A History of the Mahrattas v1.c19: Chapter XII
A History of the Mahrattas v1.c19
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Chapter XII
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A.D. 1707.—It has been already mentioned, that upon the fall of Raigurh the widow and son of Sumbhajee were carried prisoners to the imperial camp. They were received within the enclosure of the royal tents, and at the request of Begum Sahib, the Emperor’s daughter, a place was assigned to them near herself, and she continued to show them unremitting kindness during many years of captivity. The boy was at first constantly with her, and Aurungzebe, during his visits to his daughter, took much notice of him. Shao’s original name was Sivajee, but that by which he afterwards became known was a familiar name given him by Aurungzebe, and his choosing to retain it in preference to that of his renowned grandfather, is as remarkable ¹ as that our English appellation of ‘the Sahoo Raja,’ meaning the sovereign of the Mahratta nation, applied from his long reign to Shao’s successors as well as to himself, should have had its origin in an unbecoming pun of the Emperor Aurungzebe. The attendants who followed the family into captivity were allowed to communicate with the Mahrattas in the Moghul army; an indulgence which did not extend to Shao, his mother, or to Muddun Sing, the illegitimate son of Sumbhajee, also made captive at Raigurh. Every kind of intercourse with the Mahrattas in rebellion was, to all the family and their followers, most strictly forbidden.
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¹ The more remarkable, because reflectively it was an insult and at best a very coarse joke. It is either much for, or against the Emperor’s bon-mot, that a corresponding word is not easily found in English. Sahoo means the reverse of thief, and was used in allusion to Shao’s father and grandfather, of whom Aurungzebe seldom spoke, but as the thief, the robber, &c. [The name is properly written Shāhu. See footnote on page 376, infra.]
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Yessoo Bye was a woman of much prudence and carefully avoided intrigues. When Aurungzebe began to evolve the scheme of releasing Shao, he proposed to marry him to the daughters of two of the most distinguished Mahrattas in the imperial service, and to secure them in his interests by additional favours; these were Jadow of Sindkheir, to whom the Emperor had given the title of Roostum Rao; and Sindia, Patell of Kunneirkheir,¹ whose illegitimate offspring, as heads of a Mahratta principality, are well known in the modern transactions of India. Shao was connected with Jadow by the mother's side, and the proposal being agreeable to all parties, the nuptials were celebrated in a respectable manner, but without pomp; and the Emperor, besides conferring favours on Jadow and Sindia, bestowed on Shao the districts of Akulkote, Indapoor, Sopa, and Neywassa, in Jagheer. On this occasion, Aurungzebe, amongst other presents to Shao, gave him a sword he had himself frequently worn, and restored two swords which Shao's attendants had always urged him, if possible, to recover; the one was the famous Bhowanee of Sivajee; and the other, the sword of Afzool Khan, the murdered general of Beejapoor, both taken at Raigurh.²
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¹ Mahratta MSS. In this chapter the English reader will find a more than usual number of harsh names, which he may be inclined to think might have been omitted with advantage, but they will, in most instances, deserve attention, as those of the ancestors of the principal Mahratta chiefs. [Kannerkhera (Kunneirkheir) is a village sixteen miles east of Sātāra. The ancestors of the family were silāh-dārs under the Bahmanī Sultāns. The founder of the ruling family of Gwālior was Rānojī Sindia, one of his illegitimate sons being the famous Māhādaji Sindia.]
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² All the three swords are in possession of the Raja of Satara. [This is no longer the case. See footnote on the sword Bhavānī, p. 230-1, ante. A few years ago a large collection of heirlooms belonging to the family of the ex-Rājās of Sātāra, containing robes, tent-hangings, wāghnaks, and many miscellaneous articles of antiquarian value, dating from the time of Sivājī, were sold by order of the District Court, Sātāra. They were purchased by Mr. Purushottam Visrām Māvji, of Bombay, and were for several years exhibited in his house near Breach Candy. About six years ago they were purchased from him for the Prince of Wales' Museum of Western India, which was used as a hospital for Indian troops during the War.]
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But Aurungzebe, as we have seen, could not resolve on giving effect to this plan, and after his death Shao continued in the camp of Azim Shah, and was by that prince carried to a considerable distance beyond the Nerbuddah, when on his march at the head of the army lately employed in the Deccan, to contend for the throne with his brother, Sultan Mauzum, who was advancing from Lahore.¹
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¹ Khafee Khan.
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Tara Bye and her ministers improved the opportunity which the absence of the main body of the Moghul army afforded. Dhunnajee Jadow defeated Lodi Khan, the Foujdar of Poona, retook Chakun, and the Mahrattas were rapidly occupying as well as plundering the country, when Azim Shah, by the advice of Zoolfikar Khan, determined to release Shao, but to retain his mother, brother, and family as hostages for his good conduct; promising, however, that in case he should succeed in establishing his authority, and continue stedfast in attachment and allegiance, he should receive the tract conquered by his grandfather from Beejapoor, with an additional territory between the Beema and Godavery.²
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² Mahratta MSS.
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Shao sent forward one of his attendants, personally known to Pursojee Bhonslay and Chimmajee Damoodhur, then at the head of some Mahratta troops in Berar and Candeish, for the purpose of announcing his approach and soliciting their assistance. They immediately joined him, and their example was soon followed by Hybut Rao Nimbalkur, Neemajee Sindia, and other chiefs. Letters intimating his approach were dispatched by Shao to Tara Bye, but as she did not choose to relinquish a power she had so long held, or renounce her son’s pretensions to the sovereignty, she affected to believe him an impostor, assembled the whole of her ministers, declared her intention of opposing this pretender, and called upon all the principal officers to attest their fidelity to the cause of her son by the most solemn oaths. On their compliance, she appointed Ramchundur Punt and Neeloo Punt to assist her with their counsel; Dhunnajee Jadow and Pures hram Trimbuck to command in the field; Shunkrajee Narrain to defend the Ghaut-Mahta; and Kanhojee Angria Sur Kheil, who had been appointed by Raja Ram to the command of the fleet upon the death of Seedojee Goojur, was placed in charge of the coast. Poond Sawunt of Waree also sent assurances of fidelity to Tara Bye.
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Shao, on hearing of these proceedings, halted at the Godavery, in hopes of being able to dispel any opinion there might really exist of his being an impostor; but his army having increased to fifteen thousand men, he determined by the advice of Pursojee Bhonslay to move forward without further delay. Dhunnajee Jadow and the Pritee Needhee advanced to oppose him. The people of the country seemed inclined to the cause of Tara Bye; and one village had the audacity to fire on his troops. Several of his men being killed, the place was assaulted and a severe example made of the offenders. During the attack, a woman bearing a boy in her arms rushed towards Shao, and threw down the child, calling out that she devoted him to the Raja's service. Shao took charge of him, and in commemoration of his first success, called him Futih¹ Sing, to which he afterwards added his own surname of Bhonslay, and always treated him like his own son. Such was the extraordinary origin of the Rajas of Akulkote.
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¹ Futih means victory. The child's father's name was Lokhunday.
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As the armies drew near to each other, means were successfully employed to detach Dhunnajee Jadow from the cause of Tara Bye; and the Pritee Needhee, finding he was not supported in an action which took place at the village of Kheyr,² twenty-two miles north of Poona, withdrew from Dhunnajee's troops and fled to Satara. Shao, joined by Dhunnajee, advanced to Chundun Wundun, of which he obtained possession. He seized the families of all persons acting against him; sent a summons to Shunkrajee Narrain, Punt Suchew, to deliver up Poorundhur, which he had taken a short time before, and an order to Pures hram Trimbuck to surrender Satara; neither of them obeyed; but Shaik Meerah, a Mahomedan officer who commanded under the latter, confined him and gave up the fort.
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² [This is the modern Khed, head quarters of Khed tāluka, situated on the left bank of the Bhīma, twenty-six miles north of Poona. (I.G. Bom., 1909, i. 518-19.)]
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A.D. 1708.—Shao, on obtaining possession of Satara, formally seated himself on the throne, in the month of March, 1708. Gudadhur Prillhad was appointed Pritee Needhee, and Byhroo Punt Pingley was made Peishwa. The brother of Byhroo Punt, Neeloo Punt Moreishwur, who still adhered to Tara Bye, died shortly after at Rangna. Dhunnajee Jadow was confirmed in his rank of Senaputtee, and the right of making collections in several districts was delegated to him. At this period of confusion the revenue was realized on no fixed principle, but levied as opportunity presented itself in the manner of contribution. The principal Carcoons employed by Dhunnajee in revenue affairs, were Abbajee Poorundhuree,¹ Koolkurnee of Sassoor ² (Sasswur) near Poona, and another Bramin Koolkurnee of Sreewurdun,³ in the district of Choule, a village then claimed by the Seedee, from which, in consequence of some intrigue connected with the Seedee’s enemy Angria, he had fled to Sassoor, and had been recommended to Dhunnajee Jadow by Abbajee Poorundhuree and Pures hram Trimbuck. The name of this Koolkurnee, afterwards so celebrated as the founder of the Peishwa’s power, was Ballajee Wishwanath Bhutt.⁴
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¹ The ancestor of the present great family of Poorundhuree.
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² [The modern Sāswad, head quarters of Purandhar tāluka, on the left bank of the Karha, sixteen miles south-east of Poona. Near the junction of the river and one of its minor tributaries stands the walled mansion of the Purandhare family, which was once strongly fortified and held a detachment of British troops at bay for ten days in 1818. (I.G. Bom., 1909, i. 530.)]
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³ [Srivardhan to-day is a small coast-town in the Janjira State. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, under the Ahmadnagar, and afterwards under the Bijāpur dynasty, it was a port of some importance. (I.G. Bom., 1909, ii. 494.)]
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⁴ Mahratta MSS. It is proper to mention that among Mahratta Bramins, Bhutt and Grehust, in speaking of their own cast, are nearly synonymous with clerical and secular. Custom has introduced this distinction. Bhutt, however, in the text was merely the surname of Ballajee Wishwanath, not a religious appellation.
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Meanwhile the two eldest sons of Aurungzebe, Sultan Mauzum and Azim Shah, had fought a bloody battle near Agra, in which Sultan Mauzum was victorious. The army from the Deccan, commanded by Azim Shah, engaged under great disadvantages, owing to the pertinacity of that headstrong prince, who at least accelerated discomfiture by his want of preparation and by his neglect of arrangement among his troops. He paid the forfeit of his obstinacy with his life. There fell with him his two sons, together with Turbeeut Khan, Dulput Rao Boondelay, Ram Sing Harra,⁵ the gallant Khan Alum, and a great proportion of the officers experienced or distinguished in Mahratta warfare.
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⁵ [Bundēla (Boondelay) and Hāra are the names of Rājpūt clans, the former now occupying Bundēlkhand, and the latter found in small numbers in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. The Bundēlas
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Kaum Bukhsh, who was sent to Beejapoor by Aurungzebe a few days before his death, assumed the ensigns of royalty, and declared himself Emperor upon the demise of his father; his authority was at first acknowledged, but having no stability of character, he was soon deserted by most of his troops; he first endeavoured to conciliate the Mahratta Mankurees, who showed some disposition to listen to his overtures, but they were soon disgusted with his petulance and folly. Sultan Mauzum, who had used his victory with moderation, and was now on his march to the Deccan, generously offered him the kingdoms of Hyderabad and Beejapoor; but Kaum Bukhsh preferred the desperate chance of encountering the whole army of Hindoostan, and was killed near Hyderabad in an attack made upon him by his old and inveterate enemy Zoolfikar Khan, who was joined on the occasion by a body of Mahrattas, sent by Shao, under the command of Neemajee Sindia.¹
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¹ Khafee Khan. Memoirs of Eradut Khan. Original letter from Zoolfikar Khan to Shao.
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The affairs of Kaum Bukhsh were considered so desperate, that after he had refused the offer made by Sultan Mauzum, it was conjectured that he intended to follow the example of his uncle, Sultan Mohummud Akber, and retire to Persia; orders were sent to all the seaports to intercept him, and two lacks of rupees, with an extension of the company's privileges, were promised by Zoolfikar Khan to Mr. Pitt, governor of Madras, if he would apprehend the fugitive. To this Mr. Pitt agreed, but refused the present.²
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² Original letters from the Madras Records. This Mr. Pitt was the father of Lord Chatham. [He was the grandfather, not the father, of the Earl of Chatham. Thomas Pitt (1653–1726), the Governor of Madras, often called ‘Diamond Pitt,’ was the second son of John Pitt, rector of Blandford St. Mary. He was appointed President of
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are held to be derived from the Gaharwār, or Gherwal, Rājpūts, who were probably an aristocratic section of the aboriginal Bhar tribe with some infusion of Rājpūt blood. The Bundēlas became prominent in the thirteenth or fourteenth century, after the fall of the Chandēl Rājpūts, their most successful chief being Rājā Chhatarsāl of Panna, in the eighteenth century, who was virtually ruler of all Bundēlkhand. The country known as Bundēlkhand is partly in the United Provinces, partly in the Central Provinces, and partly in Native States. It is bounded on the north by the Jumna; on the north and west by the Chambal river; on the south by the Central Provinces, and on the south and east by Rīwā and the Kaimūr hills. (Russell, T. and C.C.P, iv. 438–40; Sleeman's *Rambles*, ed. Smith (1915), p. 144 n.)]
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Zoolfikar Khan, who was in the army of Azim Shah in the battle of Agra, after supporting his reputation as an officer, escaped from the field, and Sultan Mauzum, by the advice of his excellent minister, Monaim Khan, not only pardoned, but promoted him to high rank; conferring on him the viceroyalty of the Deccan, and the title of Umeer Ool Oomrah. By Zoolfikar Khan’s representations, Sultan Mauzum at first lent his countenance to Shao’s party, which tended to increase the Raja’s consequence amongst his countrymen, and would have been followed by more substantial advantages in a formal grant of the Surdeshmookhee, but Monaim Khan, unused to Bramin artifice, having been visited by the Wukeels of Tara Bye, was persuaded by them that Tara Bye’s son, Sivajee, was the lawful Raja of the Mahrattas. Zoolfikar Khan, impatient at his listening to these pretensions, betrayed an irritation which the minister resented, and Sultan Mauzum, unwilling to disoblige Monaim Khan and at the same time not displeased to find an excuse for deferring such a concession, seemed to comply with the minister’s proposal in favour of Sivajee, and desired that the deeds for the Surdeshmookhee should be made out in his name; he, however, postponed their delivery until the claim to the Mahratta supremacy should be decided, by the issue of the contest which was then in progress between the candidates.¹
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¹ Khafee Khan.
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Shao’s army was cantoned at Chundun Wundun, in the neighbourhood of Satara, during the monsoon, and he neglected no preparation to enable him to reduce his rival. Amongst other expedients, he made an unsuccessful application to Sir Nicholas Waite, the Governor of Bombay, for a supply of guns, ammunition, European soldiers, and money.² At the opening of the fair season, after celebrating the Dussera, preparations were made to renew the war against Tara Bye. Panalla was invested, the siege pressed with vigour, and the Havildar who commanded offered to surrender on condition of being confirmed in his station.
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² Bruce’s Annals.
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Fort St. George, Madras, on November 26, 1697, and assumed office in 1698. After an extension in 1703, he finally relinquished the office in 1709. His eldest son, Robert Pitt, of Boconnoc in Cornwall, married the daughter of the Hon. Edward Villiers, of Dromana, Waterford; and their younger son, William, afterwards became Earl of Chatham. (Dict. Nat. Biog.)]
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This proposal was readily acceded to, and Vishalgurh was surrendered by the agent of Pureshram Trimbuck on the same terms. Shao next marched towards Rangna, where Tara Bye then was, but hearing of the approach of the army, she quitted Rangna and fled to Malwan. The Havildar of Rangna refused to surrender and opposed the besiegers with resolution; an assault was made and repulsed, and Shao, on the approach of the monsoon, abandoning the siege, retired to Kolapoor where he cantoned the troops.¹
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¹ Mahratta MSS.
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At the opening of the fair season it was intended to prosecute the war, but about that time an agreement was entered into with the Moghuls, which waived the grand question of hereditary claim, and rendered the reduction of Tara Bye a point of less pressing personal interest to Shao. Zoolfikar Khan, who attended the court of Sultan Mauzum on his return to Hindoostan, left Daood Khan Punnee as his deputy in the six Soobehs of the Deccan, and obtained for him the government of Burhanpoor in addition to his other appointment. Daood Khan settled with such Mahratta chiefs as acknowledged Shao’s authority, to allow them, with certain reservations, one fourth of the revenue, but reserved the right of collecting and paying it through his own agents. Daood Khan’s intimacy with most of the Mahratta chiefs, his connection with Zoolfikar Khan, and the terms of friendship between the latter and Shao, not only preserved Shao’s ascendancy, but, except in instances where independent plundering bands occasionally appeared, procured a tolerably correct observance of the terms mentioned.²
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² Khafee Khan.
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In the end of the year Shao returned to Satara, and married two wives, one of the Mohitey and another of the Sirkay family. His other two wives were still with his mother at Delhi, where one of them, the daughter of Sindia, shortly afterwards died. Dhunnajee Jadow, after a long illness caused by the breaking out of an old wound in his leg, died on his way from Kolapoor on the banks of the Warna. His Carcoon, Ballajee Wishwanath, had accompanied him on that service, and during his sickness had the management of all his affairs, which created an unconquerable jealousy on the part of Chunder Seyn Jadow, Dhunnajee’s son and several Bramins in his service.
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A.D. 1710.—The army had scarcely returned to Satara when Tara Bye, encouraged by the Havildar at Panalla, marched towards that place reinforced by the troops of Poond Sawunt, and it was immediately restored to her. It was now resolved, in order to give her party credit and the appearance of a rising cause, to make that fort and the neighbouring town of Kolapoor the future residence of her court. Ramchundur Punt continued stedfast in the interest of her party, and Shunkrajee Narrain likewise maintained her cause. As the territory of the latter was reckoned the foundation stone of the empire, from Sivajee’s having first established himself there, Shao determined to reduce the Suchew instead of renewing the attack on Panalla. About this time he entertained the design of removing his capital to Ahmednugur, but as it gave offence to Zoolfikar Khan, Shao, at his desire, relinquished the intention.¹
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¹ Original letters from Zoolfikar Khan.
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An army proceeded towards Poona, and succeeded in obtaining possession of Rajgurh, but most of the Suchew’s forts being well stored with provisions and garrisoned by veteran Mawulees, were reckoned impregnable. It was therefore with no small satisfaction that Shao heard of his having put a period to his existence,² an act which it is said he committed from remorse, in consequence of having taken a solemn oath to maintain the cause of Tara Bye against his lawful prince.
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² He performed the Jul Sumadh, or voluntary death by water, which is not uncommon among Hindoo devotees. It is effected by placing a wooden platform upon several earthen pots, with their mouths turned down, to which the planks are fastened, and small holes are bored in the earthen vessels; the whole is placed on deep water, on some river accounted holy, and the devotee seats or ties himself on the platform, which gradually sinks with him.
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A.D. 1712.—Just at this time, in the month of January, Sivajee, the son of Tara Bye, died of the small-pox. This prince was an idiot, but his death occasioned a considerable change at Kolapoor. Ramchundur Punt seized the opportunity to remove Tara Bye from the administration, and to place Sumbhajee, the son of Rajis Bye, the young widow of Raja Ram, in her stead; a measure which had the sanction of Hindoo usage and was therefore supported by common consent. Tara Bye and Bhowanee Bye, her son’s widow, said to have been pregnant at the time of her husband’s death, were put into confinement, and Ramchundur Punt, unfettered by Tara Bye, began to exert himself with renovated vigour.
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But Shao, whilst Daood Khan’s government continued, was secured in the ascendancy; he was also surrounded by most of the experienced ministers, and was totally exempt from that cruelty and excess, which his enemies gave out that he inherited, with many other vices, from his father Sumbhajee. The loss of Shunkrajee Narrain was a severe blow to the cause of the opposite party, and Shao, in that temper of conciliation, for which he is deservedly applauded, seized the advantage which the sanction of lawful authority always bears, and immediately dispatched clothes of investiture to Narroo Shunker, son of the late Suchew, then a child of two years old; at the same time confirming as a matter of course his Mootaliq, or principal agent, in that situation. This measure immediately secured to him the services of that party, and the Suchew never afterwards departed from his allegiance. Shao was not equally successful in binding all the members of the Pritee Needhee’s family to his interest. He released Pureshram Trimbuck, restored his honours by the removal of Gudadhur Prillhad, and confirmed him in his former charge of Vishalgurh and its dependencies. The Pritee Needhee sent his eldest son, Kistnajee Bhaskur, to assume the management of the fort and district; but he had no sooner obtained possession than he revolted, tendered his services to Sumbhajee, and was made Pritee Needhee at Kolapoor. On this defection Pureshram Trimbuck was again thrown into confinement, and Shao, under a belief that the revolt had been encouraged by him, intended to have put him to death, but he was dissuaded from this design, which, even if just, would have made him odious in the country.
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In consequence of changes at the Imperial court, Daood Khan was removed to the government of Guzerat, which dissolved the agreement between the Moghuls and the Mahrattas.
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Chunder Seyn Jadow, who had been appointed Senaputtee on the demise of his father, was sent off from Satara with a considerable army, and directed to levy the Chouth, Surdeshmookhee and Ghasdana from the Moghul districts. He was attended on this occasion by his father’s Carcoon, Ballajee Wishwanath, who was now charged with collecting and appropriating a share of the revenue for the Raja, a situation of control which under no circumstances was likely to be favourably viewed by the Senaputtee. The jealousy formerly entertained was increased tenfold, and on a very slight cause, arising from a dispute about a deer run down by one of Ballajee’s horsemen, the suppressed enmity burst out in attempted violence; and Ballajee was obliged to flee for his life, first to Sassoor, where the Suchew’s agent in Poorundhur did not think it prudent to protect him, although he begged hard to be permitted to enter that fort. The horsemen, his pursuers, were in sight; but the commander of the fort was obdurate. With a few followers, amongst whom were his sons Bajeerao and Chimnajee, Ballajee Wishwanath attempted to cross over to Pandoogurh, a fort in the opposite valley, but Jadow’s horsemen were already in his route and searching for him in every quarter. In this dangerous extremity he contrived to conceal himself for a few days, until two Mahrattas, the one named Peelajee Jadow¹ and the other surnamed Dhoomal, then common Sillidars in his service, collected by their influence with their relations a small troop of horse, and promised to sacrifice their lives, or carry him and his sons that night to the Machee² of Pandoogurh.
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¹ [Pilājī Jādav (Peelajee Jadow) was not a Marāthā in the strict sense of the term. He was a Rāmosī, who on several occasions performed good service in the Marāthā cause, and was subsequently appointed Sar Nāyak (chief headman) of the Rāmosīs of Poona and Purandar by the Rājā of Sātāra about 1730. The appointment of Sar Nāyak became extinct about 1790. In 1832 a descendant of Pilājī Jādav was resident near Sāsvad, Poona District, and enjoyed an annual pension of 5,000 rupees from the British Government. (Mackintosh, Account of the Ramoosies, Bombay (1832), pp. 57, 59.)]
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² Machee is a village attached to all hill-forts, commonly situated on the face of the hill completely under protection, and is sometimes fortified.
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Ballajee Wishwanath, as the manuscripts state, ‘did not particularly excel in the accomplishment of sitting upon a horse,’³ but the Sillidars, although they had a skirmish, performed their promise, and the commander of the fort protected him by Shao’s orders. Chunder Seyn Jadow peremptorily demanded his being delivered up to him and threatened in case of refusal to renounce his allegiance for ever. Shao was not prepared to punish this insolent demand, but he refused to give up Ballajee and sent orders to Hybut Rao Nimbalkur, Sur Lushkur, then near Ahmednugur, to march for Satara immediately. In the meantime Ballajee Wishwanath was cooped up in Pandoogurh, which was surrounded by the Senaputtee’s troops. Hybut Rao Nimbalkur, already jealous at not being made Senaputtee, and greatly incensed at Jadow’s behaviour, obeyed the order with all speed; the latter hearing of his arrival at Phultun, quitted Pandoogurh and marched to Dewoor. The armies fought, and the troops of Jadow being defeated, he retired to Kolapoor, accompanied by Ghatgay Shirzee Rao. The latter was confirmed by Sumbhajee in his hereditary possessions at Kagul, but both went off to meet Cheyn Koolich Khan (Nizam Ool Moolk), who had just been appointed for the first time to the viceroyalty of the Deccan, and from whom Jadow received a large tract of territory in the neighbourhood of Balkee, twenty-five miles east of Beder, as a Jagheer for the support of his troops.¹
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³ His biographer adds, ‘and at this time required a man, on each side, to hold him on.’
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¹ Mahratta MSS. Hudeequ-i-Alum. This Persian MS. to which I here refer for the first time, is a voluminous history of Nizam Ool Moolk and his successors. It is a modern and respectable work, written by Mohummud Aboo Turab and dedicated to Meer Alum, the well known minister of Nizam Ally. I had two copies of this work, the one was lent to me by Mr. William Erskine.
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After the death of Sultan Mauzum² in 1712, the distractions which prevailed by the usual contentions of the Moghul Emperor’s sons, the subsequent revolution effected for his grandson Ferokhsere, and the barbarous execution of Zoolfikar Khan, were followed by important changes in the government of the Deccan. Of these changes, the first to be mentioned was of much importance, both as it removed Daood Khan from the government, and as it brought a person to the temporary charge of the viceroyalty, who subsequently bore a leading part in Deccan affairs. This was the appointment of Cheyn Koolich Khan, the son of Ghazee-ud-deen. His original name was Meer Kummer-ud-deen; the title of Cheyn Koolich Khan,³ with a munsub of five thousand horse, was conferred on him when a very young man by Aurungzebe, under whom, in the latter years of that Emperor’s reign, he held the important post of Soobehdar in the province of Beejapoor. Cheyn Koolich Khan had materially contributed to the success of the two Syuds, Abdoollah Khan and Hoossein Ally Khan, to whose bravery, skill, and exertions Ferokhsere owed his throne.¹ Amongst courtiers as well as states, friendship is as often the result of common enmity as of common interest; Cheyn Koolich Khan, who was known to have been the enemy of Zoolfikar Khan, was immediately appointed to succeed to the viceroyalty of the deceased minister, and dignified with the title of Nizam Ool Moolk, whilst Daood Khan was removed to the government of Guzerat.²
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² Or Shah Alum the 1st.
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³ [i.e. Chīn Kilich Khān, known later as Āsaf Jāh.]
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¹ Khafee Khan, Khuzaneh Amirah, and Muasir Ool Oomrah. The two last Persian authorities are both valuable. The Khuzaneh Amirah was written in the Deccan by Meer Gholam Ally, a native of Belgram in the province of Oude. He is celebrated as a poet as well as a historian; he is the author of the Suroo Azad, and his works are much prized by the Mahomedans of the Deccan. The Muasir Ool Oomrah (Biography of the Moghul nobles) is much celebrated in the Deccan; it was written by Shah Nuwaz Khan, or Sumsam ud Dowlah, with whose public character the reader of oriental history is already acquainted, from the works of Mr. Orme, Colonel Wilks, and others.
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² Khafee Khan.
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It was at this period that the disaffected Senaputtee went over to Nizam Ool Moolk, by whom he was well received and rewarded in the manner already mentioned. He was accompanied by Ghatgay, Shirzee Rao, of Kagul, and an officer named Rumbhajee Nimbalkur; the latter became distinguished in the Moghul service and got the title of Rao Rumbha, which descended to his posterity. Nizam Ool Moolk, on arriving at Aurungabad, seemed disposed to favour the cause of Sumbhajee, which, without inquiring into the private motives that may have inclined him to that party, was now the wisest policy the Moghuls could have adopted. Jadow, eager for revenge, and Nizam Ool Moolk desirous of suppressing the ravages of Shao's officers, sent an army against the Sur Lushkur, who retired from the Godavery to the Beema. Shao, in order to support him, sent forward a body of troops under Ballajee Wishwanath, whom he now dignified with the title of Sena Kurt, or agent in charge of the army. Ballajee effected a junction with Hybut Rao Nimbalkur, who fell back to the neighbourhood of Poorundhur, where they proposed to stand an engagement. A battle was fought in which the advantage claimed by the Mahrattas is contradicted by their subsequent retreat to the Salpee Ghaut. A detachment of Mahrattas from the Moghul army under Rumbhajee Nimbalkur took possession of the Poona district, and Rumbhajee obtained a Jagheer in the neighbourhood. At length an accommodation took place, the terms of which are not ascertained, but hostilities ceased, and the Moghuls returned to Aurungabad.¹ Nizam Ool Moolk kept his troops in motion during the fair season, but after they went into cantonments for the rains, a plan he invariably adopted, the Mahrattas, acting under different leaders, resumed their depredations.
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¹ Mahratta MSS.
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All the Deshmookhs and Deshpandyas, in the Moghul districts of Maharashtra, fortified the villages where they resided, on pretence of defending themselves, but they frequently joined or assisted their countrymen, of whatever party, in escape, defence, or concealment. One very rich caravan of treasure, escorted by a large detachment under Mohummud Ibrahim Tebreeze, was attacked on the route from Surat to Aurungabad, the troops were entirely destroyed, and the property carried off.² This robbery was probably committed by Khundee Rao Dhabaray. For many years that officer had subsisted his followers in Guzerat and Kattywar, and exacted a tribute in those provinces. He acknowledged Shao as his chief, and when Daood Khan was appointed to Guzerat, he withdrew from the neighbourhood of Ahmedabad and established himself in the strong country about Naundode and Rajpeeplee³; whence it is likely, from the nature of the attack, this was his first sally.
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² Khafee Khan.
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³ Mahratta MSS.
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As Nizam Ool Moolk favoured the Kolapoor party, Sumbhajee’s influence was increased as that of Shao was diminished. Seedojee Ghorepuray,⁴ the son of Byherjee, nephew of the famous Suntajee, and youngest brother of the first Moorar Rao of Gootee, was induced to declare for Sumbhajee, by whom he was dignified with the title of Senaputtee, and several of the Ghorepurays, both of Kapsee and Moodhole, joined the Kolapoor party: but Seedojee and his ally, the Patan Nabob of Savanoor, were too intent on their own schemes of conquest and plunder to quit the Carnatic. It was about this period that Seedojee made a great acquisition by obtaining possession of Sondoore, a fort situated in a valley of singular strength, within twenty-five miles of Bellary.
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⁴ Ranoojee the grandson of Suntajee fell in battle.
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Kishen Rao Kuttaokur, a Bramin raised by the Moghuls,⁵ took post in the country about the Mahdeo hills, and without joining either party plundered the districts on his own account. Dummajee Thorat, an officer long under Ramchundur Punt, strengthened a Gurhee in the village of Hinghee or Hingungaom, near Patus about forty miles east of Poona, and levied contributions for thirty miles round. He was of the Kolapoor party, and acknowledged no chief except his old patron Ramchundur Punt, under whom he had first established himself, and from whom he received Sopa and Patus as a Jagheer during the siege of Ginjee. Even in Mahratta estimation he was a lawless ruffian.¹ Oodajee Chowan, another of Ramchundur’s officers and a native of Hutnee, took the Gurhee of Buttees Serala, and in a short time became so formidable that Shao was glad to enter into a compromise, by conceding the Chouth of Serala and Kurar, which Chowan long continued to receive as a personal allowance. There were several other petty depredators who declared themselves Sumbhajee’s adherents, but the most formidable of all was Kanhojee Angria, then in possession of the coast from Sawuntwaree to Bombay, who was extending his sway over the province of Kalliannee in the Concan.
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⁵ The same whose letter is given in a note, pp. 304-5, ante.
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¹ An anecdote of this freebooter is related by his countrymen with much horror. It is necessary to premise that one of the most sacred of oaths, amongst Mahrattas, is taken by holding the leaves of the tree called Bel, conjoined with Turmeric, which in the Mahratta language is known by the name of Bandar. Thorat was accused of having forfeited his oath, and treacherously seized Ballajee Wishwanath, after swearing on the Bel-Bandar. ‘And what of that,’ said Thorat, ‘don’t I eat Bandar daily, and what is Bel but the leaves of a tree?’
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Such was the state of anarchy which now prevailed, that without a sudden change of fortune and a greater efficiency in Shao’s government, his authority over the Mahrattas must soon have become nugatory. Ballajee Wishwanath instilled some vigour into his councils, and began to take a lead in public affairs. He proposed to reduce Dummajee Thorat, and set out for that purpose; but he was seduced to a conference, treacherously seized and thrown into confinement, together with his friend Abbajee Poorundhuree, his two sons, Bajee Rao and Chimnajee, and several of their immediate retainers.
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Thorat threatened them with the torture of fastening horses feeding-bags, filled with ashes, on their mouths, and with ultimate death, unless he received a large ransom for their release. After enduring many indignities, the amount of their ransom was at last agreed upon and paid by Shao, who now applied to the Suchew to stop the progress of Thorat. The Suchew accordingly prepared to attack him; but his troops were defeated, and both the Suchew and his Mootaliq were taken and thrown into confinement at Hingungaom.¹
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¹ Naroo Shunker, the Punt Suchew, was then a child; but amongst Hindoos, the guardian generally considers the presence of his ward necessary on occasions of importance.
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At the same time that the Punt Suchew undertook this service, two expeditions were prepared at Satara: the one under the Peishwa, Byhroo Punt Pingley, went to protect the Concan and repel Angria; and the other, commanded by Ballajee Wishwanath, was ordered to suppress Kishen Rao Kuttaokur. This Bramin had become so bold and confident that he marched to Ound to meet Shao’s troops, but he was totally defeated, principally by the bravery of Sreeput Rao, the second son of Pureshram Trimbuck the Pritee Needhee, who had urged his son to perform some action which might wipe away the misconduct of his elder brother and procure his father’s release. Shao, accordingly, once more restored the Pritee Needhee to his liberty and rank. Kishen Rao, after perfect submission, was pardoned, and received the village of Kuttao in Enam, a part of which is still enjoyed by his posterity.
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This success was of considerable importance, but a like good fortune did not attend the Peishwa’s expedition. Byhroo Punt was defeated and made prisoner by Angria. The fort of Logurh was taken; Rajmachee surrendered; and it was reported that Angria was about to march for Satara. All the force that could be spared was collected to oppose him under Ballajee Wishwanath, who undertook the command, with hopes of being enabled, from his former connection with Angria, to effect an accommodation more desirable than any that might result from a protracted contest with a powerful neighbour. Ballajee knew Angria to be a leader of considerable ability as well as enterprise, and that his resources were not bounded by the extent of the districts in his possession, but were chiefly obtained by daring and extensive piracies. Ballajee was successful in his endeavours; and Angria, on condition of receiving ten forts,² and sixteen fortified places of less strength ¹ with their dependent villages; on being confirmed in command of the fleet and his title of Surkheil, agreed to renounce Sumbhajee, to release the Peishwa, to restore all his conquests except Rajmachee, and to maintain the cause of Shao.
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² These were the island of 1. Kenery (Kundeyree), 2. Kolabah,
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¹ Byroogurh, 2. Kotla, 3. Vickutgurh, 4. Manikgurh, 5. Mirggurh, 6. Sagurgurh, 7. Russalgurh, 8. Palgurh, 9. Gurhee Karaputtun, 10. Ramdroog, 11. Rajapoor, 12. Amber, 13. Sataolee, 14. Kamtey, 15. Sreewurdun, and 16. Munrunjun. (Copy of original papers.
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By this agreement the Seedee found himself deprived of some places of which he had enjoyed the revenue for twenty years. The consequence was an immediate rupture between that chief and Angria, in which Ballajee Wishwanath, co-operating against the Seedee, invaded his territory and soon compelled him to submit.
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A.D. 1714.—Ballajee having performed this service in a manner so entirely to Shao’s wishes, was received on his return to Satara with the greatest distinction; and in consequence of the failure of Byhroo Punt Pingley,² that minister was removed from the dignity of Mookh Purdhan, and Ballajee Wishwanath was appointed Peishwa in his stead. His friend, Abbajee Poordhuree, was confirmed as his Mootaliq, and Rammajee Punt Bhanoo ³ as his Furnuwees.
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² [With the dismissal of Bahiropant (Byhroo Punt) the Pinglē family sank into insignificance. Shāhu Rājā, in return for past services, granted to the family in perpetuity certain lands and forts, yielding annually Rs. 60,000. These were subsequently seized by the Pēshvā Māhdu Rāo in 1768, who granted in lieu thereof an annual income of Rs. 10,000. Even this reduced grant was sequestrated as soon as Bājī Rāo became Pēshvā in 1796, and the Pinglē family was reduced to poverty. After the overthrow of Bājī Rāo, and on the recommendation of Mountstuart Elphinstone, the representative of the family was granted an allowance of Rs. 1,800 from the Poona treasury, to which the Rājā of Sātāra added an allowance of Rs. 480 per annum. On the death of the Rājā this latter allowance was continued by the Bombay Government at the instance of Mr. (afterwards Sir) Bartle Frere until 1856. The present representative of the family is a third-class Sardār of the Deccan, and draws an annual stipend as manager of the temples at Pratāpgarh and Mahābaleshvar. (Parasnis, Mahableshwar, pp. 44–47.)]
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³ Ancestor of the celebrated Nana Furnuwees.
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Mannajee Moray, after the desertion of Chunder Seyn Jadow, had received clothes of investiture as Senaputtee, but had not performed the services that were expected of him; he was now
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3. Severndroog, 4. Viziadroog, 5. Jyegurh, 6. Deodroog, 7. Kunnikdroog, 8. Futihgurh, 9. Oochitgurh, 10. Yeswuntdroog.
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ordered with Hybut Rao Nimbalkur, to accompany Ballajee into the Poona district, for the purpose of reducing Dummajee Thorat. As Ballajee was apprehensive that the Suchew, who was still a prisoner in Hingungaom, might be killed if the place were attacked, he was prevailed upon by Yessoo Bye, the Punt Suchew's mother, to endeavour to obtain his release before hostilities commenced. This was accordingly effected, and Yessoo Bye, in gratitude to the Peishwa for saving her son, made over to him the Suchew's rights in the Poona district, and gave him up the fort of Poorundhur as a place of refuge for his family, then residing in Sássoor. On the same pretence, Ballajee obtained a grant of it from Shao, by which concession that prince forged the first link in the chain which afterwards fettered his own power and reduced his successors to empty pageants of Bramin policy.
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The force assembled in the Poona district was too powerful for Thorat. He was soon forced into the Gurhee of Hingungaom, which was breached and stormed. Dummajee Thorat was made prisoner, and the Gurhee was destroyed.
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A.D. 1715.—The Sur Lushkur returned to the Godavery after quarrelling with the Rajá for not appointing him Senaputtee, and they were never reconciled. The Peishwa induced the Moghul agent,¹ in charge of the Poona district, to make over the superior authority to him, on promising that Rumbhajee Nimbalkur's Jagheer should be respected. He immediately suppressed a body of banditti which infested it; gave his attention to restoring order in the villages; discontinued all farming of revenue; and encouraged cultivation by the usual means of very low and gradually increasing assessments.²
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¹ He was a Mahratta, named Bajee Kuddum.
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² Mahratta MSS.
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The affairs of the Mahrattas began to wear a more favourable aspect in all quarters; but after the confusion, weakness, and total anarchy which have just been described, the rapid expansion of their power from about this period, under the authority of Shao, is on any view very remarkable, and at first, until the cause be investigated, might seem quite incredible. The circumstances, however, which preserved that prince's ascendancy will be satisfactorily explained; and as to the domestic confusion among the Mahrattas, it may be considered the re-action of their predatory power ;—their present state was like a flood with its channel completely obstructed, which rises on its natural barriers, till surmounting or bursting through them it inundates the plains.
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The influence of Ballajee Wishwanath continued to increase, and no affair of importance was undertaken without his advice. A conciliatory policy was agreeable to Shao and dictated all Ballajee’s measures. The system of Sivajee was the groundwork of their arrangements ; but, since the time of Sumbhajee, the necessity of preserving the Raja’s supremacy by profusely issuing deeds, confirming to the successful Mahratta leader the possession of all the territory in which he could establish himself, was ruinous both to their union and resources as a nation. The nature, however, of the tribute which Sivajee’s genius had instituted, suggested a remedy for the endless divisibility which every additional acquisition of territory was likely to create. The expedient adopted, which must have been long contemplated, will be shown in its proper place ; and although it but temporarily ensured its end, is the most ingenious as well as the deepest scheme of Bramin policy which is to be found unconnected with their religious system. The ministry, as far as practicable, was composed of the old retainers, and the situations of those who adhered to the Kolapoor party were conferred on their near relations.
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The following is a list of the ministry at this period :—
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Pritee Needhee, Pureshram Trimbuck.
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*The eight Purdhans.*
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1. Peishwa, or Mookh Purdhan. Ballajee Wishwanath.
2. Amat. Amba Rao Bappoo Rao Hunwuntay.
3. Suchew. Naroo Shunker.
4. Muntree. Naroo Ram Shenwee.
5. Senaputtee. Maun Sing Moray.
6. Somunt. Anund Rao.
7. Nyadeish. Honajee Anunt.
8. Pundit Rao. Moodhgul Bhutt Oopadheea.
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Pursojee Bhonslay and Hybut Rao Nimbalkur both died about this time. The son of the former, Kanhojee Bhonslay, was confirmed by Shao in all his father’s possessions, and succeeded to his title of Sena Sahib Soobeh, but the rank of Sur Lushkur was conferred on Dowulshee Somwoushee, together with all the rights and honours of the situation. The son of Hybut Rao, whose succession was set aside, quitted Shao’s standard, joined Chunder Seyn Jadow, and afterwards received Barsee and other districts as a Jagheer from Nizam Ool Moolk.
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Shao was not destitute of ordinary ability, he was naturally generous, liberal to all religious establishments, observant of forms enjoined by the Hindoo faith, and particularly charitable to Bramins. The Ghaut-Mahta and the rugged Concan were his birthright, but unused to climb Ghauts, or wander and live in the wilds of the mountain-forest, like his hardy grandfather, Shao’s childhood was spent within the enclosure of the imperial seraglio, and it is not surprising that, seduced by the pomp and luxury of which he partook, his habits should have continued those of a Mahomedan. He occasionally showed all the violence of the Mahratta character,¹ and for the time anger overcame his indolence, but in general he was satisfied with the respect and homage paid to his person, and the professions of obedience invariably shown by the ministers to his commands; he was pleased at being freed from the drudgery of business, and in following his favourite amusements of hawking, hunting, and fishing; he did not foresee that he was delegating a power, which might supersede his own. As legitimate head of the Mahrattas, the importance of that nation was increased by the manner in which he was courted by the Moghuls, and the dignities and rights conferred upon him, in consequence of his situation, gave an influence and respect to the name of Shao, which under other circumstances he could never have attained. Both the sons of Sivajee followed the example of their father, from the period when he mounted the throne, and always declared their independence; but Shao acknowledged himself a vassal of the throne of Delhi, and whilst styling himself king of the Hindoos, he affected in his transactions with the Moghuls to consider himself merely as a Zumeendar, or head Deshmookh of the empire.
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¹ In comparison with the Bramins, the Mahrattas are extremely violent, which forms a striking contrast with the inflexible placidness which the former can command.
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The Emperor Ferokhsere, soon after his accession, upon the cessation of hostilities at the Salpee Ghaut, appointed Shao to the rank of ten thousand horse,² and for seventeen months, or during the first government of Nizam Ool Moolk, the policy and vigour of that viceroy had greatly tended to control the Mahrattas.
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² Original letter from Ferokhsere to Shao.
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Ferokhsere, at a very early period, began to entertain a jealousy of the Syuds, to whom he owed his elevation, and mutual distrust soon followed. He consented to appoint the younger Syud, Hoossein Ally Khan, to the viceroyalty of the Deccan; in hopes that by separating the brothers he should weaken their power and compass their destruction. In applying for this appointment, Hoossein Ally Khan intended to follow the example of Zoolfikar Khan and govern by deputy, but relying on the Emperor's assurances, he was prevailed upon to depart for the Deccan, openly declaring, however, that if anything should be meditated against his brother, he would be in the capital in twenty days. Ferokhsere, under whose authority Daood Khan was removed to Guzerat, now dispatched secret instructions to that officer to oppose the new viceroy, promising that, if successful, he should be appointed to the six Soobehs of the Deccan in his stead. Daood Khan, from his known influence with the Mahrattas, and other circumstances, was considered a person peculiarly fit for this commission; which, at the command of the Emperor, he readily undertook. The only Mahratta, however, that had come forward, or had time to join him, was Neemajee Sindia, who, content with a Jagheer he received from Zoolfikar Khan in the neighbourhood of Aurangabad, attached himself, during the dissensions of his countrymen, to the Moghul viceroy for the time being. On the present occasion, in observance of the same temporizing rule, when Hoossein Ally Khan and Daood Khan came to a battle, Neemajee Sindia galloped about at a distance, awaiting the result, and seeing victory declare in favour of Hoossein Ally, after the death of Daood Khan, the Mahratta congratulated the victor and joined his standard.¹
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¹ Khafee Khan.
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Ferokhsere, disappointed in his treacherous scheme, but still intent on the destruction of the brothers, with the greatest professions of cordiality, secretly encouraged resistance to the viceroy's authority, both amongst the servants of his government and the Mahrattas: a base and silly policy, which in the end could hardly fail to meet with its deserts.
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