A History of the Mahrattas v2.c46: Chapter XXXVIII
A History of the Mahrattas v2.c46
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Chapter XXXVIII
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A.D. 1795.—Although the young Peishwa was now in his twenty-first year, Nana Furnuwees relaxed nothing of the rigid tutelage in which he had reared him; and the old minister became more than ever watchful of all the state prisoners, whose liberty might endanger his own power. He was apprehensive that Mahadajee Sindia had intended to use the Raja of Satara as an instrument in overthrowing the Bramin government, and he now treated the object of his dread with more than ordinary severity, by diminishing his allowances and prohibiting his relations from visiting him in the fort.
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The family of Rugonath Rao was kept at Kopergaom until the year 1793, when they were removed to Anundwelee near Nassuck, as a place more agreeable to the widow Anundee Bye, whose health was on the decline. In the month of April of the succeeding year she died. The sons, Bajee Rao and Chimnajee Appa, with the adopted son of Rugoba, Amrut Rao, remained at Anundwelee; until, upon the prospect of hostilities with Nizam Ally, they were conveyed to the hill-fort of Sewneree, where once secured, Nana Furnuwees at the termination of the war retained them in close custody under two officers in whom he confided, Rughoo Punt Ghorebulay and Bulwunt Rao Nagonath.
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The condition of these young men excited strong feelings of commiseration, even in the minds of those who judged it necessary; and others, swayed chiefly by their feelings, generally the larger portion of any community, execrated the conduct of the minister as cruel, vindictive, and unjustifiable. Distinct from either of these classes was the old faction of Rugoba, and other persons, wholly discontented, who endeavoured by every means to exalt the character of the prisoners and lower the reputation of Nana Furnuwees. But these indications of the public mind only increased the wary circumspection of the minister, to whom the elder of the legitimate sons of Rugonath Rao early became an object of jealousy. Graceful in his person, with a handsome and youthful countenance which ensured favourable impressions, Bajee Rao had the mildest manner, and an address so insinuating that he gained the good-will of all who approached him. His bodily and mental accomplishments were equally extolled; at the age of nineteen he was an excellent horseman, skilled in the use of the sword and bow and allowed to be the most expert spearsman in Gungthuree. He was deeply read in the Shasters, particularly in such parts as regard the observance of cast; and of his age no Pundit so learned had been known in Maharashtra.
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The young Peishwa, so far from being jealous of the superior accomplishments of his cousin, was pleased at hearing him commended, and frequently expressed a strong desire to procure his enlargement and cultivate his friendship. In vain did the cautious Nana Furnuwees advise him to beware of the sapling, however comely, which sprung from the weakness of Rugonath Rao and the wickedness of Anundee Bye: the greater the restraint, the stronger the inclination; but Mahdoo Rao was watched, and Bajee Rao was a close prisoner. The latter, however, having discovered the favourable disposition of the Peishwa towards him, and having at last gained Bulwunt Rao Nagonath, he conveyed a message with assurances of respect and attachment, adding that ‘he was in confinement at Sewneree and the Peishwa under the control of his minister;—that their condition as prisoners was nearly similar, but that their minds and affections were free, and should be devoted to each other;—that their ancestors had distinguished themselves, and that the time would arrive, when his cousin and himself might hope to emulate their deeds, and raise themselves a lasting and honourable name.’ This message was the commencement of a correspondence, which began shortly after the return of the army to Poona and continued for some time, till at length it came to the knowledge of Nana, who betrayed a rage altogether unusual at the discovery. He immediately threw Bulwunt Rao Nagonath into a hill-fort loaded with irons, severely reproached Mahdoo Rao, and rendered the strictness of Bajee Rao’s confinement far more rigid than before. Mahdoo Rao already galled by restraint and irritated by the insidious messages of his cousin, was overwhelmed with anger, disappointment, and grief; he refused absolutely to quit his apartment, and his absence from his usual place at the Durbar was imputed to fever. At the Dussera, which happened on the 22d October and was conducted with great splendour, he appeared amongst his troops, and in the evening received his chiefs and the ambassadors at his court in his accustomed manner; but his spirit was wounded to desperation, a fixed melancholy seized on his mind, and on the morning of the 25th (Oct. 25.) October he deliberately threw himself from a terrace in his palace, fractured two of his limbs, and was much wounded by the tube of a fountain on which he fell.¹ He survived for two days, and having particularly desired that Bajee Rao should be placed on the musnud, he expired in the arms of Baba Rao Phurkay, for whom he had entertained a strong affection.²
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¹ [The Archaeological Survey Department has recently (1919) cleared away the débris in the Shanīwār Wāda, the ancient palace of the Pēshwās in Poona, which was burnt down in 1840. The work of clearance has disclosed an elaborately laid-out garden, surrounding the plinth of the ruined palace, one side of which consists of three terraces provided with fountains and minute reservoirs on the pattern of the famous Shalīmār gardens of Lahore and Kashmīr. On the top of the plinth was found an enormous circular fountain, in the shape of a lotus, containing more than 200 jets. The whole system of fountains and reservoirs is connected by pipes and ducts of pure copper. It may have been one of the pipes of the large lotus-shaped fountain which caused fatal injury to Māhdu Rāo Narāyan.
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² [In a letter to the Governor-General, dated October 27, 1795, the Assistant Resident at Poona reported, from information received from Bahiru Pandit, that ‘on the morning of the 25th instant while sitting in an inner room with Durgabāi (his maternal grandmother) and some Brahmans, he (the Pēshwā) complained of the heat, got up suddenly and went to an adjoining terrace, from which he fell into a fountain below; that the thigh-bone is broken and one arm and the face much bruised, and that he is now in pain and weak.’ The Pēshwā died about 6 p.m. on the 27th, and his corpse was burnt the same night on the bank of the river. (Forrest, Selections of Marāthā Series), i. 539–43.)
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A modern building, utilised till recently as a court, was erected on the plinth of the actual palace about forty years after its destruction by fire in 1840.]
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This Mādhu Rāo Pēshwā was known as ‘Savāi Mādhu Rāo’ to distinguish him from the great Mādhu Rāo, who died in 1772. ‘Savāi Mādhu Rāo’ is a term of flattery, meaning literally ‘a Mādhu Rāo and a quarter,’ in the same way that we say in English ‘There’s a horse and a half for you,’ meaning a very good horse (cf. Savāi Jai Singh of Jaipur). The word Savāi is frequently used in this sense in naming vessels and country craft on the coast of Western India, e.g. Lābh Savāi (‘gain and a quarter’). See Wilson, Native Craft of Bombay Harbour, 1909, Bombay Port Trust Records.]
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The death of Mahdoo Rao was an event of such awful importance to the political existence of Nana Furnuwees, that the consideration of its consequences withdrew his mind from the deep affliction which the untimely end of that amiable young prince would have disposed him to indulge. He carefully suppressed the request of Mahdoo Rao in his cousin's favour, dreading that by such an arrangement he should not only be deprived of power, but perhaps of liberty and of life. His first care, on ascertaining the nature of the accident, was to send off notice to Pureshram Bhow, requiring his immediate attendance at Poona with every man he could collect; and the day after the Peishwa's death, Rughoojee Bhonslay and Doulut Rao Sindia were recalled for the purpose of deliberating on the succession to the musnud. Tookajee Holkar, being in Poona, immediately visited the minister, who not only made use of all the popular prejudice existing against the name of Rugonath Rao, but described the enmity which, from the first dawning of reason, had been instilled into Bajee Rao by his mother, against the whole of those officers who had now any experience in the affairs of the state; he showed the danger to be apprehended from the connexion between his family and the English,¹ dwelt upon the happy state of prosperity and union which then prevailed in the Mahratta empire, and enlarged on the increasing benefits to be expected, if the existing course of policy were carefully preserved. In these sentiments Holkar concurred, and the disposition of the other chiefs being sounded, Nana ventured to disclose his plan; by suggesting that Yessooda Bye, the widow of the deceased prince, who had not yet attained the age of womanhood, should adopt a son, in whose name he proposed to conduct the government as heretofore. Some objections were raised by Balloba Tattya, one of the principal ministers of Sindia, but they were overruled by his colleague in office Jooba Bukhshee, who observed that their master was too young to be able to judge for himself, but he thought his safest course was to be guided by the experience of the elder chiefs and to follow the example of Tookajee Holkar. At length, after some discussion, the consent of the principal chiefs was obtained in writing, and in the month of January they again retired from Poona.
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¹ [‘There seems great reason to suppose,’ wrote the Assistant Resident, Poona, to the Governor-General on October 29, 1795, ‘that Nānā’s principal arguments against Bājīrāo’s succession, particularly with the great Marāthā chieftains at the Grand National Council, will be drawn from the connexion between that branch of the family and us. My messages since the accident of the morning of the 25th instant will probably, if he submits them to the Council, tend in some degree to baffle those arguments; and if he withholds them from their knowledge, I shall perhaps take some means of bringing them forward again.’ (Forrest, Selections (Marāthā Series), i. 543.)]
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In the preceding November, Mr. Malet, the Resident on the part of the British Government, had made a formal application to the minister for the purpose of ascertaining on what footing the Mahratta government was to be conducted. Nana Furnuwees replied that the widow of the late Peishwa was to be considered head of the empire, until the great officers of the nation had deliberated upon the succession, when the result should be communicated. He now therefore intimated their resolution that the widow should adopt a son, to which no objection on the part of Mr. Malet could be offered, and nothing was now apparently wanting except the selection of a child and the performance of the ceremony. But Bajee Rao, who had obtained information of the whole proceeding, by which he was thus unjustly to be deprived of his right, gave a further specimen of his talent for intrigue, by immediately taking advantage of the favourable disposition evinced towards him by Balloba Tattya, opening a correspondence with him, and in a few months gaining him to his cause. This union was the more important to Bajee Rao, as the death of Jooba Bukhshee had taken place a short time before, and on his death-bed he sent for Doulut Rao and expressed his regret for having advised him to accede to the plan of adoption, whilst a lineal descendant of Ballajee Wishwanath remained. Having secured the prime minister, Bajee Rao next addressed himself to Sindia, offering him four lacks of rupees of territory and whatever might be the expenses of his troops during the time he should require their aid in asserting his lawful succession to the Musnud. This offer was accepted, a formal agreement was drawn up, but it was scarcely concluded, when the whole was divulged to Nana Furnuwees. In the greatest alarm that minister instantly summoned Pureshram Bhow, who marched from Tasgaom to Poona with a body of horse in forty-eight hours, a distance of upwards of 120 English miles. After some deliberation, it was resolved to anticipate Sindia's design, to release Bajee Rao, and to declare him Peishwa. Pureshram Bhow accordingly proceeded to the fort of Sewneree,¹ and made his proposals. Amrut Rao advised his brother not to accept them, observing that these offers were but certain indications of Sindia’s sincerity. Bajee Rao did not rely on the good-will of either party, beyond the dictates of their interests, and, if assured of attaining his object, he would not have hesitated; he, however, urged many objections, though only for the purpose of obtaining satisfactory assurances. With this view, amongst other solemn asseverations, he obliged Pureshram Bhow to hold the tail of a cow, and swear by the holy Godavery that no deception was intended; after which he descended from the fort, and, accompanied by his brother Chimnajee Appa, set out for his future capital. Amrut Rao by Pureshram Bhow’s orders was detained in custody at Sewneree.
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¹ [i.e. the great hill-fort of Shivnēr, at Junnar, in which Sivājī was born. See vol. i, p. 75, ante. (B.G., xviii, pt. iii, 153 ff.)]
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Immediately on Bajee Rao’s arrival at Poona, he had an interview with Nana Furnuwees, when they mutually promised to bury all traces of former enmity in oblivion; and Bajee Rao, on being assured of the succession, promised to retain Nana at the head of his administration. To this agreement both parties exchanged formal declarations ² in writing.
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² The following is a translation of that which was given by Bajee Rao to Nana Furnuwees : ‘In the presence of my God, and from the inmost recesses of my heart, have I rooted out every vestige of any former act; let all your future conduct be guided by the principles of good faith. I will never injure you or yours, by word or deed; by any inward thought or outward act; neither will I allow any other person to do so; on this point I will be inflexible, and will pay no attention to the suggestions of others. I will not allow your reputation to be sullied, and should anyone attempt to instil anything of the kind into my breast, I will point him out to you. I will never release anyone from confinement without your advice; all state affairs will be managed by our conjunct counsel. From this day all your acts are mine: suspicion is wholly eradicated from my heart.’
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Balloba Tattya, on hearing of the step which Bajee Rao had taken, was incensed at his conduct, but determined to counteract the schemes of Nana Furnuwees. He therefore persuaded Sindia, then on the banks of the Godavery, to march on Poona with his whole force. Nana Furnuwees was dismayed; Pureshram Bhow advised him to stand firm, to collect the troops, and to give battle; but Nana, deficient in personal courage, was also sensible of the superiority of Sindia’s army; he could not trust Bajee Rao, and he was terrified lest he should fall a prisoner into the hands of Balloba Tattya, by whom he believed he should be put to death. Having therefore left Pureshram Bhow with Bajee Rao at Poona, he told the latter that, as Sindia was advancing with intentions hostile only towards himself, he thought the best means of averting ruinous civil dissensions was for him to retire from business and withdraw from the capital. He accordingly repaired first to Poorundhur, and afterwards to Satara. Sindia arrived in the neighbourhood of Poona, and had a friendly interview with Bajee Rao; but Balloba Tattya, although he affected to meet him with cordiality, could not forget his behaviour, especially after he had seen Amrut Rao, whom he removed from Sewneree to Jamgaom, but did not restore him to liberty.¹ After considering various plans, Balloba Tattya at last resolved to set aside Bajee Rao, and to raise both a minister and a Peishwa of his own; for which purpose he proposed to Pureshram Bhow, through Byhroo Punt Mendlee, that Mahdoo Rao’s widow should adopt Chimnajee Appa as her son; that Bajee Rao should be placed in confinement, and that Pureshram Bhow should conduct the administration. Pureshram Bhow had begun to despise Nana Furnuwees for his pusillanimous conduct, but he still so far respected his wisdom as to ask his opinion. Nana advised him to accept what was proposed, but to take care that Bajee Rao came into his own custody. To this last essential part of the advice no attention was paid by Pureshram Bhow. Balloba Tattya pretended to be partly influenced in the measure he now pursued, by the hope of rendering it in some degree acceptable to Nana Furnuwees, lest the latter, in the present state of Doulut Rao’s inexperience, should form some confederacy by means of the other chiefs against the house of Sindia. Balloba accordingly as soon as Nana’s assent had been obtained made overtures for a reconciliation, to which the latter made no objection.
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¹ There is no reason assigned for his not having done so.
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Nana’s own proceedings in the meantime deserve notice. When he quitted Poorundhur and repaired to Satara, he entertained some design of emancipating the Raja and restoring the old form of the government of Sivajee, as a plan calculated to avert the dissensions that had arisen, and which were likely to increase in the state; but a very few days convinced him of the futility of this scheme. The Raja, in consequence of the treatment he had experienced, had no confidence in him. The Raja’s name was sufficiently popular to have brought many of the most warlike Mahratta families to his standard and to have awakened a powerful interest amongst the descendants of the first followers of Sivajee, residing in the wilds of the Mawuls and Khoras. The Raja, though incapable of conducting state affairs himself, was a man of courage, and several of his relations were fit leaders for any desperate enterprise. But Nana’s object was to devise some means of establishing a controlling authority over the chiefs of the empire, not to stir up a power subversive of all order. After a few conferences he desisted and retired to Waee, a town in the neighbourhood; but his having entertained such a scheme was so far fortunate for the Raja, that he indulged in a little more liberty and was treated with greater kindness and consideration.
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When Nana Furnuwees consented to the proposal of Balloba Tattya for adopting Chimnajee Appa, it became necessary to obtain the Raja’s *khillut* of investiture for the new Peishwa: on which occasion Nana came from Waee to Satara, and on receiving the *khillut*, promised that, if he ever had an opportunity, he would endeavour to fulfil the agreement made with Ram Raja in the time of Ballajee Bajee Rao, by putting the present Raja Shao in possession of the territory promised by the treaty of Sangola.
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Nana would have proceeded to Poona, but on finding that Pureshram Bhow had allowed Sindia’s minister to retain the person of Bajee Rao, he suspected, and with good reason, that the whole was a scheme to entice him into the power of Balloba Tattya; and, therefore, although he forwarded the *khillut*, he himself remained at Waee.
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Bajee Rao was still ignorant of the plot which had been formed against him, and the manner of disclosing it is too characteristic, not only of the period but of the future ways of the Poona court, to be omitted. Some demands for money on account of Sindia’s expenses were made on Bajee Rao, and upon his expressing inability to comply with them, they were urged in a tone which produced altercation, and Sindia, pretending to take offence at the manner of Bajee Rao’s refusal, begged permission to return to Hindoostan. Bajee Rao, as had been foreseen, immediately repaired to Sindia’s camp for the purpose of privately expostulating; he was there detained in argument until late in the evening, when the conference was suddenly interrupted by intelligence of Pureshram Bhow’s having carried off Chimnajee Appa; no one, it was pretended, knew whither, but it was supposed, to Satara. Bajee Rao, alarmed and astonished, begged of Sindia to pursue him; but the uncertainty of their route, the strength of their party, and the darkness of the night were urged against this proposal. A request, however, to be allowed to continue under Sindia’s protection during the night, was readily granted, and next day he discovered the snare, upon being advised to remain, as any place beyond the precincts of Sindia’s camp was unsafe for His Highness.
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In the meantime Pureshram Bhow and Baba Rao Phurkay had merely conveyed Chimnajee Appa into the city of Poona; but Chimnajee positively refused to become a party in the unjust usurpation of his brother’s rights, and compulsion only induced him to bear his share in it. He was adopted by the name of Chimnajee Mahdoo Rao, and formally invested as Peishwa on the 26th May.
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The pecuniary difficulties of Sindia, and the distress of his army, were not fictitious. Pureshram Bhow, on being appointed minister, had promised to raise money, and for this purpose offered to restore the minister of Nizam Ally, Musheer Ool Moolk, to liberty, on condition of receiving a portion of the balance of three crores of rupees, due by the treaty of Kurdla. Musheer Ool Moolk said he could only use his endeavours; but upon this promise he was released from confinement, permitted to encamp in the environs of the city, and in a short time was surrounded by a considerable retinue.
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The day after the installation of the new Peishwa, Pureshram Bhow proposed that Nana Furnuwees should come to Poona, meet and be reconciled to Balloba Tattya, and afterwards assume the civil administration in the new Peishwa’s government; whilst the command of the troops and all military arrangements should remain with himself. In reply to this proposal, Nana Furnuwees requested that Pureshram Bhow’s eldest son, Hurry Punt, might be sent to Waee for the purpose of clearly settling some preliminaries; but, instead of coming as an envoy, Hurry Punt crossed the Neera at the head of four or five thousand chosen horse, a circumstance that in itself naturally excited suspicions, which were strengthened by a secret letter from Baba Rao Phurkay, advising him to seek his own safety without a moment’s delay.
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The fortunes of Nana Furnuwees were now in the general opinion, and perhaps in his own, desperate; but on being forced to abandon half measures, into which he was misled by a timid disposition, the vigour of his judgement, the fertility of his expedients, the extent of his influence, and the combination of instruments which he called into action, surprised all India, and from his European contemporaries procured for him the name of ‘the Mahratta Machiavel.’
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When he saw the danger imminent, he immediately fled from Waee towards the Concan, blocked up the passes in his rear, threw a strong garrison into Pertabgurh, and, on arriving at the village of Mhar,¹ his first care was to put the fort of Raigurh in the best state of defence. Balloba Tattya proposed that he should be followed up without delay, and offered some of Sindia’s regular infantry for the purpose; but Pureshram Bhow, influenced by secret well-wishers of Nana, objected to the employment of coercive measures, although his hostility to Nana Furnuwees was soon after avowed by his giving up Nana’s Jagheer lands to Sindia and sequestrating his houses and property in Poona for his own use. The ostensible property, however, of Nana Furnuwees bore but an insignificant proportion to the extent of his concealed wealth. It is a common report that he carried with him, when he quitted Poona, hoards of gold, the accumulated treasures of the Peishwas; but, as already stated on the authority of their accounts, the Peishwas, up to the time of the first Mahdoo Rao, were in debt and were always embarrassed, so that the riches of Nana Furnuwees, which were without doubt considerable, must have been saved during his own administration. His funds were secretly deposited in different places, or lodged in the hands of agents in various parts of India, so that he could command them with promptitude in case of emergency; but the secret of their deposit and of his management remains a mystery, a subject of some curiosity, and the theme of many wonders and impositions amongst the Mahratta vulgar.
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¹ [Mahād (Mhar) is now the headquarters of a tāluka in Kolāba District, with a large sea-borne trade. The Buddhist caves of Pāle (A.D. 100) are two miles from the town, and Raigarh fort is within easy reach of it. The Pēshwā took refuge in Mahād when Holkar seized Poona in 1802. In 1818 a force under Colonel Prother occupied Mahād without opposition. (I.G. Bom., 1909, ii. 136–7.)]
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The revolution which had taken place naturally tended to unite Bajee Rao and Nana Furnuwees; and a secret intercourse was carried on between them through the medium of an individual who afterwards became conspicuous. In the service of Nana Poorundhuree there was a Mahratta Sillidar, the natural son of the Patell of the village of Wangapoor near Poorundhur, who had contrived to attract the notice of Bajee Rao when he was taken from confinement at Sewneree, and who was afterwards permitted by Nana Poorundhuree to enter Bajee Rao’s service. Ballajee Koonjur,¹ for such was the name of the Sillidar, perceiving the situation of affairs, although he had little opportunity of consulting his master, visited Nana Furnuwees at Mhar, and conveyed the most friendly declarations and assurances on the part of Bajee Rao, begging of Nana to exert himself in their mutual behalf. No excitement to exertion was necessary: Nana Furnuwees had every engine at work. Baba Rao Phurkay, in command of the Peishwa’s household troops, had engaged to bring them over to him. Tookajee Holkar’s whole power and influence were ready at his signal, and he had opened a negotiation with Sindia, through Ryajee Patell, whom he knew to be inimical to Balloba Tattya, offering to Sindia the Jagheer of Pureshram Bhow Putwurdhun, the fort of Ahmednugur with territory yielding ten lacks of rupees, on condition that he would place Balloba Tattya in confinement, establish Bajee Rao on the musnud, and return with his army to Hindoostan. Thus far of his plans Nana Furnuwees communicated to Ballajee Koonjur, for Bajee Rao’s information.
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¹ [Bālāji Kūnjar (Ballajee Koonjur) had been employed by Purandhare in collecting revenue in Khāndesh, and became a kind of orderly officer to Bājīrāo, to whom on one occasion he lent 8,000 rupees. Bājīrāo subsequently appointed him minister with a salary of 30,000 rupees a year. On the defeat of Bājīrāo at Poona in 1802, Bālāji Kūnjar urged the Pēshwā to form an alliance with Sindia rather than with the British. He remained with Sindia till a short time prior to his death at Pandharpur in 1816. His family was granted a pension by the British Government, in addition to the rights and allowances of Sar Pātelkī or head patelship of Poona. (Forrest, Selections (Marāthā Series), i. 682.)]
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This period of the revolution brought many persons into notice, although none so obscure as the individual just mentioned. Of these, one of the most conspicuous was the person employed by Nana Furnuwees to negotiate with Ryajee Patell in order to bring over Sindia; the name of this man was Sukaram Ghatgay of the Kagul family, whose ancient title, as already mentioned, was Shirzee Rao.¹ Sukaram, having had a quarrel with his relation Yeswunt Rao Ghatgay, the brother-in-law of the Raja of Kolapoor, concerning the hereditary rights in their native village, they took up arms to assert them. Sukaram being defeated was obliged to fly from the Kolapoor territory, and seek shelter with Pureshram Bhow, into whose service he entered, and afterwards exchanged it for that of Nana Furnuwees, who gave him the command of one hundred horse. When Nana quitted Poona, Sukaram Ghatgay entered Sindia’s service, where he obtained a similar command. He was of an active, bold, intriguing disposition; and by his address had gained the good-will of Ryajee Patell. He was also at this time much courted by Sindia, by reason of the reputed beauty of his daughter, whom Sindia wished to espouse; and Sukaram, who regarded his own aggrandizement more than the dignity of his house, which would be tarnished by his giving a genuine daughter of the Kagulkur Ghatgay to the spurious offspring of the Patells of Kunneirkheir,
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¹ [According to the history of the family published in Forrest’s Selections (Marāthā Series), Sakharām (Sukaram) and his brother Vishvāsrāo Ghātgē (Ghatgay) were originally Silāhdārs, providing ten horse each, under Parasurām Bhau Patvardhan. Vishvāsrāo married the daughter of the Rājā of Kolhāpur, who gave her the village of Kāgal in dowry. On this occasion both brothers, who had inherited the title of Sarjī Rāo (Shirzee Rāo) conferred upon their father by the Kolhāpur Rājā, left the service of Parasurām Bhau and entered that of Kolhāpur. On the death of Vishvāsrāo and his wife, Kāgal fell into the possession of Sakharām, who eventually quitted Kolhāpur and entered Daulat Rāo Sindia’s service. When, as a result of Parasurām Bhau’s death in action against Kolhāpur, Sindia’s forces were about to besiege Kolhāpur, Sakharām Ghātgē procured the withdrawal of the troops and received in return from the Kolhāpur Rājā the district of Kāgal in perpetuity. (Forrest, ibid., i. 676.)]
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Broughton, who met Sakharām Ghātgē in Sindia’s camp in 1809, describes him as ‘a stout, square-built man not more than five feet high; his features coarse and large, especially his eyes, which are grey and uncommonly penetrating. His countenance is just what his character would lead one to expect; strongly marked and expressing, in legible characters, cunning, cruelty and daring ferocity; yet there is a certain quickness in his address and manner of speaking that indicates talents and genius. His complexion is fair, and what little hair he has is quite grey.’ (Letters from a Mahratta Camp, Constable, 1892, p. 50.)]
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was pleased with the prospect of the alliance; though, to enhance the favour of ultimate compliance, he raised numerous objections to the match.
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By the aid of such an agent, Nana Furnuwees was successful in gaining over Sindia to his cause; and this secret having been communicated to Baba Rao Phurkay and others of the party, they became less circumspect in their preparations. Bajee Rao, in the midst of Sindia’s camp, assisted by his father’s friend, the veteran Mannajee Phakray,¹ used supplies of money furnished by Nana Furnuwees in levying troops in that situation. These imprudent proceedings were discovered by Balloba Tattya. Baba Rao Phurkay was seized and imprisoned in the fort of Chakun, but his Carcoon, Naroo Punt Chuckurdeo, a very active officer, escaped by concealing himself in the camp of Musheer Ool Moolk. Neelkunt Rao Purbhoo and Mallojee Ghorepuray, two chiefs of their party, had a few minutes to prepare for defence; they repulsed the troops sent to apprehend them, and at the head of a few followers made good their retreat from Poona to the strong range of hills south of the Neera.
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¹ Mr. Tone, who was at Poona during the progress of these intrigues, published three letters from the 18th June to the 19th December, giving an account of the extraordinary affairs by which he was surrounded. I depend on better materials, but I have examined attentively all which that intelligent gentleman wrote respecting the Mahrattas. What he saw may be relied upon;—as to what he heard, I am less surprised that he should have fallen into error, than that he should have obtained information so nearly correct. He describes Mannajee Phakray, as ‘an officer of high military reputation, and so disfigured with wounds, as to have scarcely the appearance of a human creature.’ ‘Mannajee,’ say the old Sillidars of the present day, ‘was the last of the Mahrattas, and was worthy to wear a bangle on his horse’s leg, for he never showed his back to a foe.’ Mr. Tone’s description of Bajee Rao at this period, except that Bajee Rao was not so old as he supposes, coincides with that of his own countrymen. ‘Bajee Rao,’ says Mr. Tone, ‘is about twenty-five years of age, light complexioned, and rather above the middle size, his person is graceful, and his manner strongly impressive; his countenance is manly, sensible, and majestic.’
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Bajee Rao’s place of encampment, within Sindia’s lines, was surrounded, and water was cut off. The troops he had assembled were permitted to disperse, but Mannajee Phakray enjoined them to meet him in the neighbourhood of Waee, where they assembled accordingly, and were promptly joined by Neelkunt Rao and Mallojee Ghorepuray. Nana Furnuwees supplied them with money, directed them to take up a position at the Salpee Ghaut, where, being assisted by Nana’s friend Bujaba Seroolkur in raising troops, they soon collected ten thousand men, upon which they declared for Bajee Rao.
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Balloba Tattya, unconscious of the inextricable and extensive toils which Nana was weaving around him, attributed the whole plot to Bajee Rao, and therefore determined to send him off a prisoner to Hindoostan. He was dispatched accordingly under the care of Sukharam Ghatgay, to whom the command of his escort was entrusted. But Bajee Rao, aware of the most likely means of gaining Sindia, employed all his eloquence to induce Ghatgay to give his daughter¹ to Sindia in marriage, on condition of Bajee Rao’s being elevated to the musnud; and of preventing his being carried out of the Deccan, lest Nana Furnuwees, even if successful, should take advantage of his absence to exclude him from the succession. Ghatgay at first declared it to be impossible, but at last, pretending to be won over, he agreed to give his daughter on the following conditions;—that Bajee Rao should authorize him to promise Sindia two crores of rupees in ready money on his becoming Peishwa; that, when Peishwa, he should get him (Ghatgay) appointed Sindia’s prime minister; and that he should also endeavour to obtain for him the village of Kagul in Enam. Having assented to these conditions, Bajee Rao feigned sickness, and Ghatgay remained with him on the banks of the Paira.
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¹ [Ghātgē’s daughter was known as the Bāiza Bāi. When Daulat Rāo Sindia died on March 21, 1827, she was allowed by the Government of India to adopt a boy as his successor; but she tried to keep all power in her own hands. The young Mahārājā fled from her and took refuge in the Residency in October 1832. He was obliged to do so again in the following year. The troops then revolted against the Bāiza Bāi, and compelled her to retire to Dholpur. This put an end to her political activity. Ultimately she was allowed to return to Gwalior, and died there in 1862. (Malleson, *The Native States of India*, pp. 160–4.) See Sleeman’s *Rambles*, ed. V. A. Smith, 1915, p. 303 n.; and footnote on p. 244, ante.)]
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At Poona great preparations were going forward. Musheer Ool Moolk was permitted by Pureshram Bhow to raise troops, for the purpose, as the former pretended, of assisting to reduce Nana Furnuwees and the force which had declared for Bajee Rao. Holkar’s and Sindia’s troops were held in readiness apparently for the same purpose, and after the Dussera, which happened on the 11th October, the regular battalions in the Peishwa’s service under Mr. Boyd,¹ marched to the Neera bridge, and a brigade of Sindia’s regulars proceeded towards Raigurh. These movements were made by Pureshram Bhow himself, or artfully suggested by some conspirators, in order to veil the deception about to be practised on him and Balloba Tattya.
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¹ [Mr., i.e. Colonel, J. P. Boyd was an American, who was first engaged by the Nizām at the instance of the British Government, as a counterpoise to the influence of the Frenchman Raymond. He commanded a corps of 1,800, which took part in the battle of Kharda in 1795. In 1796, when Raymond was at the height of his power and was supposed to be about to attack the British Resident's camp, Boyd and another adventurer, Finglass, paraded their troops and declared for the Company. A few months later disputes arose, and Boyd left the Nizām's service, taking his troops with him. He then entered the Pēshwā's service on a salary of Rs. 3,000 a month, and in 1796 took part in the operations which resulted in the enthronement as Pēshwā of Bājīrāo II. In 1797 he was in command of the Pēshwā's regular brigade, but disappears from history after the disturbances which took place that year in Poona. (Compton, *Military Adventurers*, &c., pp. 340-1.)]
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The schemes of Nana Furnuwees were now matured. In addition to what has been explained, he had incited the Raja of Kolapoor to attack the districts of Pureshram Bhow; he had obtained Nizam Ally’s approbation of the draft of a treaty, afterwards settled on the 8th October with Musheer Ool Moolk, the basis of which was to be the establishment of Bajee Rao on the musnud and his own re-establishment as minister; for which, the territory ceded to the Peishwa by the convention of Kurdla was to be restored, and the balance of the stipulated money-payment remitted. The entire remission of the Chouth of Beder was also demanded by Nizam Ally, but Nana Furnuwees replied that he could not yield that point without the previous sanction of Bajee Rao, to whose approval indeed the whole was declaredly subject.²
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² As this is the treaty of Mhar mentioned in the treaty of Bassein, the stipulations of which were perhaps not fully understood by the Marquis Wellesley, when, in subsequent negotiations with Bajee Rao, he insisted so particularly on their being recognized, I shall here detail them more particularly.
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The preliminary of the treaty sets forth that, confusion having arisen in the affairs of the Peishwa, Nana Furnuwees has removed to Mhar, and for the purpose of restoring order, he, as chief director of the affairs of the Peishwa, calls for the interposition of Nizam Ally, through his prime minister Azim Ool Oomrah (Musheer Ool Moolk) with whom he concludes the following agreement. Nizam Ally is to A negotiation with Rughoojee Bhonslay had been equally successful. To him Nana promised fifteen lacks of rupees for his immediate expenses; the district of Mundelah, and the fort of Chooreeagurh with its dependencies. Three thousand horse, which by treaty he was bound to furnish when required, were now only to be called for on emergencies. Some other advantages were also held out, and Rughoojee had solemnly promised his support.¹
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¹ Copy of the original treaty.
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(Oct. 27.)—The principal powers having been thus secured, the English having also expressed their approbation of Bajee Rao’s being elevated to the musnud, Sindia, on the 27th October, arrested Balloba Tattya, and sent a body of his troops, accompanied by some of those of Musheer Ool Moolk, both parties under the direction of Naroo Punt Chuckurdeo, for the purpose of seizing Pures hram Bhow. Naroo Punt, however, being desirous of apprising one of his associates, named Pures hram Punt Wydh, wrote him a note, which was carried by mistake to Pures hram Bhow Putwurdhun; the latter on reading it instantly got ready a body of horse, and having taken with him Chimnajee Appa, fled with precipitation to Sewneree; but he was quickly pursued and compelled to surrender. Anund Rao Rastia having become security for his safe custody, he was delivered over to his charge.
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Bajee Rao was now brought back, and encamped at Korygaom,²
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² [Koregāon (Korygaom), now in the Sirur tāluka, lies sixteen miles north-east of Poona. It subsequently became famous as the scene of the battle in which Captain Staunton with 500 native infantry,
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send an army of 15,000 men, with a train of artillery, to unite with those of Nana and Rughoojee Bhonslay, in restoring Bajee Rao. In this alliance, Nana engages for the neutrality, and even for the probable co-operation of the English. The territory and the bills for the money-payment exacted from Nizam Ally at Kurdla, to be restored. Nizam Ally’s right to certain districts near Delhi was confirmed. All contested points to be mutually relinquished, and the Mahratta claims settled annually. The Chouth of the Soobeh of Beder being considered as the wutun or private hereditary property of the Peishwa, Nana Furnuwees can only recommend its being ceded to Nizam Ally by Bajee Rao. Two lacks of rupees to be advanced to Nizam Ally for expenses. The English to be engaged by Nana Furnuwees to interpose, in case Tippoo should attack the possessions of Nizam Ally, whilst the army of the latter is employed in the Mahratta territories. Fugitives from the dominions of Nizam Ally to be given up, and Bajee Rao’s signature to these articles to be obtained.
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on the Beema, eighteen miles from Poona. Amrut Rao and Baba Rao Phurkay were released, and Nana Furnuwees having joined his army at the Salpee Ghaut, the infantry under Mr. Boyd having likewise placed themselves under his orders, he commenced his march for the capital. But on the route, having received a note from Bajee Rao which hinted at the tardiness of his proceedings, he immediately took the alarm and, before he would advance, insisted upon receiving a written declaration from Bajee Rao that he intended no treachery towards him; and that in case of desiring to resign his situation as minister, he might be permitted to retire where his person and property would be secure. A treaty of guarantee was at the same time entered into by Nizam Ally and Sindia, agreeing to establish Bajee Rao on the musnud, and to reinstate Nana Furnuwees as prime minister; but they also, with a view of securing themselves, agreed to oblige the latter to fulfil the articles of the respective treaties which he had made with them; an extraordinary oversight on the part of Sindia, who does not appear to have known the particulars of the agreement with Nizam Ally, or at all events to have considered how much he should become a loser by the relinquishment of the territory and arrears of tribute obtained by the treaty of Kurdla.
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(Nov. 25.) These preliminaries being adjusted, Nana Furnuwees returned to Poona and resumed the duties of prime minister on the 25th November. The insignia of investiture having been procured from Satara, Bajee Rao was at last seated on the musnud 4th December, 1796.¹ It was declared by a council of Shastrees that the relationship between the late Peishwa, Mahdoo Rao Narrain, and the sons of Rugonath Rao prevented the widow of the former from adopting the second cousin of his father; the adoption was therefore declared illegal and annulled. The Shastrees who had performed the ceremony were expelled. Chimnajee Appa, though he had acted on com-
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¹ [The ceremony of investiture took place about midnight on December 4, Abbā Selukar (Aba Shelookur) having arrived from Sātāra in the afternoon with the insignia of the Pēshwāship. Raghujī Bhoslē, Daulat Rāo Sindia, Holkar and the Mānkaris were not present at the ceremony. (Forrest, Selections (Marāthā Series), i. 545.)]
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300 irregular native horse and 24 Madras artillerymen, defeated the Pēshwā’s army of 20,000 on January 1, 1818. A stone obelisk commemorates the gallant fight. (B.G., xviii. pt. iii, 244 ff.; I.G. Bom., 1909, i. 519, 520.)]
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pulsion, was obliged to undergo some penance to atone for the deed, but he was shortly after appointed by his brother to the government of Guzerat, which was however merely nominal, and the active duties of it were performed by his deputy Aba Shelookur.¹
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¹ When not particularly specified, the whole of the foregoing chapter is on the authority of original Mahratta letters and papers ; Bombay records ; Mahratta MSS. ; and from many conversations with actors in the scenes.