty years older than his son-in-law or say about 65. The Junnar inscription of his minister Ayáma which bears date 46 proves that Nahapána lived several years after the making of Ushavadáta's cave. The bust on one of his coins also shows that Nahapána attained a ripe old age.

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Nahapána cannot have lived long after the year 46. His death may be fixed about the year 50 of the era to which the three years 41, 42, and 46 belong. He was probably about 75 years old when he died. Deducting 50 from 75 we get about 25 as Nahapána's age at the beginning of the era to which the years 41, 42, and 46 belong, a suitable age for an able prince with good resources and good advisers to have established a kingdom. It is therefore probable that the era marks Nahapána's conquest of Gujarát. As said above, Nahapána was, as he clearly calls himself a Saka, it may therefore be supposed that the era started by Nahapána on his conquest of Gujarát was at first simply called Varsha; that it afterwards came to be called Sakavarsha or Sakasamvatsara; and that finally, after various changes, to suit false current ideas, about the eleventh or twelfth century the people of the Deccan styled it Sáliváhana Saka mixing it with current traditions regarding the great Sátavahana or Sáliváhana king of Paithan. If, as mentioned above, Nahapána's conquest of Gujarát and the establishment of his era be taken to come close after the conquest of Mathurá.

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Kanishka, the Gujarát conquest and the era must come very shortly after the beginning of Kanishka's reign, since Kanishka conquered Mathurá early in his reign. As his Mathurá inscriptions¹ give 5 as Kanishka's earliest date, he must have conquered Mathurá in the year 3 or 4 of his reign. Nahapána's expedition to and conquest of Gujarát were probably contemporary with or very closely subsequent to Kanishka's conquest of Mathurá. So two important eras seem to begin about four years apart, the one with Kanishka's reign in Upper India, the other with Nahapána's reign in Western India. The difference being small and both being eras of foreign conquerors, a Kushán and a Saka respectively, the two eras seem to have been subsequently confounded. Thus, according to Dr. Burnell, the Javanese Saka era is A.D. 74, that Kanishka's era was introduced into Java, probably because Java has from early times been connected with the eastern parts of India where Kanishka's era was current. On the other hand the astrological books called Karana use the era beginning with A.D. 78 which we have seen to be the Western era started by Nahapána. The use of the Saka era in Karana works dates from the time of the great Indian astronomer Varáha Mihira (A.D. 587). As Varáha Mihira lived and wrote his great work in Avanti or Málwa he naturally made use of the Saka era of Nahapána, which was current in Málwa. Subsequent astronomers adopted the era used by the master Varáha Mihira. Under their influence Nahapána's A.D. 78 era passed into use over the whole Northern and Central India eclipsing Kanishka's A.D. 74 era. On these grounds it may be accepted that the dates in the Násik inscriptions of Ushavadáta and in Ayáma's inscription at Junnar are in the era founded by Nahapána on his conquest of Gujarát and the West Deccan. This era was adopted by the Western Kshatrapa successors of Nahapána and continued on their coins for nearly three centuries.²

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¹ The author's only reason for supposing that two eras began between A.D. 70 and 80 seems to be the fact that the Javanese Saka era begins A.D. 74, while the Indian Saka era begins A.D. 78. It appears, however, from Lassen's Ind. Alt. II. 1040 note 1; that the Javanese Saka era begins either in A.D. 74 or in A.D. 78. The author's own authority, Dr. Burnell (S. Ind. Pal. 72) while saying that the Javanese Saka era dates from A.D. 74, gives A.D. 80 as the epoch of the Saka era of the neighbouring island of Bali, thus supporting Raffle's explanation (Java, II. 68) that the difference is due to the introduction into Java of the Muhammadan mode of reckoning during the past 300 years. The Javanese epoch of A.D. 74 cannot therefore be treated as an authority for determining genuine Indian era with this initial date. The era of Kanishka was used continuously down to its year 281 (Fergusson Hist. of Ind. Architecture, 740) and after that date we have numerous instances of the use of the S'akanripakála or Sakakála down to the familiar S'aka of the present day. It seems much more likely that the epoch of the modern S'aka era was that of Kanishka, which remained in use for nearly three centuries, than that of Nahapána, who so far as we know left no son, and whose line (if he founded one) probably expired when the Kshaharáta power was destroyed by the Andhrabhrityas in the first half of the second century A.D. We must therefore assume A.D. 78 to be the epoch of Kanishka's era. There remains the question whether Nahapána dates by Kanishka's era, or uses his own regnal years. There is nothing improbable in the latter supposition, and we are not forced to suppose that Nahapána was tributary to the Kushán kings. It has been shown above that the use of the title Kshatrapa does not necessarily imply a relation of inferiority. On the other hand since Oldenburg in Ind. Ant. X. 213) the later Kshatrapas certainly seem to have used Kanishka's era; and Nahapána and the Kushán dynasty seem to have been of the same race; for Heraus, who was certainly a Kushán, apparently calls himself Saka on his coins (Gardner B. M. Cat. xlvii.) and it is highly probable that Nahapána, like his son-in-law Ushavadáta, was a Saka. Further, the fact that Nahapána does not call himself Mahárája but Rája goes to show that he was not a paramount sovereign. (A. M. T.-J.)

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Cunningham's Arch. Sur. III. Plate 13. Inscriptions 2 and 3.

Western Kshatrapas, A.D. 70-398

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The Mālava Era, A.D. 56.

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The question arises why should not the dates on the Western Kshatrapa coins belong to the era which under the incorrect title of the Vikrama era is now current in Gujarāt and Mālwa. Several recently found Mālava inscriptions almost prove that what is called the Vikrama era beginning with B.C. 56 was not started by any Vikrama, but marks the institution of the tribal constitution of the Mālavas. Later the era came to be called either the era of the Mālava lords or Mālava Kāla that is the era of the Mālavas. About the ninth century just as the S'aka era became connected with the S'ālivāhana of Paithan, so this old Mālava era became connected with the name of Vikramāditya, the great legendary king of Ujain.

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It might be supposed that the Mālavas who gave its name to the Mālava era were the kings of the country now called Mālwa. But it is to be noted that no reference to the present Mālwa under the name of Mālavades'a occurs in any Sanskrit work or record earlier than the second century after Christ. The original Sanskrit name of the country was Avanti. It came to be called Mālava from the time the Mālava tribe conquered it and settled in it, just as Kāthiāvāda and Mevāda came to be called after their Kāthi and Mesa or Meda conquerors. The Mālavas, also called Malayas, seem like the Medas to be a foreign tribe, which, passing through Upper India conquered and settled in Central India during the first century before Christ. The mention in the Mudrārākshasa of a Mālava king among five Upper Indian kings shows that in the time of the Maurvas (B.C. 300) a Mālava kingdom existed in Upper India after the decline of Maurya supremacy spread to Central India. By Nahapāna's time the Mālavas seem to have moved eastwards towards Jaipur, as Ushavadāta defeated them in the neighbourhood of the Pushkar lake; but the fact that the country round Ujain was still known to Rudradāman as Avanti, shows that the Mālavas had not yet (A.D. 150) entered the district now known as Mālava. This settlement and the change of name from Avanti to Mālava probably took place in the weakness of the Kshatrapas towards the end of the third century A.D.

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When they established their sway in Central India these Mālavas or Malayas like the ancient Yauddheyas (B.C. 100) and the Kāthis till recent times (A.D. 1818) seem to have had a democratic constitution. Their political system seems to have proved unsuited to the conditions of a settled community. To put an end to dissensions the Mālava tribe appears to have framed what the Mandasor inscription terms a sthiti or constitution in honour of which they began a new era. It may be asked, Why may not Nahapāna have been the head of the Mālavas, who under the new constitution became the first Mālava sovereign and his reign-dates be those of the new Málava era? Against this we know from a Násik inscription of Ushavadáta¹ that Nahapána was not a Málava himself but an opponent of the Málavas as he sent Ushavadáta to help a tribe of Kshatriyas called Uttamabhadras whom the Málavas had attacked. Further a chronological examination of the early ruling dynasties of Gujarat does not favour the identification of the Kshatrapa era with the Málava era. The available information regarding the three dynasties the Kshatrapas the Guptas and the Valabhis, is universally admitted to prove that they followed one another in chronological succession. The latest known Kshatrapa date is 310. Even after this we find the name of a later Kshatrapa king whose date is unknown but may be estimated at about 320. If we take this Kshatrapa 320 to be in the Vikrama Samvat, its equivalent is A.D. 264.

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