The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I v1.c7: Chapter I. The Reign of Venkata I

The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I v1.c7

Language: English

Chapter I. The Reign of Venkata I

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SUMMARY.—1. Vijayanagara at the death of Achyuta Raya.—2. Enthronement of Venkata I.—3. Some notes on his reign and person.—4. Tyranny of the Regent Salakam Timma Raju.—5. Murder of the King and other members of his family.—6. Usurpation by Salakam Timma Raju.—7. Rama Raya’s war against the Regent.—8. Rama Raya enters the capital.

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CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.—1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2. Ferishta, Burhan-i-Ma’asir, Basatin-us-Salatin. 3. Couto, Correa. 4. Achyutarayabhyudayam, Varadambika-Parinayam, Vasucharitramu, Svaramelakalanidhi, Ramarajiyamu, Narasabupaliyamu, Annals of Hande Anantapuram.

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THE splendour of the Vijayanagara Empire that characterised the reign of the famous monarch, Krishna Deva Raya, and was happily maintained by his half-brother and successor Achyuta Raya¹, suffered a sudden, though brief, eclipse at the latter’s demise ². At this time, to quote an anonymous contemporary author, the Sovereign of Vijayanagara “ruled over numberless people, and could raise an army of a million or a million and a half soldiers; so that all the neighbouring kings and princes were his vassals, thus making him master of untold wealth. There was in his army a great deal of elephantry and cavalry; for he was the owner of more than three thousand elephants, and thirty or forty thousand of the best horses ever seen in this country, because they came from both Arabia and Persia"¹. In addition, its rivers produced gold, while diamonds and other precious stones were found in its valleys. Vijayanagara was until then the same city and the same Empire that fired the admiration of the Persian Ambassador, Abdur-Razzak some years previously, when he "saw a city exceedingly large and populous and a king of great power and dominion, whose kingdom extended from the borders of Sarandip to those of Kulbarga, and from Bengal to Malibar, a space of more than 1,000 parasangs"².

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¹ Although in a copperplate grant of the year 1556 Achyuta is called the son of Krishna Deva Raya, Sewell, II, p. 4-5, there can be no doubt that both were sons of Narasimha Raya, but by different wives: Nagala was the mother of Krishna, and Obambikadevi the mother of Achyuta, as testified by both the Unamanjeri and the Kadaladi plates of Achyuta, the British Museum plates, and the Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva, *Ep. Ind.*, III, p. 148; XIV, p. 312; IV, p. 3; XIV p. 230, and the Portuguese Chronicler Nuniz, Sewell, p. 367.

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² No worse description of Achyuta’s character stands recorded than the one left by Nuniz: “The King Chytarao, after he ascended the throne, gave himself over to vice and tyranny. He is a man of very little honesty and, on account of this, the people and the captains are much discontented with his evil life and inclinations; for he has never done anything except those things that are desired by his two brothers-in-law who are men very evilly disposed and great Jews”. Sewell, p. 367, Sewell, p. 166 naturally agrees with his

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¹ M. H. S. J., *Mon. Xav.*, I, *Historia del principio & progresso de la Compania de Jesus en las Indias Orientales diuidida en dos partes*, pp. 61-62.

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² Elliot, *History of India*, IV, p. 105.

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The last date of Achyuta available from lithic records is A. D. 1541-42 (Saka 1463)³. We may suppose that he died towards the end of 1541, judging from some inscriptions of Sadasiva relating to the middle of the following year 1542, as

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³ 21 of 1900.

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chronicler. And even Krishna Sastri states that Nuniz's descriptions may not be altogether far from the truth (*A. S. I., Report for 1908-9*, p. 187). On the other hand we find in an inscription of the Sundararajaperumal temple at Valarpuram that Achyuta 'took all countries', (27 of 1911), and we know from two epigraphical records of Kanchivaram of his brilliant campaign in Travancore, from the King of which he received tribute, the acquisition of Tinnevelly ending with his marriage to the daughter of the Pandya King, (49 and 50 of 1900). How then can the opinion of Nuniz be reconciled with these military exploits? From Sewell's *Forgotten Empire*, p. 177-8, we learn that the Portuguese, who were such good friends of Vijayanagara during the reign of Krishna Deva Raya, turned into foes as soon as his successor ascended the masnad. Is not Nuniz's condemnation of him a tacit apology for the Portuguese enmity?

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well as from the events of the intervening period which we are about to narrate. In the Vitthala temple of Vijayanagara, there are two records mentioning King Achyuta Raya and Chikkaraya, his heir ¹, viz., his son Komara Venkatadri alias Chikka Udaiyar who, according to the Tamil poem *Achyutaraya-bhyudayam*, had been anointed in Vijayanagara as his Crown Prince while his father had been crowned Emperor after Krishna Raya's demise ². The contemporary Sanskrit poem *Varadambika-Parinayam* says that Venkatadri was installed Yuvaraja by his father on "observing with satisfaction the character and achievements of the Prince"³. Two epigraphical records of Kanchivaram relate that three years after the beginning of the victorious campaign of Achyuta in the South, this King, accompanied by his queen Varadadevi-Ammal and Prince Komara Venkatadri, entered the city of Kanchivaram ⁴. Tirumalamba, the authoress of the *Varadambika-Parinayam*, ends her work, by praying god Venkatesa "to preserve her patron Achyuta, his Queen Varadamba and the Prince Venkatadri"⁵.

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¹ 4 and 5 of 1904. The *Varadambika-Parinayam* describes the youth of this son of Achyuta. Cf. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 170.

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² S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 153.

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³ Ibid., p. 172.

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⁴ *M. E. R.*, for 1899-900, paras 70-77.

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⁵ S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, l. c.

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2. This prince Komara Venkatadri or Chinna Venkatadri, whom we shall henceforth refer to as Venkata I, was the one who succeeded his father Achyuta at the end of 1541 ⁶. We know that his mother's name was Varadadevi- Ammal¹ or Varadambika²; but we do not know exactly the age of the new King, although we can positively state that he was not yet of age, since his uncle Salakam Timma Raju, brother-in-law of the late king³, took over the regency of the Empire⁴. Correa states that the heir of Achyuta was a child⁵. The Regent was very ambitious and of weak intellect, and at times absolutely irresponsible⁶.

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⁶ The inscriptions that record the succession of Venkata I are to be seen in *Ep. Ind.*, IV, p. 3; VII, p. 89; IX, p. 340, v. 27; XIV, p. 230 and 353; *Ep. Carn.*, IV, Ng, 58; V, Hn, 7; IX, Cp, 186; *Ind. Ant.*, XIII, p. 154; Sewell, II, p. 12, 81 and 248. Much confusion has been created as to the succession after Krishna Deva Raya's death. Several authors state that his nephew, the child Sadasiva, was appointed Sovereign, but his uncle Achyuta on coming from the South took the throne, which was not restored to Sadasiva until

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¹ Sewell, I, p. 182.

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² *Varadambika-Parinayam*, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 170.

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³ He was married to a sister of Achyuta, according to Correa, *Lendas da India*, IV, p. 276. The *Basatin-us-Salatin*. p. 51, says he was the son of the daughter of the Rai. I suppose that this Rai must be Narasimha.

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⁴ He is called Bhoj Tirmal Ray by Ferishta, III, p. 81, and the *Basatin-us-Salatin* p. 51, and Uche Timma Rao by Couto, VI, p. 382. Sewell, p. 182, note 3, thinks that the uncle, that Correa speaks of was Ranga, Sadasiva's father: we know the Regent's name from the Telugu poem, to which we shall refer later.

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⁵ "Neste tempo aqueceo que morreo o Rey de Bisnega, de que nom fiqou herdeiro, somente hum filho menino". Correa, *Lendas da India*, IV, p. 247.

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⁶ Ferishta, III, p. 81, says that he was 'deemed almost an idiot', and Couto, l. c., adds that 'he was mad as it is declared in his very name, since Uche means mad in Canarese'. The three accounts of Ferishta, Correa and Couto contain several palpable falsehoods, but many details coincide in a marked degree with those we know from other sources; while the narrative of Ferishta, although located some years earlier in his history, openly refers to facts which happened at Achyuta's demise. The *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, *Ind. Ant.*,

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Achyuta's death. Cf. Wilson, *The Mackenzie Collection*, p. 88; Rice, *Mysore*, I, p. 353; Ravenshaw, *Translation of Various Inscriptions of Vijayanagara*, *Asiatic Researches*, XX, p. 12-3; Subramiah Pantulu, *Remarks on Telugu Literature*, *Ind. Ant.*, XXVII, p. 300. Did this confusion arise from the short reign of Venkata I, so long forgotten, or perhaps from the fact of the appointment made by Krishna Deva Raya of his six-years-old son Tirumalayadeva Maharayar as his Crown Prince (139 of 1896; *Ep. Carn.*, IX, Ma, 6 and 82) who dying soon after, as Nuniz narrates, (Sewell, p. 359), again left the throne vacant? After carefully reading Nuniz, I am more inclined to the latter view.

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It appears that, early during the ceremony of the coronation of the King, something unusual happened regarding the rites ¹. The nobles, and specially two Queens of Krishna Raya, Chinna-devi and Tirumala-devi, wanted to have their Sovereign free from any tutelage. Rama Raya and his brother Tirumala, close relations to the imperial family, were to be the ministers in charge of matters of government. But Salakam Timma Raju, who had been treasurer of the court ² and whose ambition did not allow him to divide the government, earnestly opposed this project ³. Two parties were thereupon formed ⁴. But the Regent, holding the supreme power, tried to confine in prison the two brothers and those who were most opposed to his own schemes ⁵. They, however, on being made aware of his intentions fled from Vijayanagara, together with many other nobles. Some of these started to assume independence in their own provinces ⁶. Rama Raya and his two brothers escaped to Gutti, according to the *Svaramelakalanidhi*, and to Penukonda, as the *Vasucharitramu* and the *Annals of Hande Anantapuram* relate ⁷.

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¹ It is asserted in the *Vasucharitramu*.

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² Brown, *The Wars of the Rajas*, p. 3.

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³ *Annals of Hande Anantapuram*, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources* p. 178. These facts are narrated as having happened at the death of Krishna Deva Raya; but this is an evident mistake. Cf. Correa, l. c.

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⁴ Correa, l. c.

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⁵ *Annals of Hande Anantapuram*. l. c., *Svaramelakalanidhi*, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*. p. 190; *Vasucharitramu*, o. c., p. 216.

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⁶ Correa, l. c.

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⁷ S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, ll. cc.

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3. It is evident that these nobles rebelled against the Regent but not against the young Emperor. All the contemporary inscriptions and grants highly extol the latter’s qualities: in a grant of his successor Sadasiva, King Venkata is called ‘the treasury of wisdom’ ⁸; again he is called ‘an abode XLIX, p. 201-2, calls the Regent Ram Raj. This is another sign of the great confusion of the Muhammadan writers on this period of Vijayanagara history.

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⁸ *Ep. Carn.* IX. CD. 186.

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of learning' in another grant of the same, dated 1561 ¹; in the same grant he is also mentioned as 'famous for valour'²; and in the Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva he is said to be 'like the flower-arrowed Kama' and 'to rule his kingdom well'³. In a copper-plate sasanam of Vijayanagara he is simply said to have 'reigned gloriously' ⁴, which sounds as an empty boast, when said of a Monarch who died so young. But judging from the grief of his subjects at the time of his death we can conclude that he was an able and promising youth: he died soon 'owing to the ill-fortune of the people', as we read in a grant of Sadasiva of 1545 ⁵; or 'to the ill-fortune of his subjects' ⁶; or 'owing to the bad luck of his subjects' ⁷.

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¹ *Ep. Carn.*, V, Hn, 7.

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² Ibid.

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³ *Ep. Ind.*, IX, p. 340, vv. 28-30.

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⁴ Sewell, II, p. 12, 81.

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⁵ *Ep. Carn.*, IV, Ng, 58.

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⁶ *Ep. Carn.*, IX, Cp, 186
7. Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, *Ep. Ind.*, I, p. 340, vv. 28-30.

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4. In the meanwhile Salakam Timma Raju was ruling the Empire most tyrannically, spending foolishly such large quantities of money from the royal treasury that his subjects could not stand him any longer ⁸. Then the Queen Dowager, Varadadevi-Ammal, begged Ibrahim Adil Shah I of Bijapur to come to her rescue and to secure the kingdom for her son, promising him immense riches in return for this favour ⁹. The Sultan set out for Vijayanagara; but on the road he was met by emissaries of Salakam Timma, who made him lavish presents as the price of his retreat ¹⁰. The Queen Mother was then left alone in the hands of the ambitious minister, and it was probably this time that saw the most abominable crime committed by Salakam Timma.

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⁸ Couto, l. c.

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⁹ "E por elle tomar este trabalho lhe pagaria toda sua despeza, e lhe daria mais hum conto de pardaos d'ouro." Correa, l. c.

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5. It is clear from original sources that Venkata I's reign did not last very long: 'he soon died'¹, 'he died after a short time'², 'he soon went to the city of Indra'³, 'before long ascended to Indra's abode'⁴ are the phrases used to announce his demise. We do not know the exact date of his end; but since there is an inscription of Sadasiva corresponding to July, 1542, we cannot suppose that the reign of Venkata lasted more than half a year. About the kind of death the unfortunate Sovereign met with, the statement of Correa gives full details: Salakam Timma, in order to strengthen his position and avoid any danger of civil or foreign war in favour of his royal nephew, caused Venkata to be assassinated together with two of his uncles and one of his cousins⁵. The aim of Salakam Timma was quite clear: to extinguish the whole of the royal family, excepting his own person: one of his victims was most likely Ranga, the father of Sadasiva and uncle of Venkata; Sadasiva himself was no doubt one of the intended victims, but he fortunately escaped the violence of the bloodthirsty Regent. Ferishta relates that Venkata was strangled by his uncle⁶. Even a damaged inscription on the Garuda-mandapam of the Chennakesavasvamin temple at Markapur records this family crime by stating that Timma 'sinned against his lord'⁷.

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¹ Sadasiva's grant, 1546, *Ep. Carn.*, IV, Ng, 58.

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² British Museum plates of Sadasiva, *Ep. Ind.*, IV, p. 3.

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³ Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, *Ep. Ind.*, IX, p. 340, v. 30.

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⁴ Sadasiva's grant, 1561, *Ep. Carn.*, V, Hn, 7.

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⁵ Correa, o.c., p. 276. The murder of Venkata I was already known to Wilson, *The Mackenzie Collection*, p. 88; Krishna Sastri, *The Second Vijayanagara Dynasty*, A.S.I., Report, 1908-9, p. 195, and Subramiah Pantulu, *Remarks on Telugu Literature*, *Ind. Ant.*, XXVII, p. 300. The two brothers of Achyuta were, according to Correa, murdered in a fortress where they were imprisoned by Achyuta. This fortress was Chandragiri, according to Nuniz. See Sewell, p. 316.

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⁶ Ferishta, III, p. 83.

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⁷ 164 of 1905. The *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, *Ind. Ant.*, XLIX, p. 201, does not speak of the murder of Venkata I. It only says that he was imprisoned and then the Regent usurped the throne.

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6. Salakam Timma, supposed to have no rivals at all, at once seized the throne of Vijayanagara; and although the death of Venkata was ‘much regretted’, as we read in a copper-plate sasanam of Sadasiva¹, nevertheless the nobility of the capital submitted as he was a member of the royal family. But soon being unable to endure his tyranny and oppression, they became disaffected and began to plot against him². One of the cruelties which most alienated his subjects’ feelings is narrated by Correa: Salakam Timma, in dread of the influence of the chief nobles, summoned them to court, seized them treacherously as soon as they reached the city, and caused their eyes to be put out. Some only of the first arrivals were caught; the rest went back in great anger to their homes, and started to intrigue with their neighbours in order to put an end to the unbearable tyranny³.

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¹ Sewell, II, 12, 81.

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² Ferishta, l.c.

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³ Correa, p. 276-7. This author says that only two of the nobles were treacherously mutilated by the Regent.

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Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur was one of those whose help they sought for the moment. They urged him to depose Salakam Timma, promising him their assistance and offering him the crown of Vijayanagara if the country could be freed from that dreadful tyrant⁴. But the usurper, obtaining intelligence of their designs, also despatched an embassy with a sum of six lakhs of huns and many precious gifts to the Bijapur Sultan, soliciting him to march to his assistance, and promising in return to acknowledge his suzerainty and to pay down another sum of three lakhs of huns for every day’s march his army might make. Ibrahim Adil Shah, tempted by this offer, and finally moved by the advice of the old general Asad Khan, left his capital and arrived at Vijayanagara without opposition: Timma himself went to fetch him and conducted him into the city and seated him on the royal throne and ordered rejoicings for seven days. Some of the nobles acknowledged him as Sovereign¹: they were evidently the intimate friends of Salakam.

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⁴ Correa, p. 277. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., XLIX p. 202, states that the Sultan of Bijapur proceeded to Vijayanagara of his own accord.

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¹ Ferishta, III, p. 83; Correa, p. 278-9. Both accounts confirm each other, though they do not agree in some details. The *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, *Ind. Ant.*, XLIX, p. 202, does not mention the sum of money sent by Salakam to Ibrahim Adil Shah. Moreover, it states that the usurper fled from Vijayanagara on the approach of the army of Bijapur, and even quotes a letter of Asad Khan to Salakam Timma Raju inviting him to return to his capital.

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7. But the majority of the Grandees of the kingdom joined the three brothers Rama Raya, Tirumala and Venkatadri to work out the salvation of the country². These three great chiefs, from the day on which they fled from the capital, had seen that their army had grown after the capture of the forts of Penukonda, Adavani (Adoni)³, Gutti, Gandikota and Kandanol) Kurnul⁴. Now Rama Raya and the confederate nobles sent letters to Salakam Timma feigning the sincerest contrition for their rebellion and assuring him of their future allegiance. But, since the Muhammadans, who were introduced even into the capital of the Empire, were its most dangerous enemies, and since their stay in the country could have none but evil consequences, they asked the usurper to order the Sultan of Bijapur back to his own dominions. Timma being, after the subjection of the nobility, no longer in need of the Mussulmans, requested the Muhammadan army to return home after receiving fifty lakhs of huns, according to the conditions previously settled upon. Moreover, magnificent presents were made to the Sultan, among which Ferishta mentions twelve fine elephants and some beautiful horses. Ibrahim Adil Shah had not yet entered his dominions when Rama Raya and the confederates hastened towards Vijayanagara in order to put Salakam to death and thus to avenge the murder of his predecessor⁵.

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² Ferishta, l.c.

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³ *Vasucharitramu*, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 216; *Annals of Hande Anantapuram*, l.c.

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⁴ *Ramarajiyamu*, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 181.

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⁵ Ferishta, III, p. 83-4; the *Basatin-us-Salatin*, p. 51-2, gives the amount of 44 lakhs of huns as the sum given Ibrahim by Sala-

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Neither Ferishta nor Correa mention any battle between Rama Raya and Salakam Timma; and the former even seems to suppose that the bribes Rama Raya made among the troops of Vijayanagara opened to him the gates of the city¹. But the Telugu poem *Narasabupaliyamu* says that the valiant general 'waged war and destroyed the traitor Salakam Timma'²; and in the *Ramarajiyamu* we read that he 'defeated the armies of Salakam'³; and the *Svaramelakalanidhi* states that he 'conquered the traitors to the kingdom'⁴; and the *Annals of Hande Anantapuram* record that Rama Raya and Tirumala, along with Hande Hanumappa Nayudu of Sonnalapuram, delivered the attack upon the forces of Salakam. They were helped by addtional forces from Kandnavol (Karnul) and Gadwal. The battle did not last long. The *Annals* do not mention Rama Raya's bribes to the officers of Salakam; but this inference may also be drawn from their assertion that "his officers, thinking that he was only a shepherd who wanted to snatch away the kingdom as he was rich, deserted in a body" ⁵. This desertion by the officers might have been caused by Rama Raya's bribes. After this action Rama Raya became the lord of the capital: the bribes that Ferishta speaks of became very useful on this occasion. Perhaps the final victory of the confederates was due to them. Salakam Timma and his relatives did not leave the city to defend their rights in a pitched battle, for the inscription of Markapur mentioned above informs us that Rama Raya

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¹ Ferishta, III, p. 84.

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² S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 224.

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³ Ibid., p. 181.

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⁴ Ibid., p. 190.

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⁵ Ibid., p. 178.

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kam Timma, on this occasion, but adds: "according to another account not 44 but 80 lakhs of huns were given the Sultan." The *Annals of Hande Anantapuram*, l.c., say that the Sultan of Bijapur remained at Vijayanagara until Rama Raya came with his army and that Barid Shah, Nizam Shah and Qutb Shah were likewise helping the usurper. This seems only intended to extol the valour of Rama Raya who dared to fight against all these chiefs allied with the usurper. Ferishta does not say a word about this alliance.

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‘subdued at Vidyanagari (Vijayanagara) Timma…….. and the whole of the Salakam family’ 1.

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About his end, Couto only says that his subjects killed him 2, and the *Vasucharitramu* and the *Narasabupaliyamu* state respectively that ‘Rama finally killed’ 3 or ‘destroyed the traitor Salakam Timma’ 4. The same is recorded by Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri 5. Finally, the *Annals* record that ‘he was killed in the fight’ 6. But Ferishta, whom I trust more on this occasion on account of the detailed account he gives, relates these events as follows: “Bhol Tirmal Ray, finding he was betrayed, shut himself up in the palace, and, becoming mad from despair, blinded all the royal elephants and horses, and cut off their tails that they might be of no use to his enemy. All the diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and other precious stones and pearls, which had been collected in the course of many ages, he crushed to powder between heavy mill-stones, and scattered them on the ground. He then fixed a sword-blade into a pillar of his apartment, and ran his breast upon it with such force, that it pierced through, and came out at his back; thus putting an end to his existence, just as the gates of the palace were opened to his enemies” 7. Correa agrees with this Muham-madan writer, and even says that before dying Salakam said that he wanted to die as a king of Vijayanagara 8.

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8. When the Queens of Krishna Raya heard of these happy events they ordered the nobles to hand over the city to Rama Raya and Tirumala, and their order was accordingly carried out 9. Rama Raya was received in the imperial city of Vijayanagara as the liberator of the country. “He saved the Karnata (Vijayanagara) Empire from destruction by making war on and destroying the traitor Salakaya Timma”, sings Bhattu Murti in his *Narasabupaliyamu*¹. Probably on account of this triumph over the tyrant Salakam he was thereafter called ‘the Protector of the Karnata kingdom’² or ‘the Protector of the fortunes of the Karnata kingdom’³. And, perhaps even from this time onwards his deeds were ‘sung by Vidyadhari women to the accompaniment of their lutes, which they made resonant by striking with their nails’, as we read in the Mangalampad grant of Venkata II⁴.

Linked texts (12)

Narasabhūpālīyamu — Bhaṭṭumūrti, Telugu
Svaramelakalānidhi — Rāmāmātya 1550, Sanskrit
Timmapuram plates of Viṣṇuvardhana I — Sanskrit
Penukonda Plates of Mādhava II (495 AD) — Sanskrit
Epigraphia Indica
Epigraphia Carnatica
Penukonda
Vitthala Temple
Vasucaritramu — Rāmarājabhūṣaṇuḍu, Telugu
Acyutarāyābhyudaya — Rājanātha Diṇḍima 1530, Sanskrit
Rock inscription of the time of Bhojavarman — Sanskrit
Pedda-Maddāli plates of Jayasiṁha I, year 18 — Sanskrit