The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I v1.c28: Chapter XXII. The Jesuits at the Court of Venkata II
The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I v1.c28
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Chapter XXII. The Jesuits at the Court of Venkata II
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SUMMARY.—1. First idea of establishing a mission at Chandragiri. Frs. de Sa and Ricio proceed to the Court.—2. Their relations with Venkata and his father-in-law.—3. Frs. Veiga and Ricio settle at Chandragiri. Their house.—4. The income given them by the Emperor, and its withdrawal in 1603.—5. Venkata's good-will towards the Fathers. His letter to Fr. Pimenta.—6. Fr. Veiga leaves the court. New missionaries. Their interviews with Venkata.—7. Fr. Laerzio, Provincial of the Province of Malabar, pays a visit to Venkata at Vellore. His impressions.—8. Venkata's opposition to the Jesuits. They leave the court. Their further settlement at Vellore.—9. The Jesuits build a church next to Venkata's palace. The King defends them against Tatacharya.—10. Sundry events from 1608 to 1611.—11. Withdrawal of the Jesuits from Venkata's court. The end of the mission.—12. Practical fruits of the Jesuit mission at Chandragiri and Vellore.
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CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.—1. Jesuit Letters.—2. *Moncoes do Reino* (Pangim Archives).—3. Du Jarric, Guerreiro.
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WE have hitherto made frequent mention of the Jesuits at Venkata's court, while narrating events of which they had been eye-witnesses and in which they had at times even actively participated. We shall now collect all the available information about their influence at Venkata's court, and the way they acquired it; it will help us to appreciate the character of this monarch, and the whole history of the South of India.
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In 1597, Fr. Nicolas Pimenta, as Visitor on behalf of the General of the Society of Jesus, visited all the Jesuit houses and missions in the South of India. While he was at St. Thome, he recommended the Fathers of that College to try all possible means to establish a mission at the capital of the Emperor of Vijayanagara, then at Chandragiri. It was suggested by Fr. Pimenta that a Father should go there to present his respect to the sovereign, from whom he might obtain sanction to establish a house in his capital. All the Fathers approved of the idea. Accordingly "I appointed Fr. Simon (de) Sa, Rector of the Colledge of Saint Thomas," says Fr. Pimenta himself, "to begin a Mission thither as soone as hee could" ¹. Fr. de Sa at once got in touch with a Christian merchant, a native of Chandragiri, who was then living at St. Thome; this person wrote about the matter to one of his relations, a servent of Oba Raya, the Emperor's father-in-law, to whom he praised the wisdom and holiness of the Jesuits of St. Thome so highly that Oba Raya became anxious to make their acquaintance. Accordingly the latter wrote to the Fathers, inviting them to proceed to Chativerum (Kanchivaram), where he used to reside in a fortress of some importance ². Fr. de Sa replied that he would go after the monsoon was over. In the meantime Oba Raya, having been called to Chandragiri by the Emperor invited the Rector of St. Thome to proceed to that court, where he expected to be for a long period. Accordingly on October 10th, 1598, Fr. de Sa together with Fr. Francesco Ricio left St. Thome for the capital of the Empire. A nephew of Oba Raya, a boy aged 13, came forward to meet and salute the Fathers with a considerable retinue of elephants and horses. When a league away from Chandragiri they sent a message to Oba Raya, who next morning despatched a general accompanied by many nobles and soldiers riding either elephants or horses to receive and usher them into the city. A great reception was given them in Oba Raya's palace; they handed over their presents to that chief, who offered them in their first interview any town they desired to stay in and build a church; moreover, he promised to defray the expenses of the missionaries who stayed in the town. He also presented them with rich silk cloths and inquired eagerly about the King of Portugal and his Viceroy in India; and after some days he personally introduced the Fathers into the presence of Venkata II.
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¹ From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, December, 1597, Purchas, X, p. 210; Du Jarric, I, p. 638 and 654. Cf. Ap. C, No. I.
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² Fr. Ricio says that 'Hoburaja wrote two ollas to the Fathers'. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October 20th, 1610, Ap. C, No, I.
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2. On the day appointed they were kindly received by the Emperor. "The sovereign", says du Jarric, "was sitting in a narrow vestibule, built for himself alone, that was to be reached by several stairs. He was seated on a mat and leaning against a pillow. Next to the King, just at the edge of the mat, the crown prince was also seated; he was a young man of white complexion and handsome face. On the other side of the King, opposite the Prince, Obo (Oba Raya) and his brother were seated too. The King was dressed in yellow...After the usual salutations the Fathers stood before him, as the other nobles did, excepting those mentioned; they were so near the throne that some times they touched the border of the King's dress. 'The Monarch said that he had enjoyed our coming (here du Jarric probably quotes a letter of de Sa) as much as the world enjoys the rising of the sun; hence he will send us away full of honours and gifts; he knew of us from the things related by Obo (Oba Raya)'. They, having thanked him, offered him some presents which were kindly accepted: there was among these presents a golden glass heart-shaped jewel brought over from Portugal; the King asked what it was for; was it perhaps something eatable. They answered that it was nothing else but a symbol of the human heart made with silver and gold, which they offered him as a sign of their sincere love, their loyalty and thankfulness towards His Majesty. Then he thanked them in his mother tongue saying:--
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"Maha Santo Seam," that is, I am extremely glad.
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"Then he also gave some gifts to the Fathers: four pieces of silk cloth to Fr. Rector and two to Fr. Francis Ricio." After this a long talk ensued in which Venkata asked about the life they led; and after having heard their account, addressing his nobles he said:--
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"They are like our sannyasis; but these moreover are Gurupi (i. e. learned Priests)".
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The audience had been long enough; at the end, after a detailed explanation of the Sacraments of Baptism and Penance, that washed away the sins from our soul very much better than the Brahmanical ablutions, which clean only the body but not the soul, Venkata asked the Brahmans, who were present:-- "What do you think of it?" And they, struck with admiration, exclaimed: "Suami, Suami" (Lord, Lord).
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Finally Oba Raya told the Fathers that the King had determined to give them two villages, for their expenses and for the construction of the temple; and then a golden palankin, which is only permitted to the grandees and gurupis. Finally he allowed them to build as many temples as they wished throughout his dominions. Before their departure the King granted another audience to them; in which, at his request, they declared many of the tenets of the Christian faith, and were granted permission to build a church in Chandragiri itself. After this they returned to St. Thome ¹. It was at this time that Venkata's friendship with the Jesuits began ².
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¹ Du Jarric, I, p. 654-77; Orme, *Historical Fragments*, p. 61. Cf. Ap. C, No. I.
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² From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome, November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
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3. On reaching St. Thome, Fr. de Sa wrote to Fr. Pimenta, then at Goa, about the success of the expedition, and demanded more priests for opening the new mission. Many Fathers and Brothers offered themselves to the Visitor who was desirous of commencing that holy enterprise. Pimenta however selected, from amongst those who were either in Goa or in St. Thome, six Fathers, namely Manoel de Veiga who was to be the Superior, Gaspar Estevao, Francesco Ricio, Joao da Costa, Petro Euticio and Belchior Coutinho ³. No mention is found in further documents of three of the above mentioned Fathers, *viz.* Estevao, Costa and Euticio; perhaps they never reached St. Thome.
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³ Du Jarric, I, p. 677-8.
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The first to arrive at this town was Fr. Veiga who, accompanied by Fr. Ricio, left for Chandragiri on August 12th, 1599, reaching the capital four days later. "Thus", says Fr. Ricio, "we went to Oburaja (Oba Raya), who after having paid us the highest respects, introduced us to the King. He welcomed our arrival. Oburaja, on behalf of the King, gave us a very good place for building a little church and house; we also constructed a wall around; we put up in the church two images:
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one of our Saviour and one of our Lady. Very many heathens go continuously to this church, and they make bows, and prostrate themselves before the images, and ask for some temporal rewards; many have already come to thank (God) for those they have received. We preach to them about the mysteries of our faith, and convince them of their error; since the things they believe in are nothing else but evident lies and sins; nobody knows what to answer and all remain in great confusion, though reverencing the tenets of our faith. We have often declared the tenets of our faith to the King himself, showing him several pictures he liked very much to see; and he, though possessing such a clear intellect, does the same", viz. does not know what to answer¹. Another letter of Ricio's states that they were allowed by the King "to build a Church, erect Crosses, and convert men; insomuch that fifty families were to give place and depart from the ground thereto assigned us"². Fr. Coutinho, who arrived at Chandragiri some months after, describes their house and compound as follows: "Our little house has large premises exposed to a healthy breeze; they are good enough for building up a church and residence, and far from the crowded streets of the town. In the meantime, we have constructed a small church on the spot, large enough for the present, until we shall have money enough for building a larger one"³.
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¹ From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October 20th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I. Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 685-90. Du Jarric, I, p. 689, says that the spot where the Fathers built the church was given them by the Queen, daughter of Oba Raya.
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² Purchas, X, p. 221.
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³ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
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4. The income of the villages which Venkata had promised to the Jesuits at his court, was, according to a Jesuit letter of 1602, "never settled, because of the chief governor and some grandees of that court, who claimed that the revenue of the villages belonged to them. Hence the King," continues the MS., "gave them yearly a thousand *pagodas* out of the tribute paid by one of the Naiques (Nayaks) who are his subjects, until some lands should be vacant, from which the maintenance of the Fathers could be taken without objection. For this purpose he issued the necessary ollas; and one of our Fathers went to Cangeuaram (Kanchivaram) to see the Polle (an officer of the imperial treasury), through whom such a rent had to be received. He was entertained and honoured by this Polle, who gave him as great proofs of his love as any of those princes who are friends of the Society would have done in Europe. When he was aware of the coming of the Father, he used to send him every day a messenger with congratulatory letters, that were, he said, like daily salvoes to cheer him. He promised to pay diligently the first part of the rent in the following January, that is one fourth of the whole; and, as a matter of fact, he has already given us five hundred pardaos¹.
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¹ Litterae Annuae of Eastern India, 1601, Ap. C, No. VI.
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In connection with this story of their revenue the Jesuit sources narrate a case not known hitherto, and one which undoubtedly reflects on the integrity of the nobles of Venkata's court. "The case was striking in this", says Guerreiro, "that it should happen to the chief Governor of the Empire, who so earnestly opposed the grant ordered by the King from the revenue of those villages for the ministers of the Church. It was just he who was accused before the King of having robbed the royal rents and treasure; he was disgracefully deprived of his functions and dignity. And when asked by the King for one of his rings that had cost fifty thousand pagodas, he denied the charge and swore on his parents he had never taken the ring. By many witnesses he was declared guilty of the theft of the ring and of three hundred thousand pagodas; so he is now imprisoned. The new Governor, his successor, is a very good friend of the Fathers"².
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² Guerrero (sic), Relacion Anual...en los anos de 600 y 601, p. 137.
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Thus the Fathers enjoyed from that time an annual income of one thousand gold pieces³. This constituted the main source of the revenue of the College at St. Thome, and on it the Chandragiri mission depended¹. The rest of the College revenue was paid by the *adigar* of Mylapore, who was himself a very good friend of the Jesuits : he gave them annually three hundred gold pieces out of the tribute the inhabitants of St. Thome paid to the Nayak of Tanjore². But from the year 1603 this yearly income, so kindly made over to the Fathers by order of Venkata, ceased, as we gather from a letter of Fr. M. Roiz written in 1606³, and from another of Fr. A. Rubino, of 1609⁴. The reason of this change may be gathered from a letter of the Viceroy of Goa, Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo; who, writing to Philip III said that the lands that had yielded the income had been destroyed⁵. And it seems that no other source of revenue was assigned by Venkata for the maintenance of the Fathers in the following years.
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³ From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, September 10th, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
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¹ From Fr. M. de Veiga to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, December 10th, 1601, Ap. C, No. III.
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² *Litterae Annuae* of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C, No XXII.
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³ From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, November 1st, 1606, Ap. C, No XII.
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⁴ From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquviva, Vellore, September 30th, 1609, Ibid., No. XXVII.
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⁵ From Philip III to his Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo, Lisbon, February 20th, 1614, Ap. B, No. XI.
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5. We learn from a Jesuit letter of 1600 that "in the mission of Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) there are three priests and one Lay Brother"⁶. These four Jesuits were Frs. Veiga and Ricio, who had arrived at Chandragiri in the previous year, and Fr. Belchior Coutinho and the English Lay Brother, Alexander Frey, a painter, who reached the court in 1600. Another letter says that the three Fathers and Bro. Alexander, did excellent pioneer work, "a great deal for the improvement of the Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) mission. The King", adds the letter, "is very well disposed towards them"⁷.
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⁶ *Litterae Annuae* of the Province of Goa, 1600, Ap. C, No. II.
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⁷ *Litterae Annuae* of the Province of Goa, written by Fr. N. Pimenta, December 21st, 1602, Ibid., No. V.
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This good will of Venkata towards the Fathers is recorded in all the letters in our possession, dated the same year. "The King is kind to the priests", we read in one, "and granted them many favours"¹. "He received us with special kindness and love", says another². Venkata's regard for the Fathers grew when he learned from the Mughal ambassador in what high esteem they were held by Akbar.³ On one occasion, Coutinho relates, "as the King was taking a walk in this neighbourhood a few days ago, he asked his attendants where our house was. When we knew that the King was coming, we proceeded to the door to receive him respectfully. The attendants of the King were exclaiming:—
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¹ Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, 1600, Ibid., No. II.
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² From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
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³ Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, 1600, Ap. C, No. II. Cf. Ibid., No. V.
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"Pareco Parangolu", that is, let His Highness see the Portuguese Priests.
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"He (the King) talked to us affably and cheerfully"⁴.
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⁴ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th, 1600 Ap. C, No. V.
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Another testimony of his esteem for the Fathers was the letter he wrote to Fr. Pimenta that year. Purchas published only the first part of it⁵. But we were fortunate enough to unearth its original kept in the Jesuit Archives. It runs as follows:—
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"The King of kings, the great Lord, the Knight of knights, Vencapati (sic), King atter God, sends the following letter to Fr. Nicolao Pimenta who is at Goa. I was filled with joy on receipt of your letter during a personal interview with Fr. Manoel de Veiga, Superior of the Fathers who reside here. I gave them permission to erect a church and house in my own town of Chandegri. I have allotted the revenue of the village called Elamur, which is in the vicinity of St. Thome, for the expenses of the Fathers, and I shall confer not only on these but also on their successors extraordinary privileges and endowments. Moreover I have allowed them complete freedom to preach the law of God, so that anyone who wishes may become a Christian, without being deprived of his previous position. My old love for the Portuguese is by now well known in Goa. The fathers themselves will write to you about the honours they have received from my hands. I have resolved to send the Viceroy a ring and some other presents, which I shall charge my interpreter Condoquor to deliver. I wish Your Paternity to inform the Viceroy of this, so that our old friendly relations may be renewed. Fr. Manoel de Veiga will inform you about the new occurrences. I have myself nothing else to say.” ¹
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¹ Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, written by Fr. N. Pimenta, Goa, December 21st, 1602, Ap. C, No. V.
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6. The year 1600 witnessed a great loss to the recently founded mission of Chandragiri. Fr. Manoel de Veiga, who is justly called its founder ², was called to St. Thome and appointed Visitor of the Jesuit houses of the South ³, with a view to separating them from the Province of Goa. We find him accordingly in 1601 visiting the Jesuit stations on the Fishery Coast ⁴, and after a while, in the month of December, at Cochin ⁵. It seems that Fr. Veiga’s opinion was not favourable to the separation of the Vice-Province of Malabar ⁶. Nevertheless, without his concurrence, it was effected shortly after; and Fr. Veiga was then appointed Provincial of the Province of Goa ⁷.
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² Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, 1601, written by Fr. N. Pimenta, January, 1602, Ap. C. No. IV.
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³ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
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⁴ Guerrero (sic) Relacion Anual...en los anos de 600 y 601, p. 108.
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⁵ See Ap. C, No. III.
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⁶ From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, January 12th, 1605, Ap. C, No. XI.
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⁷ Ibid.
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After his departure three Jesuits remained at Chandragiri: Fr. B. Coutinho, who was appointed Superior, Fr. F. Ricio and the Lay Brother Alexander Frey ⁸. Fr. Ricio, writing in the year 1603, gives the following information regarding their relations with Venkata: “When we converse with him he not only shows us marks of great friendship, but also lends a very willing ear to the exposition of our doctrine, especially when the topic under discussion is Jesus Our Saviour, and the Blessed Virgin. And after he has heard us, he approves of, and repeats our sayings to others. The same willingness is shown to us by very many others, distinguished both by birth and learning. On hearing our exposition they are filled with joy, and acknowledge that there is only one faith and one God (a point we lay stress on in all our arguments.) But though in every doctrine which we propound they show great joy, their happiness when we enumerate and explain the ten commandments of the divine law is so great, that it is easier for one to imagine it than for me to describe it to you in a letter. They confess that this law is divine and very sound, and that theirs is teeming with error; and for this very reason they very often come to us and attend our church and willingly hear the divine precepts and all that pertains to the salvation of our souls with great reverence and devotion. And not only those who dwell in this imperial city flock to our church, but also a large number from many different towns of this kingdom; and on reaching it they prostrate themselves on the bare floor, and with sincerest humility beg assistance from God in their needs " ¹.
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⁸ From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October 20th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
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¹ From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, September 10th, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
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7. Such was the life of the Jesuits at the court of Venkata II while he ruled at Chandragiri. After his conquest of Vellore in the beginning of 1604, and during his short stay at that place, Fr. Ricio went there to pay him his respects ²; and shortly after Fr. Alberto Laerzio, the Superior of the Vice-Province of Malabar, who had visited him at Chandragiri in the preceding year, ³ also went to Vellore to do homage to him. Venkata, on hearing of his coming, gave orders to prepare and adorn a house next to the palace for him and his companion. "As soon as they arrived", says a Jesuit letter, "several nobles paid a visit to them, and congratulated them on their arrival on behalf of the king. Then Ramana, the son of the King's sister, a very good friend of ours, also sent to the Fathers some nobles of his household, through whom he presented to the Fathers some good dishes of his own table, as he had previously done to Fathers Nicolao Levanto and Francesco Ricio. Father Provincial answered that he and his companions would like to cook their food themselves at home; then the prince sent them a large number of wethers and hens, besides butter, rice, and other uncooked eatables; moreover, a while after, he again sent them a wild boar brought by his brother from a hunting expedition; finally he came himself, and gave the Fathers many proofs of his sincere friendship and esteem ".
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² Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C, No. XXII.
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³ From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, January 15th, 1604, Ap. C, No. IX.
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" On the same day ", continues the same letter, " the King sent a message to Fr. Provincial, to know when he would like to visit him. The Father replied he was expecting an elephant he had left resting a little at Kanchivaram. When the beast reached Vellore the Provincial sent word to the sovereign. The latter despatched his private secretary, who is also a very good friend of the Fathers, with a large retinue to fetch the Fathers. They reached the entrance of the palace in a coach. The King came down to the entrance-lobby to receive Fr. Provincial, as well as to see the elephant, the hound and the other presents. Then he took the Father to the audience-hall and ordered him to sit down next to the royal throne, the grandees of the kingdom standing round. When the Provincial asked for permission to leave, he did not grant it; for to dismiss him on the first meeting would be offensive to the dignity of both." As a matter of fact, Fr. Laerzio prolonged his stay at Vellore some days and was finally dismissed with great honours and tokens of sincere attachment ¹.
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¹ Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C, No. XXII.
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Shortly after this visit Venkata wrote to the General of the Society of Jesus, then Fr. Claudio Aquaviva. Two years later, in 1607, Fr. Coutinho points out that the King was awaiting the answer ². We suppose it came in due course, but no further mention of this letter has been found. In the meantime the nobles of the court and kingdom still showed respect and admiration for the Fathers. "All of them are very good friends of the Fathers", says Laerzio, "very polite and kind...and many request us to build churches and houses in their towns, and also offer rent for the Father's maintenance" 1.
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² From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, November 5th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XV.
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In the month of July, 1606, Fr. Francesco Ricio passed away 2; he was the first missionary to die in the Vijayanagara mission. Fortunately his successor came out in the same year. This was another Italian, Fr. Antonio Rubino. Fr. Ricio himself had, when writing to Fr. General in 1603, asked for Fr. Rubino for this mission 3. He was a great mathematician and a profound theologian; moreover he was a very good preacher and a virtuous priest 4. He reached Chandragiri in the beginning of 1606; and from there he wrote to Fr. Genneral of the Society of Jesus in the following year as follows: "Last year I wrote to Your Paternity an account of this mission in the kingdom of Bisnaga, in which I am now by Your Paternity's command with great consolation on my part. I hope in our Lord that I shall end the rest of my life, which will not last very long, in this mission" 5.
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8. But shortly after his arrival a great storm burst over the heads of the missionaries. It was then that the conflict between the inhabitants of St. Thome and the soldiers of the adigar took place, ending with the partial destruction of Madras and Mylapore, as we have related in one of the preceding chapters 6. When news of the disaster reached Venkata's
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1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, January 8th, 1604, Ap C, No. X.
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2. Fr. Ricio's death is announced in a letter of Fr. Coutinho, dated November 4th, 1606, preserved in the Archives of the Society.
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3. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, September 10th, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
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⁴ From Fr. B. Countinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome, November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII; From the same to the same, same date, Ibid., No. XIV.
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⁵ From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, November 8th, 1607, Ibid., No. XVII.
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ears, inflamed with anger he exclaimed among other things that ‘he did not want the Fathers in his kingdom any more’¹. For this reason, the Provincial did not proceed to Venkata’s court on his annual visit, and the Fathers were recalled to St. Thome to see their Superior there; Laerzio ordered them not to go back to Venkata’s court till peace had been restored².
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¹ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome, November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIV.
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² From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, November 1st, 1606 Ap. C, No. XII.
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Towards the close of 1606, as related above, peace was finally made, and in the first days of January, 1607, the missionaries were back at their posts in the mission of Vijayanagara: Fr. Rubino at Chandragiri, and Fr. Coutinho with the Lay Brother, Bartolomeo Fontebona, at the new residence of Vellore³ where the capital of the Empire had just been transferred. “In the month of January”, says Fr. Coutinho, “we came over here, Bro. Bartolomeo Fontebona and myself. Among other things that we offered to the King was a pot full of cakes, one out of a dozen pots we had received in the college on the feast of Jesus (January Ist). This pot was a work of fine art, showing a pelican with its young ones around. I told him at the time (when presenting this pot) that the people of St. Thome were like dead because His Highness had been unfavourable to them; but in the course of time, when he had showed from the bottom of his heart his love towards them, they, as his children, had returned to life, as it had happened to that bird, etc. He was very glad to hear this, for they are men who like comparisons”. In the same letter, Coutinho relates that Fr. Rubino also went to Vellore to pay a visit to the King. He brought him as a present a nice map of the world with Telugu inscriptions; the principal kingdoms and the four elements and the twelve skies were described there; the King enjoyed very much seeing and reading all these things; he questioned Rubino about some difficult problems of mathematics, and the missionary showed himself to be an excellent mathematician ¹. Rubino himself adds that on this occasion he also gave the King a treatise on astronomy, " and the King caused it to be read before him and in the presence of all the learned men of his court. These people were greatly astonished at the difference that lies between our science and theirs" ².
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³ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, November 7th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XV. Cf. Ibid., No. XIII.
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¹ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November 11th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVIII.
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² From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, November 8th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVII.
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9. Venkata gave the Jesuits at Vellore a site next to his own palace to build a house and church. "The King", says Coutinho, "gave us a house and church within the first enclosure of the fortress; and I put up the Holy Cross over the gate. It is situated in a beautiful street running from North to South and leaning against the walls of the palace. The Church is visited by many of the King's relations, who are our friends and neighbours; they enjoy our conversations about God" ³. This proves that, after that temporary storm of hatred against the Portuguese, the love of Venkata for the Jesuits was renewed once more "He (Venkata)," says Fontebona, "shows us as much love as we can desire" ⁴. And in another letter he says: "It is surprising to see how he loves us" ⁵. Fr. Antonio Vico, writing from Cochin at about the same time, informs us that "the King of Bisnaga is daily growing fonder of the things of God" ¹, while Fontebona says elsewhere that Venkata "likes to talk about our things, and specially about our holy faith" ².
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³ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome, November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII; From the same to the same, same date, Ibid., No. XIV. When I visited the place in January, 1924, as soon as I entered the fort, I noticed through the green trees a small white cross over the facade of a church towering above all the other edifices. I remembered at once the above quoted passage of Coutinho. Then I realized that the aforesaid church was built next to the walls of the Mahal still standing and in the street running from North to South. The coincidence was amazing. I could not however get more information about that church, as there was no priest then at the parish house. I wrote lately to a Catholic Priest of Vellore, Rev. J. Trideau, and I was informed by him that, according to local tradition, there is no recollection of a Catholic Church inside the fort I realized then that the church I had seen must be the Anglican Church, but nevertheless the spot where it is built seems to be the same as that of the ancient church of the Jesuits at Venkata's court. Cf. Penny, The Church in Madras, I, p. 624-9.
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⁴ From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, November 7th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVI.
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⁵ From the same to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November 11th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XIX.
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¹ From Fr. A. Vico to Fr. P. A. Spinelli, Cochin, December 9th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XXI.
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² From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November 11th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XIX.
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One of these talks with Venkata about the Christian tenets is related in a letter of Fr. Coutinho: "The other day", he says, "we were talking about the things of God; and His Majesty heard at length the explanation of the ten commandments. When in explaining the first we said that there was only one God and that the others were false gods, idols (Devils), the King did not say anything. The Brahmans, however, asked him what was the use of hearing such things; to which the King replied that it was a very good thing and so worthy of notice. He was also pleased to see the album of holy pictures which the Brother showed him, drawing his attention especially to the ones by Fr. Nadal ³. He saw them one by one and at the same time inquired minutely about their meaning; in so doing he was very glad to know of these high mysteries. But the King's religious preceptor (viz. Tatacharya) wished to convince us of the falsehood of the passion (of Jesus Christ). He was one of those whom St. Paul represents to us as saying that our doctrine was folly; he tried to convince him of the stories of their false gods, who are so unworthy of divinity; but we declared to him how perfect was the love of Jesus Christ, who came to the world for our salvation. The King heard everything in silence, and was by no means angry when at what we said against his idols and temples" ⁴. The same letter records that once, when the King was praising the Fathers for 'being Saniaces (sannyasis), and religious and chaste people’, ‘Tatacharya happened to be present, and being an enemy of the Fathers, replied to the King’s remark:—
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³ For the history of these pictures, see Heras, La Dinastia Manchu en China, I, p. 412-4, and The Jesuit Influence in the Court of Vijayanagara, Q. J. M. S., XIV, p. 136, n. 26.
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⁴ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November 11th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVIII.
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If they are religious, why do they eat meat?”
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“Although they eat meat” the king answered, “they are chaste and have no wives” ¹.
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10. Venkata’s affection for the Fathers continued during the following year, 1608 ². This year Fr. Laerzio again paid a visit to the Fathers of both the residences of Vijayanagara: Coutinho and Fontebona were residing at Vellore, where they built a fine crib in the Church for Christmas; while there was Fr. Rubino alone at Chandragiri, ‘where he works a great deal for the service of God’, says Coutinho ³.
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In 1609 we find Fr. Coutinho no longer at Vellore, and Fr. Rubino has taken his place, though also in charge of the Christians of Chandragiri ⁴. We suspect that Coutinho was recalled to St. Thomas, as his health had broken down. He died in 1610, and then Rubino was appointed Superior of the mission. Fr. Antonio Diaz was then sent there and the Provincial expected to appoint two additional Fathers for this mission ⁵. Fr. Coutinho’s death was a great loss to it: he was a man “of great virtue and of excellent intellect”, Fr. Ricio wrote in 1601 ⁶. He was a bosom friend of Venkata. As a matter of fact after the death of Coutinho the King became colder and colder in his relations with the Fathers. At the end of 1609, Fr. Rubino wrote to Fr. General: “The King is not as good a
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1. Ibid.
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2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October 11th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXII; From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December 30th, 1601, Ap. C, No. XXV.
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3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, October 11th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXII.
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4. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, September 30th, Ap. C, No, XXVII.
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5. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 25th, 1611, Ap. C. No. XXXI.
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6. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October 20th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
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friend of ours as he was before. The cause of it are those accursed Brahmans, who are the chief foes of our Holy Faith; the King is more than a slave before them" 1. Another Jesuit letter of 1600 shows what kind of slavery the King was subjected to: "The King is not allowed to talk to anybody", we read there, "before he has seen the face of two Brahmans" 2.
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In the month of June, 1611, we find Rubino in Colombo. He had preached on Fridays in Lent; his preaching pleased everybody and was fruitful. The reason for his going there was that Venkata had requested him to accompany the ambassadors whom he was sending to the Portuguese Governor of Ceylon, and whom he had deputed to sell several elephants to the Portuguese 3.
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II. By the end of the same year, 1611, no Jesuit houses were found any more either at Vellore or at Chandragiri. What was the cause of their withdrawal from Venkata's court?
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Some years before, a document full of slanders against all the Jesuits of the South, but especially against those who where at Venkata's court, had been presented to Philip III. The accusations may be reduced to the following four heads: 1. The Jesuits residing at Venkata's court have no interest at all in the conversion of infidels, and only preach according to the will of the Brahmans and other Hindu ascetics. 2. All their efforts are reduced to making money and to accumulating enormous amounts of money in order to increase their income; and to attain this purpose they always do whatever the King likes. 3. Bro. Fontebona is busy painting indecent pictures to please the sovereign; and 4. They forged letters of the King of Spain to Venkata and of Venkata to the King of Spain, and bribed the ministers of the former to obtain the royal seal ¹.
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¹ From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, September 30th, 1609, Ap. C, No. XXVII.
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² From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
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³ From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 25th, 1611, Ap. C, No. XXXI. This is the last time we hear of Rubino in connection with Vijayanagara. In 1613 he became Rector of the College at St. Thome, as recorded in a letter of 1615, which will be published in Vol. II. Rubino died martyr in Japan on March 17th, 1643.
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¹ Memorial against the Jesuits, Ap. C, No. XXXVIII.
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¹ "Por hum papel que ira com esta vereis o que se diz do procedimento dos religiosos da companhia que residem no reino de Bisnaga, e parecemme remettervolo e encomendarvos, como faco, que trateis com o superior daquella religiao que recolha logo estes religiosos a algua outra casa da sua ordem. e sendo necessario enviar alli outros, o faca, escolhendo para isso pessoas de satisfaccao e que attendam somente a conversao dos gentios d'aquelle reino; e que do mais que contem o dito papel tomeis informacao em todo o segredo por pessoas sem suspeita". From Philip III to the Viceroy Ruy Lourenco de Tavora, Lisbon, March 9th, 1610, Bulhao Pato, Documentos, I, p. 372. Cf. another letter from the same King to the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo, Lisbon, February 28th, 1610, Ibid., II, p. 184.
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No doubt, these charges created great resentment in the suspicious character of Philip III. On March 9th, 1610, he wrote about them to his Viceroy Ruy Lourenco de Tavora to this effect: "From the note I am sending you herewith, you may see the things which were communicated to me about the conduct of the Jesuits who reside in the Empire of Bisnaga; hence I recommend to you, first, to request from their Superior the immediate withdrawal of these Religious (from that Empire) to any other house of their Order; they may be, if necessary, replaced by others of good conduct, whose efforts must be only devoted to the conversion of the gentiles. Then you will secretly inquire from impartial persons about the accusations as contained in the said note". No person can defend this strange and imprudent order of the Spanish King. He ought first to have ordered an inquiry, and then to proceeded to the expulsion of the guilty, if any. The Provincial of the Malabar Province, to avoid any suspicion of covetousness on their part, on receiving the Viceroys's order promptly withdrew his subordinates from Venkata's court: "As soon as their Superiors were aware of what Your Majesty wrote about them, they caused them to be removed at once to their own province", wrote Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo to his sovereign, in 1613 ³. No other Fathers were sent there.
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³ From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo to Philip III, 1613, Ap. B, No. XII.
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This removal of the Jesuits from the court of Vijayanagara caused a great deal of harm to the Portuguese influence in India. According to the Viceroy, the settlement of the Dutch at Pulicat as well as Venkata's war against St. Thome were due to this fact ¹. "Consequently", the Viceroy adds, "I have to say that it is not only absolutely necessary to have them (the Jesuits) at Chandegri (Chandragiri) close to the King, who loves them, but even in Paleacate (Pulicat), after the capture of this fortress from the Dutch...and in other places of that coast" ². The Viceroy's wishes were never fulfilled. Venkata died soon after; the turbulent period that followed was not conducive to the re-establishment of the suspended mission; but Fr. Rubino in a letter dated from St. Thome, November 29th, 1617, says that there were hopes that the mission of Vellore would be renewed after the end of the civil war ³. Nevertheless, as far as we know, there were no more Jesuits permanently residing either at Vellore or at Chandragiri during the supremacy of the Emperors of Vijayanagara.
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¹ Cf. Ch. XXI, Nos. 13 and 15.
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² From the same letter of the Viceroy to Philip III. These extracts of the Viceroy's letter to his sovereign do not agree at all with the accusations of Danvers, *The Portuguese in India*, II, p. XXXII, and of Rangachari, *History of the Nayak Kingdom*, *Ind. Ant.*, XLV, p. 131.
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³ This letter will be published in Vol. II.
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12. What was the real character of the Jesuit mission at the court of Venkata? Their stay first at Chandragiri and then at Vellore was not prompted by a desire for temporal advantages. Though they sometimes inclined Venkata in favour of the Portuguese, this was not the main purpose of their mission. Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo, in the above quoted letter, spoke of them only from this political point of view. But Fr. Pimenta had ordered the establishment of this mission "in order to preach here the doctrine of Jesus Christ", as Ricio says in one of his letters ⁴; du Jarric says likewise that Pimenta's purpose was “to make known the Christian faith in the kingdom of Bisnagar (Vijayanagara)” 1.
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⁴ From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October 20th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I. Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 638.
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⁴ From the same to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, January 12th, 1605, Ap. C, No. XI.
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The importance of this enterprise is frequently emphasised in the Jesuit letters of those days: “There are in this kingdom such extensive regions and populous cities”, Ricio again wrote in 1603, “that if God calls them to the faith (as we hope), numberless labourers will be needed for working in this vineyard” 2. Again, in January, 1604, the Provincial Laerzio informed Fr. General that “the Residence of Chandragiri in the kingdom of Bisnagar (Vijayanagara) was an enterprise of great importance. We expect many conversions there. If but one of those chiefs wishes to be baptised, the rest, it seems, will follow his example” 3. Laerzio repeats the same in 1605 4. Such were the hopes of the Jesuits of those days that the King of Spain, Philip III, evinced much interest in the affairs of this mission, not precisely for political motives, but on account of his zeal for the propagation of the faith. Accordingly on December 23rd, 1604, he wrote to his Viceroy: “I expect you will inform me about the results obtained by those (Jesuits) who reside next to the King of Bisnagar (Vijayanagara)” 5.
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The first conversion is recorded by Ricio in a letter of 1601; not perhaps a real conversion, since Ricio says that the person baptised was a child (menino), 6, who might have died soon after. As a matter of fact Laerzio says in 1604 that “no conversions were made till now” 7. In 1606, Fr. Roiz wrote from St. Thome that in Chandragiri the Fathers had baptised six persons who were their servants; at the same time he says that "there is no hope of more conversions, because these negroes (sic) are very obstinate in their diabolic doctrines, about which I have before written to Your Reverence; they certainly acknowledge that our doctrine is good, but they say that theirs is also good and that they can obtain salvation by professing it. Hence they want to keep it, since it is according to their own customs and received from their ancestors" 1. At the end of the same year, 1606, Coutinho announces that besides the six Christians of Chandragiri, there are five more in Vellore 2. In 1607, Laerzio informs Fr. General that Fr. Rubino has made some Christians in Chandragiri 3. But Fr. Rubino himself writes that the persons converted were only four; there were besides eight others who were then being instructed. "We are working as much as possible to propagate our holy faith", he says, "but janua clausa est (the gate is shut), and great grace of God is required to open it; we must incessantly knock at it again till it be opened. Our knocking however from outside will be nothing, if God does not from the inside knock with his divine inspirations, as we hope He will do" 4. In the following year, 1608, the few Christians of Chandragiri were persecuted by the governor of the town 5, while Coutinho baptised an old man at Vellore 6.
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¹ Du Jarric, I, p. 654.
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² From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, September 10th, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
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³ From Fr. A. Laercio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, January 18th, 1604, Ap. C, No. X.
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⁵ From Philip III to his Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d’ Azevedo, Valladolid, December 23rd, 1604, Ap. B, No. VII.
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⁶ From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October 29th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
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⁷ From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, January 18th, 1604, Ap. C, No. X.
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No more conversions are mentioned in the letters of those missionaries. "It is a matter of great sorrow to see the door
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1. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, November 1st, 1606, Ap. C, No. XII.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome, November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 20th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XX.
4. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, November 8th, 1607. Ap. C, No. XVII.
5. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December 30th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXV.
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so closed to the Gospel", writes Rubino in 1609 ¹. And Laerzio himself says in 1611: We shall try every possible means to get the expected harvest from this mission; this (fruit) was very much diminished this year" ². With this good hope the Vijayanagara mission met with its end; that very year, as has been related, the Jesuits were withdrawn from their posts ³.
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¹ From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, September 30th, 1609, Ap. C, No. XXVII.
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² From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 25th, 1611, Ap. C, No. XXXI.
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³ It has been supposed that the Jesuits were also established in the very city of Vijayanagara during the time of its splendour, or perhaps during Sadasiva's reign. Cf. Slater, *Where Religions Meet*, Q. J. M. S., VIII, p 307-8. We are sure that no Jesuit was ever established in the city near the Tunghabadra; nor do we even know of any other missionary settled there. The only information we have is that in the year 1542 Fr. Antonio Patrao or Petronio, a Franciscan Friar, converted 1300 Hindus in the kingdom of Vijayanagara (not in the City) and built a church dedicated to St. Anthony, which was afterwards converted into a monastery. The place where this missionary obtained this harvest is not given. Cf. *Historia Chronologica*, O Gabinete Litterario das Fontainhas, I, p. 86.