A History of the Mahrattas v2.c49: Chapter XLI
A History of the Mahrattas v2.c49
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Chapter XLI
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A.D. 1800.—The first of the events alluded to, in point of time and importance, was the death of Nana Furnuwees. His health had long been in a declining state; but he continued to transact business almost to the last with his accustomed order and punctuality. He died on the 13th March, ‘and with him,’ says Colonel Palmer, ‘has departed all the wisdom and moderation of the Mahratta government.’ Nana Furnuwees was certainly a great statesman.¹ His principal defects originated in the want of personal courage, and in an ambition not always restrained by principle. In the later unhappy years of his life, on the testimony of English as well as Mahratta authority, he is entitled to the high praise of having acted with the feelings and sincerity of a patriot. He honourably advised Bajee Rao to such measures as he believed advantageous, unmindful of any consequences. He was decidedly averse to the admission of a body of foreign troops, in the manner proposed by the Marquis Wellesley, if the energies of the government could possibly be restored without their aid. He respected the English, admired their sincerity and the vigour of their government; but, as political enemies, no one regarded them with more jealousy and alarm. The life of Nana may be said to have been entirely public; and its events have been so fully recorded, as well as the motives for his conduct, that it is unnecessary to enlarge on his character. In private life he was a man of strict veracity, humane, frugal, and charitable. His whole time was regulated with the strictest order, and the business personally transacted by him almost exceeds credibility.
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¹ [The Marquess Wellesley wrote to the Pēshwā on May 28, 1800 : ‘The loss of persons distinguished for their talents, great qualities and abilities, is at all times a subject of regret. The melancholy news, therefore, of the death of Bālāji Pandit, the able minister of your State, whose upright principles and honourable views, and whose zeal for the welfare and prosperity both of the dominions of his own immediate superiors and of other powers, were so justly celebrated, occasions extreme grief and concern.’ (Forrest, Selections (Marāthā Series), p. 641.) Moor (Hindu Pantheon, 1st ed., p. 431) records that unlike other Hindus of his time Nānā Furnavīs was something of a virtuoso, and had made a collection of valuable pictures which he carefully preserved in books and portfolios, wrapped in cloth. During the disturbances at Poona, they were sent for safety to Lohogarh Fort, and at the date Moor wrote (1810) were in the possession of Dhondo Pandit, its late commandant, who resided at Thāna under English protection.]
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In regard to civil government, whilst he continued in power he endeavoured to preserve the system of Mahdoo Rao Bullal; but overwhelming business, and the frequent distractions that prevailed, produced great laxity in the superintendence.
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No instance of greater neglect on the part of an administration, or of more extraordinary criminality in a subordinate officer, is recorded in the annals of any state than the case of Gassee Ram, Kotwal, or police superintendent, of the city of Poona. This man, a Bramin native of Hindoostan, employed the power with which he was vested in perpetrating the most dreadful murders. People disappeared, and no trace of them could be found. Gassee Ram was suspected, but Nana Furnuwees refused to listen to complaints, apparently absurd from their unexampled atrocity. At last, it being suspected that Gassee Ram was starving a respectable Bramin to death, Mannajee Phakray headed a party of the people, broke open the prison, and rescued the unfortunate Bramin, which led to the detection of the monster’s crimes; and he fell a victim to the vengeance of the exasperated populace, by whom he was stoned to death.¹
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¹ [Moor states that Ghāsīrām or Gahunsa Rām Kotwāl was a native of Aurangābād, that his chief assailants were Telinga, or Telugu-speaking, Brahmans, whose caste-fellows had died while in police-custody, and that he was stoned to death on August 31, 1791, close to a temple and tank of handsome design which he himself had built. His fate was actually witnessed by Dr. Findlay, ‘Surgeon to our Legation at Poona.’ (Hindu Pantheon, ed. 1810, London, p. 373.)]
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In his person Nana was tall and thin, his complexion was rather dark and his demeanour grave; but his look intelligent, quick, and penetrating²; he left a young widow, and died without issue.
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² [Nānā Farnavīs is one of the three figures in an interesting oil-painting, which hangs in the entrance-hall of Ganeshkhind, the Poona
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The death of Nana Furnuwees was the origin of a new dispute between the Peishwa and Sindia, each being desirous to obtain the treasures of which he was supposed to have died possessed.¹
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¹ [Lieutenant-Colonel Jervis in his MS. studies of the Marāthā people states that Nāna Farnavīs had expended most of his huge fortune in an attempt to regain his power after the death of the Pēshwā Mādhu Rāo Narāyan in 1795. His widow, ‘Jeoo Bai’ (Jīva Bāī), enjoyed the following income about 1820:
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Sindia immediately seized Nana’s Jagheer, on pretext of his having owed him a crore of rupees; he also supported his widow in her desire to adopt a son; both because it was in opposition to Bajee Rao’s wish, and because it afforded the easiest means of getting the family treasures into his own power. But these disputes did not prevent their plotting against others; and Sindia, whose re-establishment of Balloba Tattya to power had disarmed the insurrection of Lukwa Dada, now determined on Balloba’s destruction. To this measure he was advised by his father-in-law, who had been set at liberty in the month of January at the recommendation of Balloba, and had regained entire influence over Sindia’s mind, of which the first use he made was to stir up a faction against the minister, and then to excite Sindia to his destruction and that of his immediate adherents. He was accordingly seized and imprisoned at Ahmednugur, where a natural death interposed to save him from a cruel execution. But his
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residence of the Governor of Bombay. The other two portraits are those of the Pēshwā Mādhu Rāo Narāyan and Māhādajī Sindia. The artist was Mr. James Wales of Aberdeen, who died in 1795. His eldest daughter married Sir Charles Malet, Resident at Poona (see footnote, p. 32, ante). The picture is supposed to have been painted in Poona between June 1792 and February 1794. The names of the figures are given as follows below the picture: (left) Nana Furnavese, Minister, 1763–1800; (centre) Mhadow Rao Narain Peshwa (1774–95); (right) Mhadji Sindia, General, 1769–1794.]
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| Pension from British Government | . . . | 12,000 |
| Deshmukhi of Verval (Ellora) | . . . | 500 |
| Inām village of Manoli, near Wai | . . . | 1,000 |
| ‘Mahojunky’ (i.e. Mahājanki) and ‘Koteky’ (i.e. Khōtki) of the family village in Bankot | . . . | 200 |
| | | 13,700 |
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Besides this income, Nāna’s widow managed the revenues of the religious establishment of the Bele Bāgh at Poona. (J.B.B.R.A.S., xxii. 66. The article on ‘Lieut.-Colonel J. B. Jervis (1796–1857) and his MS. Studies,’ is by R. P. Karkaria.)]
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brother Dhondeba and Narrain Rao Bukhshee, confined at the same time, were both condemned to suffer; the former, in a manner comparatively humane, was blown from a cannon; but the latter was barbarously destroyed, by being tied round with rockets, which being fired, carried him along, mangling his body dreadfully—the invention and sport of the execrable Ghatgay.
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One of the ruling passions of the Peishwa was implacable revenge; and he having connived at the destruction of the Shenwee Bramins, Sindia in return agreed to assist him in the ruin of the friends and adherents of Nana, and the family of the late Pureshram Bhow Putwurdhun. To accomplish the former object, the Peishwa, pretending to renounce the objection to the adoption of a son by the widow of Nana, indirectly encouraged the proceeding; and at last, in order to ensnare Nana’s friends, invited them to a meeting at his palace for the express purpose of deliberating on the subject. When assembled, he suddenly accused them of treasonable practices, of plotting against him, and of intending to place the adopted son of Nana’s widow on the musnud. He concluded by seizing and sending them off prisoners to hill-forts. In regard to the latter object of crushing the Putwurdhun family, Sindia the more readily acquiesced in it, as he had long wished to possess himself of their extensive and fertile Jagheer. It was this plot which prevented the capture of Kolapoor; as Appa Sahib, having received timely intelligence of their plan, quitted the siege, and with his own followers, accompanied by Dhondoo Punt Gokla, retired into the Carnatic. The Raja of Kolapoor, through the influence of Shirzee Rao Ghatgay, to whom he was reconciled, became the immediate ally of Sindia, whose battalions, under the orders of Seedojee Rao Nimbalkur, the Dessaye of Nepanee, proceeded to attack the Jagheer of the late Pureshram Bhow; Major Brownrigg, with the battalions, was soon recalled: but Seedojee Rao, at the head of a body of horse, plundered and devastated the country from Merich to Beejapoor.
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Disorders were everywhere prevalent. Dhoondia Waug, whom we have already mentioned as having entered the service of the Raja of Kolapoor, separated from him, returned into the Carnatic, and plundered in the Company’s lately acquired districts; taking advantage also of the absence of Gokla’s troops, he laid the Peishwa’s districts in the Carnatic under contribution, and committed great ravages. The British Government made application to the Peishwa, and obtained permission to pursue and destroy the marauder; but in the meantime, on the return of Dhondoo Punt Gokla to the Carnatic, Dhoondia Waug, who burned with revenge, vowed with singular ferocity to sacrifice his life, or dye his mustachios in the heart's-blood of Dhondoo Punt. On hearing therefore of his approach, he laid an ambush in a wood, and watching an opportunity, when Dhondoo Punt was separated from the main body of his followers, attacked and killed him, when he literally fulfilled his vow. Several persons fell with Dhondoo Punt; among whom was his elder nephew: his younger nephew, Bappoo Gokla, whom we shall hereafter have frequent occasion to mention, lost an eye; Chintamun Rao Putwurdhun¹ was also wounded, and the whole of their party were driven to seek refuge at Hullyhal,² where they were kindly welcomed and protected by a British detachment then in that garrison.³
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¹ [Chintāman Rāo Patvardhan (Chintamun Rao Putwurdhun) was the only one of the Pēshwā's feudatories who, after the defeat of Bājī Rāo and the annexation of his territories, refused to serve the British Government or to accept the liberal terms offered to the great Jāgīrdārs. He was soon brought to his senses by Mountstuart Elphinstone, and had to submit to the common destiny of these feudal potentates. His character is summed up, in the dispatch dealing with these matters, in the following words: ‘Though otherwise rather respectable and well-intentioned, he has a narrow and crooked understanding, a litigious spirit, and a capricious temper.’ One of his claims at the time of the settlement was the right to wage private war with his relations. (Colebrooke, Life of Mountstuart Elphinstone (1884), ii. 59, 60.)]
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² [Haliyāl (Hullyhal) is now the headquarters of the Supa sub-division, Kanara District, twenty-five miles north of Yellapur. The town was taken by the English in 1799. It is mentioned in several of Wellesley's dispatches as an important frontier station and source of supplies. Two of his dispatches, Nos. 218, 219 of October 1, 1799, are dated from Haliyāl. (B.G., xv, pt. ii. 304.)]
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³ Mahratta MSS.
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The British troops sent in pursuit of Dhoondia Waug were under the command of Major-General the Honourable Arthur Wellesley, who, on entering the Carnatic, was joined by Gunput Rao Phansay, Bappoo Gokla, and the Putwurdhuns. These Mahratta auxiliaries were of little service; but the British detachment, after a persevering pursuit, had at last the satisfaction of 10th Sep. coming up with Dhoondia at the village of Kondagul.
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His party, consisting of about 5,000 horse, was immediately attacked, routed, and dispersed. Dhoondia exerted himself with spirit, at the head of such men as stood by him, until he was cut down in a charge by the 19th Dragoons.
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Sindia was much dissatisfied at the permission granted to the British Government of sending troops into the Mahratta territory. His control over the Peishwa was now complete, and fearing that Bajee Rao intended to fly, he for some time kept a guard over his palace. The Peishwa found that his condition was by no means improved by the death of Nana Furnuwees, and from the situation in which he was so long placed, we cannot be surprised that his natural disposition to intrigue should have become incurably habitual. He had much confidence, even at this period, in his own wisdom for extricating himself from the thraldom of Sindia. To that chieftain, even when experiencing indignity from him, Bajee Rao was profuse in his acknowledgements, and pretended to entertain for him the most unbounded gratitude and affection. When it appeared probable that Sindia would be compelled to retire to Hindoostan for the protection of his dominions, the Peishwa entreated his stay, and even threw obstacles in the way of his departure; but he saw with secret joy the increasing predatory power of Jeswunt Rao Holkar, as affording a prospect by which he hoped to be enabled to establish his own authority, without the interposition of a foreign power. He was, however, conscious of his own unpopularity as a son of Rugoba; he was anxious to keep well with the British Government, and really had a partiality for the English, though he rather chose to depend on Sindia than to adopt, by calling in their aid, a course which he could not retrace. The establishment of an English subsidiary force was, it is true, in many respects consonant to his disposition: protection and support against his own subjects, could such have been obtained unfettered by control, being the end at which he aimed; and, if the proposal had been met in the first instance, or afterwards allowed to come from himself, he would have had recourse to that plan at an earlier period. But the haste with which the Marquis Wellesley expected his agents to push on his system, evinced an anxiety which retarded his object at Poona, where the Resident prognosticated that it would never be accomplished until Bajee Rao had found that all his own schemes were fallacious.
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Sindia’s affairs in Malwa at length became in the highest degree critical. Jeswunt Rao Holkar’s energy and success threatened the entire subjugation of that province, a great part of which he had already pillaged and laid waste. The rise of this predatory chieftain was singularly rapid. After his escape from Nagpoor, he fled to Dhar, where he was kindly received by Anund Rao Powar: but as soon as Sindia heard of his retreat, Anund Rao being unable to shelter him from the power of that chief, he furnished him with a few horses and a little money; with which slender commencement, by enterprise and pillage he soon collected a band of marauders, and united to his fortunes Umeer Khan,¹ a Patan adventurer at the head of a well-mounted body of his countrymen, who, by his abilities and predatory habits, was a fit auxiliary for the schemes which Holkar meditated.
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¹ [Amīr Khān (Umeer Khan) was the famous leader of banditti who on the annihilation of the Pindāris in 1817, during the Generalship of Lord Hastings, was granted the principality of Tonk in return for surrendering his artillery to the British Government and disbanding his followers, who for several years had been the scourge of Mālwā and Rājputāna. He has been justly described as ‘one of the most atrocious villains that India ever produced.’ He opposed Lord Lake at Bharatpur in 1805. His name occurs in Sir A. Lyall’s poem, ‘The Old Pindaree,’ in Verses Written in India, 1889 (Sleeman’s Rambles, &c., ed. V. A. Smith (1915), p. 130 n.).]
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Khassee Rao Holkar, according to the first declaration of the party who opposed him, was set aside from incapacity. Jeswunt Rao being illegitimate gave himself out as the subordinate agent of his nephew Khundee Rao, in custody at Poona, and invited all adherents of the house of Holkar to unite with him in upholding the name and rescuing the territories and family from the power of Doulut Rao Sindia. Proceeding to the banks of the Nerbuddah he levied contributions and plundered Sindia’s villages. A detachment of Khassee Rao’s regular infantry, sent against him by the Chevalier Dudrenec, was defeated, which greatly raised Jeswunt Rao’s reputation, and brought on a negotiation which ended in Dudrenec’s joining him with his battalions and guns, and in Jeswunt Rao’s being recognized and obeyed as the representative of his nephew, which shortly after enabled him to commence regular payments to his troops. But the predatory system being the mode of warfare he followed, the work of pillage and destruction went forward, and Sindia’s territory in Malwa was half ruined, before he had taken any steps to stop the formidable progress of Jeswunt Rao.²
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² Sir John Malcolm.
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The cause of this military imbecility on the part of Sindia was the state of parties at his Durbar. To impede Holkar’s career, threats and conciliation were successively resorted to by Doulut Rao’s ministers, and Jeswunt Rao, on promise of being supported by Sindia against Khassee Rao, agreed to seize the Byes, to whom he had before proffered friendship. He accordingly attacked their troops, forced the ladies into Burhanpoor, where he besieged them, but they were so fortunate as to escape towards Meywar through the aid of Juggoo Bappoo, the colleague of Lukwa Dada. Sindia supposed that, in permitting them to get off, Holkar had acted with double treachery, so that, whether the supposition was well or ill-founded, this action was deservedly of no advantage to Jeswunt Rao. Sindia now became convinced that his presence was absolutely necessary to the northward, and in the end of November quitted the Peishwa’s territory, where he left five battalions of regular infantry and 10,000 horse under Shirzee Rao Ghatgay, having, before he set out, exacted from the Peishwa bills to the amount of forty-seven lacks of rupees.¹
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¹ Twenty-five by bills on Poona bankers; ten by a bill on the Gaekwar, and twelve by an assignment on Bundelcund. Mahratta MS. Colonel Palmer’s dispatches.
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A.D. 1801.—Sindia’s progress was tardy, and Jeswunt Rao continued to plunder and levy contributions throughout Malwa. Hearing of Sindia’s great army, Holkar called in his detachments and concentrated his force in the neighbourhood of Oojein, with an intention of plundering it. During this period there was a pause in their hostilities, and Sindia, in hopes of ensuring the protection of his capital, detached for that purpose four battalions from his own camp at Burhanpoor under Colonel John Hessing. Two battalions and six companies, under Captain M’Intyre, were ordered on to support Hessing; but Holkar, who saw that it was impossible to avoid extremities and of the highest importance to strike a successful blow at the outset, first made a show of opposing Hessing and drew him under the walls of Oojein, where, leaving some troops to amuse him, he pushed on to cut off the detachment under M’Intyre, in which he succeeded, having compelled them to lay down their arms at Newree. With his troops thus (June.) encouraged, he returned to the more arduous attack of Hessing, and a most obstinate contest was maintained by that officer, until his men were completely overpowered. Of eleven European officers in Hessing’s four battalions, most of whom were British, seven were killed and three were made prisoners. Hessing alone escaped, and four-fifths of his corps are said to have been killed and wounded.¹
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¹ Ferdinand Lewis Smith.
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Having exacted a very heavy contribution from Oojein, Holkar next proceeded to attack Sindia’s grand park of artillery, which had passed the Nerbuddah, and under the protection of the four battalions of Major Brownrigg,² and a body of horse, was awaiting the junction of the army from Burhanpoor. Brownrigg, on hearing of Holkar’s approach, chose a very strong position, which he defended with such judgement and intrepidity, that Holkar’s utmost efforts were unavailing.³
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² [Brownrigg was an Irishman, who raised an independent corps for Daulat Rāo Sindia and stormed Kolhāpur in 1799. In 1800 he was operating against Parasurām Bhau. Three months after his successful defence against Jasvant Rāo Holkar, near the Narbadā, he assisted Sutherland to win the battle of Indore. Perron, becoming jealous of him, brought about his disgrace in 1802, on a charge of intriguing against him. After the fall of Agra he entered the British service, and was in command of irregular levies operating against Jasvant Rāo. He was killed in action before Sirsa, Hariāna District, on February 19, 1804. He is described as ‘an amiable man and a fine soldier.’ (Compton, Military Adventurers, &c., pp. 343-4.)]
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³ In this action, Dewajee Gokla, an officer of rank, Lieut. Rowbotham, and three hundred men were killed, on the part of Sindia; Holkar’s loss was three times that number.
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This defence, as it checked Holkar’s career, was of the greatest importance to Sindia, who had all this time remained inactive at Burhanpoor; but he now used every exertion to get his army sent across the Nerbuddah, in which he was much assisted by Rughoojee Bhonslay.⁴
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⁴ Ferdinand Lewis Smith; Bombay Records, and Sir John Malcolm.
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Events were in the meantime occurring at Poona which require notice, as some of them were a good deal influenced by news from the northward. Bajee Rao, on Sindia’s departure, instead of endeavouring to conciliate parties, evinced a malignant spirit of revenge towards all the great families whom he suspected of ever having been the political opponents of himself or his father. To distress and pillage all such of them as fell into his power, was, from first to last, a favourite object of his policy. The respectable family of Rastia was among the earliest who experienced his malevolence. Mahdoo Rao Rastia was invited on a friendly visit to the Peishwa’s palace, seized, and hurried off as a prisoner to Raigurh. The unpopularity of this deed was proportionate to its treachery and injustice; many instances, though of a less conspicuous nature, occurred; the minds of his subjects were alienated, and distrust and disaffection towards Bajee Rao’s power and government became almost universal. Anarchy was spreading in the country. Bodies of insurgent horse were plundering in various directions. One party under Bal Kishen Gungadhur was defeated by Gunput Rao Phansay; and Wittoojee Holkar, the brother of Jeswunt Rao, who was concerned with him and taken prisoner, was barbarously and ignominiously executed at Poona. That the Peishwa had a right to inflict the punishment of death, on subjects so taken in arms, cannot be doubted, but insurrection and plundering are not rigidly viewed among Mahrattas, and in public opinion a more lenient sentence than loss of life ought to have been passed upon the son of Tookajee Holkar; that circumstance, however, operated differently on the mind of the Peishwa, who could not forget that he was the son of the friend of Nana Furnuwees. Having seated himself with his favourite, Ballajee Koonjur, at a window which overlooked the exterior court of his palace, Wittoojee Holkar was brought before the Peishwa and there tied to the foot of an elephant; in vain did he offer up the humblest supplications for life and mercy; the execution went forward; Bajee Rao sat a composed spectator and heard the yells of the unhappy malefactor as the animal dragged him forth from the palace yard to a lingering death, as in his case it happened to be, in the public street.¹
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¹ Mahratta MSS. Oral information; and Palmer’s dispatches.
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Bajee Rao by this cruel proceeding at once glutted his revenge, and performed an acceptable piece of courtesy to Sindia; but Jeswunt Rao, who loved his brother, vowed vengeance on those whom he considered his murderers; and his threats, being soon followed by news of his success against Hessing, communicated an alarm to the conscious and cowardly mind of the Peishwa, which towards Holkar he could never afterwards conquer. He now, however, opened a negotiation with him, offering to recognize him as the heir of Tookajee Holkar, on condition of his giving up the territories of the family in the Deccan, estimated at twenty-five lacks of rupees of annual revenue. He was also encouraged, by the prospect of Sindia’s being long occupied in the north, to devise means of ridding his country of the presence of Shirzee Rao Ghatgay, who only increased the trouble and disorders, to prevent which was the pretext for his being left in the Deccan. After plundering to the southward, he repaired to Poona with a small party, where he became importunate in his demands for money, sat in dhurna on the favourite Ballajee Koonjur, and insulted the whole of the Peishwa’s court. At last Koonjur, on pretence of giving him some orders on bankers, invited him to his house, received him graciously, and shortly after got up as if to bring the bills agreed upon. His quitting the room was to be, in reality, the signal for seizing or murdering Ghatgay, but the latter guessing his intention, instantly grasped his throat with one hand, drew his sword with the other, and in this manner dragged him to the street, where springing on his horse he galloped off to join his party, pursued his route to his army, brought the whole to Poona, and encamped within a mile of the city, which he threatened to plunder and burn. Messages full of conciliatory explanation were sent by Bajee Rao, but the mediation of the British Resident became necessary to prevent extremities. The accounts, however, of Sindia’s reverses in Malwa, and his express desire that Shirzee Rao should join him immediately to assume command of the army against Holkar, effectually rid the Peishwa of this turbulent and audacious man.
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Having joined the army after it had crossed the Nerbuddah, Shirzee Rao was sent forward with ten thousand horse and fourteen battalions under Colonel Sutherland,¹ to avenge the plunder of Oojein by retaliating on Indore, the capital of Holkar. Jeswunt Rao advanced to its protection with some regular battalions, but without European officers, five thousand irregular infantry and about 25,000 horse. Skirmishes of some days' duration terminated in a well concerted but ill-executed attack on the part of Holkar, and a signal defeat was the consequence. He lost ninety-eight pieces of cannon, and his capital was completely plundered. The remorseless Ghatgay had here a full opportunity of indulging his disposition to violence, which he fully gratified in dreadful acts of wanton and barbarous cruelty.
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¹ [Robert Sutherland, a Scotchman, was originally an officer in the 73rd Regiment, from which he was cashiered. In 1790 he entered De Boigne’s 1st brigade, and four years later obtained command of the 3rd brigade, being transferred to the 2nd on the death of Colonel Frémont in 1795. In 1796 he reduced some revolted districts in Bundēlkhand, then served against Lakwa Dādā at Chitūrgarh, and in 1801 defeated Jasvant Rāo Holkar at Indore. In 1802, in consequence of Perron’s action, he was disgraced and transferred to the 2nd brigade, and consequently resigned the service in disgust. He remained in Agra until war broke out with the English, and was associated with George Hessing in arranging the terms of capitulation of that city in 1803. Sutherland, who was a son-in-law of John Hessing and nephew by marriage to Perron, received a pension from the British on his retirement from Sindia’s service, and died some years later at Mathurā, (Compton, Military Adventurers, &c., pp. 410–16.)]
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(Oct. 14.)
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Had Sindia followed up the blow, the power of Jeswunt Rao was by this victory annihilated; but supposing him to be completely humbled, and being advised to recognize him as guardian to the head of the Holkar family, Sindia made proposals to that effect, and even sent Khassee Rao from his camp, who was thus compelled to seek an asylum in that of his half-brother. But Jeswunt Rao, whether suspicious of Sindia, encouraged by the Peishwa, or led on by an enterprising confidence in his own fortune, was immoderate in his demands; and although become, since his defeat, dependent entirely on plunder, his adventurous spirit was attractive to the soldiery, amongst whom he had a very high reputation, and many of Sindia's troops deserted him, even at this stage of his career.
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A.D. 1802.—But Dudrenec, conceiving it prudent to withdraw from a falling cause, listened to overtures from Sindia, which his battalions, more faithful than their commander, having discovered, went off in a body and joined Jeswunt Rao at Jowud. Holkar now adopted a new plan, and determined on carrying the war into the Deccan. With this view Futih Sing Manay was detached with a body of horse to ravage the Peishwa's districts; the regular infantry took up a position at Mohesir, whilst Jeswunt Rao in person, in order to veil his intentions, went off to the northward with the remainder of his followers, to plunder in Malwa and Rajpootana, in hopes of drawing Sindia's forces after him and thus facilitating his future design. He acquired very considerable booty, but Sindia did not pursue him as he expected, a detachment only having been sent after him. Holkar might therefore have been induced to reap a larger harvest in pillage, but, the Peishwa having seized his districts in Candeish, he was hurried into the Deccan for their recovery. Previous, however, to his arrival, an advanced body of his troops attacked the Peishwa's general, Dhondoo Punt Ghorebulay, defeated him, and retook the districts.
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As soon as Jeswunt Rao was joined by his infantry from Mohesir, he assailed Sindia’s possessions in Candeish, which he plundered and devastated without mercy, declaring at the same time that he was about to proceed to Poona, to claim the interference of the Peishwa in protecting him, as the agent of the head of the Holkar family, against the tyrannical usurpation of Doulut Rao.
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Notwithstanding this appeal to the Peishwa, Futih Sing Manay showed no respect to his territory, but swept the villages on the banks of the Godavery by contribution and plunder; whilst Shah Ahmed Khan, another officer detached by Jeswunt Rao, carried his ravages still nearer the Peishwa’s capital, and being opposed by Nursing Khundee Rao, the Jagheerdar of Vinchoor, at the head of fifteen hundred horse, the latter were cut off almost to a man.
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The consternation at Poona was great in consequence, and Bajee Rao renewed his negotiations with the British Government, desiring the aid of a force, but objecting to its being stationed within his own territory; neither would he consent to the articles of the treaty of Mhar, nor the arbitration of the British Government in the Mahratta claims on Nizam Ally.
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Sindia, supported by Rughoojee Bhonslay, exerted his utmost influence to obstruct the conclusion of any arrangement with the British Government, with which he was himself negotiating, not with any intention of becoming a party to the defensive alliance, against which both the Raja of Berar and Sindia always maintained a strenuous opposition, but merely to gain a certain degree of consequence, which the presence of the British envoy in his camp was at that time likely to create in the mind of the Peishwa.
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It is difficult to account for the inactivity of Sindia in the prosecution of the war against Holkar. Doulut Rao became about this period suspicious of Perron, but the death of Lukwa Dada, and a final arrangement concluded with the Byes by Ambajee Inglia,¹ one of Sindia’s principal officers, left him nothing to apprehend in Hindoostan, which should have prevented his following up Holkar. After much delay he at last ordered Sewdasheo Bhow Bhaskur to march against Jeswunt Rao with a large body of cavalry and ten battalions of infantry under Captain Dawes.¹ This force forded the Nerbuddah without impediment; but on their arrival at Burhanpoor the troops refused to advance without payment of all their arrears, and before these could be settled, the Taptee was so swollen that they could not cross. Jeswunt Rao at first moved as if to give them battle on the southern bank; but if such was his intention, he soon abandoned it and again moved towards Poona. The Peishwa tried by every means to prevent his advance, desired him to state his demands, and promised to arbitrate all differences if he would remain to the northward of the Godavery. ‘My brother Wittoojee,’ replied Jeswunt Rao, ‘is dead—he cannot be restored to me; but let Khundee Rao, my nephew, be released, and let the family possessions be given up.’ To these conditions Bajee Rao appeared to assent, and assured Holkar he had sent an order for the release of Khundee Rao; but instead of which, he begged of Sewdasheo Bhow Bhaskur to take advantage of the negotiation and advance with all speed, while Khundee Rao was thrown into prison in the fort of Asseergurh.
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¹ [Broughton met Ambājī Inglia in February 1809, and described him then as ‘a tall, hale-looking man for his age, which is said to be upwards of eighty; his complexion is dark; and there is much good humour and intelligence in his countenance. His dress was remarkably plain, almost amounting to meanness; consisting of a common
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¹ [Dawes was in Perron’s 1st brigade under Sutherland. In 1802 he was detached to pursue Holkar after his defeat at Indore and carried on a desultory campaign in Khāndesh. When Holkar advanced against Poona, Dawes was sent to oppose him with an inadequate army, and was defeated and slain in the battle which followed. (Compton, Military Adventurers, &c., pp. 344–5.)]
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Shortly afterwards, a body of the Peishwa’s troops under Pandoojee Koonjur attempted to oppose Futih Sing Manay at Gardoon, but were defeated with loss; Manay followed up his victory by attacking the Peishwa’s camp at Baramuttee,² where he routed Nana Poorundhuree and Gunput Rao Phansay, taking the whole of the artillery. The southern Jagheerdars, particularly the Putwurdhuns, who had evinced considerable discontent towards the Peishwa since the treacherous seizure of Rastia,
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² [Bārāmati (Baramuttee), now included in the Bhīmthadi tāluka, Poona District, lies fifty miles south-east of Poona City. (B.G., xviii, pt. iii. 105.)]
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chintz jacket, quilted with cotton, a coarse red shawl, and a white turban.’ (Letters from a Mahratta Camp, Constable, 1892, p. 51.) Ambājī died on May 5, 1809.]
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might have prevented or avenged this loss, but except Chintamun Rao none of the Putwurdhuns joined the Peishwa’s standard at this period, and that chief took the first opportunity of quitting it.¹
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¹ [The Resident at Poona reported to the Bombay Government on October 18, 1802, that Holkar was likely to be joined by the Rāstē and Bhāu (Patvardhan) families, ‘who have long been on enmity with the Pēshwā, and are now in some strength.’ (Forrest, Selections (Marāthā Series), i. 549.)]
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Sewdasheo Bhow Bhaskur at the head of Sindia’s forces, having passed Holkar’s army, advanced by Jaulna and Bheer² towards Poona, and having formed a junction with the Peishwa’s troops, the united armies prepared to oppose Holkar at the Ally Beylah pass, on which he was marching; but Holkar, aware of the strength of their position, made a circuit to the eastward, passed Ahmednugur, proceeded towards Jejoory, formed a junction with Futih Sing Manay,³ descended the Rajwaree pass, and on the 23d October encamped in the neighbourhood of Poona, between Lonee⁴ and Harupseer.
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² [Jalna (Jaulna) lies on the Kundlika river in Aurangābād District, Hyderābād State. Abul Fazl, Akbar’s minister, once resided here. Since 1903 the cantonment, formerly occupied by the Hyderābād contingent, has been abandoned. The fort built in 1725 is in ruins. (I.G. (1907), xiv. 29.) Bhīr (Bheer) is the headquarters of the tāluka of the same name in Hyderābād State. Possessed originally by the Chālukyas and then by the Yādavas, it was taken by Muhammad bin Tughlak and became the headquarters of one of his Deccan provinces. (I.G. (1907), viii. 112, 113, 117.)]
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³ [The point of junction was described by the Resident at Poona as ‘about 15 kos (i.e. thirty miles) from hence (i.e. Poona) near to the Hyderābād road.’ (Forrest, Selections (Marāthā Series), i. 549.)]
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⁴ [There are two villages named Lonī in Poona District, one known as Lonī Kalbhār, ten miles south-east of Poona, which is now a station on the G.I.P. Railway, and the other Lonī Kand, which is on the Poona-Ahmadnagar road, about ten miles north-east of Poona. It is to the latter that the author refers. (B.G., xviii, pt. iii.)]
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(Oct. 23.)
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The opposing army had returned from Ally Beylah about eight days before, and occupied a position nearer the city, and in the vicinity of the present cantonment of the British troops. Two days were spent in negotiation. The Peishwa demanded Holkar’s reason for thus advancing in a hostile manner to his capital, and ordered him to retire. The latter professed his readiness to obey every order from the Peishwa when he was not under the control of Sindia, but that Sindia had disobeyed the Peishwa’s orders, had rendered the confinement of Khundee Rao doubly severe, and had sent his army to prevent that mediation which the Peishwa had promised; that Sindia therefore was the real rebel, and he would soon oblige him to submit to the sovereign authority of the Peishwa.
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(Oct. 25.)—The armies drew out for battle on the morning of the 25th October. Holkar had fourteen battalions; six under Colonel Vickers,¹ four under Major Harding,² and four under Major Armstrong³: 5,000 irregular infantry, and 25,000 horse. Although Sindia’s infantry was in every respect much inferior to that of Holkar, Sewdasheo Bhow Bhaskur did not decline the contest, to which he was strongly urged by Captain Dawes. His cavalry and irregular infantry, including those belonging to the Peishwa, were, in point of numbers at least, equal to those of Holkar. The action began at half-past nine o’clock by a brisk cannonade, which continued with little interruption for two hours and a half. A body of Holkar’s Patan cavalry made a successful charge on the horse of the Jagheerdar of Vinchoor, but Futih Sing Manay, in a like attempt on the Peishwa’s Hoojrat Pagah (or horse on the personal establishment), was repulsed with very considerable loss. Sindia’s cavalry followed up the advantage, and those of Holkar were on the point of discomfiture, when Holkar himself, who had taken his station in the rear, sprang on his horse, and calling to those near him ‘now or never to follow Jeswunt Rao’ rallied the fugitives, and collected a compact body of his best horse, with which he met and repulsed those of Sindia.
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¹ [Vickers was a half-caste, who entered Perron’s 2nd brigade as lieutenant under Major Pohlman, and displayed great bravery at the siege of Jhājgarh. When Dudrenec deserted from Holkar’s service, Vickers succeeded him and fought gallantly at the battle of Poona in October 1802. In 1804 when war broke out between Holkar and the British, the chief sent for Vickers and asked him if he would fight against his countrymen. He and two others, Dodd and Ryan, refused positively to do so, whereupon Jasvant Rāo Holkar had them all three beheaded at Nahar Maghāna (Tiger’s Hill) in May 1804. (Compton, Military Adventurers, &c., p. 419.)]
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² [Harding was a gallant Englishman, who raised four battalions for Jasvant Rāo. He was killed at the battle of Poona, while charging Dawes’s guns side by side with Holkar. His dying request to Holkar, who was himself wounded in three places, was that he might be buried by the side of his fellow-countrymen in the cemetery of the British Residency at Poona. The request was scrupulously carried out. (Compton, Military Adventurers, &c., p. 362.)]
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³ [Armstrong succeeded Plumet in command of Holkar’s 2nd brigade of infantry in 1802, and distinguished himself at the battle of Poona. When war broke out with the English in 1803, Armstrong decided to quit Holkar’s service and did so after great difficulty, at the risk of his life and with the loss of his arrears and effects. He lived to enjoy a pension of Rs. 1,200 a month paid by the British Government as compensation for loss of employ. (Compton, Military Adventurers, &c., p. 338.)]
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In the meantime, six of Sindia’s battalions, which were without European officers and opposed to those of Holkar under Vickers, had given way. The remaining four, however, being of the old battalions of De Boigne, though with only four European officers to head them, behaved with great intrepidity. They stood their ground with remarkable firmness and discipline; but Holkar, having driven off the cavalry, charged the infantry, cut down the artillerymen at their guns, killed three of the European officers of the battalions, and took the fourth prisoner: still these battalions fought on, till they were completely overpowered by the persevering and desperate efforts of Holkar, who headed his cavalry in charge after charge and at length bore all before him. A complete victory was the reward of the uncommon energy displayed by Jeswunt Rao on this memorable occasion. The whole of Sindia’s guns, baggage, and stores, fell into his hands, and the army of his rival was driven off the field.¹ Holkar’s troops were ordered to fall back and not to enter the town, but many of them showing no inclination to obey, he compelled them to desist by turning his own guns upon them.
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¹ [‘Sadāshiv Bhāu Bhāskar’ (Sewdasheo Bhow Bhaskur), wrote the Resident at Poona on October 26, 1802, ‘is supposed to have escaped with a part of his horse, but what direction he has taken is not known. Bālāji Kūnjar, Nimbāji Bhāskar, Sindia’s Vakil, and a few other Sardārs who were in the action, have joined the Pēshwā.’ (Forrest, Selections (Marāthā Series), i. 550.)]
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The Peishwa, not doubting of success, had quitted his palace, with an idea of joining in the action; but the noise of the firing frightened him, and he turned off to the southward of the town, to await the result. On ascertaining the fate of the battle, he fled with about seven thousand followers to the fort of Singurh, and dispatched to Colonel Close, the British Resident, a preliminary engagement, binding himself to subsidize six battalions of Sepoys and to cede twenty-five lacks of rupees of annual revenue for their support. In the course of the previous negotiation he had conceded that point which regarded their being stationed within his own dominions.
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Towards the close of the action, the cavalry of the contending armies were very near the British Residency. Colonel Close had taken the precaution of hoisting the British flag in the most conspicuous parts about the Sungum, which had the effect of ensuring the respect of both parties.
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Holkar sent an invitation to the Resident to come and see him on the following day, which Colonel Close did not think it prudent to decline. He found the conqueror in a small tent, ankle deep in mud, wounded by a spear, and with a sabre-cut in the head, which last he received from an artillery-man in one of the charges. In his conversation he was polite and frank, spoke lightly of his wounds, and expressed himself in the most friendly manner towards the Resident and the British Government. He seemed extremely desirous of obtaining the mediation of the Resident in settling with Sindia and the Peishwa, and solicited Colonel Close, whom he detained about a month at Poona, to arbitrate in the existing differences.
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For a short time after his victory Holkar assumed an appearance of great moderation; he placed guards for the protection of the city, treated all the dependants of the Peishwa with kindness, and used many vain endeavours to induce him to return to his palace. Bajee Rao remained for three days at Singurh, and then hastily retired to Raigurh, where he released Mahdoo Rao Rastia, till then confined in that fortress, restored his Jagheer, and gave him a commission to raise men for his service.
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Quitting Raigurh the Peishwa proceeded to Mhar, whence he dispatched letters to the Bombay Government, requesting that ships might be sent to convey him and his followers to that island.¹ Before a reply was sent to that communication, Khundee Rao Rastia, the Sur-Soobehdar of Bassein, had joined Bajee Rao at Mhar; but on hearing of the approach of Holkar’s troops, who were sent in pursuit of him, the Peishwa repaired to Severndroog, where he resided for some time under protection of that fort, until again alarmed by accounts of Umeer Khan’s being in the neighbourhood, he crossed over to Rewadunda, and thence embarking in an English ship, provided for his reception, he proceeded, accompanied by Khundee Rao Rastia, to Bassein, where he landed 6th December.
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¹ [The Pēshwā asked for ‘large armed vessels, well equipped with warlike stores, &c., together with an English gentleman of a courteous disposition, courageous in his nature, and who will act conformably to my pleasure.’ (Forrest, Selections (Marāthā Series), i. 551-2.) The policy adopted towards the Pēshwā by the Bombay Government at this juncture was based upon advice given by Major (afterwards Sir John) Malcolm, Private Secretary to the Marquess Wellesley. (Forrest, ibid., 553-7.)]
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Previous to entering on the events at Poona, and the articles of provision of the treaty of Bassein, or its important consequences, it is necessary to explain the state of affairs in Guzerat, and the immediate causes which led to the connexion, still subsisting, between the Gaekwar and the English; leaving their definitive treaty of 1805, and all subsequent settlements, to be explained in their natural order.