Later Mughals v1.c8.s13: Sec. 13.—Jahandar Shah Leaves Dihli for Agra.
Later Mughals v1.c8.s13
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Sec. 13.—Jahandar Shah Leaves Dihli for Agra.
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On the night of the 4th Zul Qada (2nd December 1712) messengers brought to Jahandar Shah at Dihli unwelcome news of Azz-ud-din's flight from Khajwa. It was at once decided to march from the capital to meet the danger. Many thought it would be wiser to await the enemy at Tughlaqabad, eight miles south of Shahjahanabad, or New Dihli. These views did not, however, prevail and a march to Agra was resolved upon. Strenuous efforts were made to put matters into order and to collect an army. But during the preceding eleven months everything had been allowed to fall into confusion, and during the whole of this time the troops had not seen the sight of a coin. An attempt was now made to pay them, and to provide the necessary matériel and equipage for a campaign. Most of the treasure, amassed in previous reigns and stored within the fort at Dihli, had been expended in frivolous festivities. As one writer complains, the money had been spent in lamps and oil for a weekly illumination of the fort and river banks. Meanwhile, the zamindars, taking advantage of the disputed succession, had evaded the payment of revenue, and the officials, uncertain of their future position, neglected to coerce them and made many excuses.
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∗ Ijad, 80b; Khafi Khan, 699, 717; Yahya Khan, 120, a, b.
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Such small amount of money as there was in the treasury was soon spent. Gold vessels collected in the palace from the time of Akbar were next broken up and used, and such fragments of gold and silver as could be found in any of the imperial workshops were appropriated. Warid, the historian, saw the process with his own eyes. All jewelled articles were next taken, and then the jewels themselves; after this, the clothes, carpets, and hangings were removed. As there was still a deficiency, the ceilings of the palace rooms, which were plated with gold, were broken up and distributed to the men. Nothing else now remaining, the store-houses were thrown open and the goods distributed in place of cash.[*] A crowd assembled and no order was maintained. The soldiers took what they liked and paid no heed to the clerks. In a moment store-houses, full of goods which had been preserved from the time of the Emperor Babar, were emptied. Nothing was left. Still, in spite of all these efforts, the claims of many of the men were unsatisfied, and they were told to wait until Agra was reached, when they would be paid from the treasure-house at that place.*
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∗ Khush-hal Chand, 392 *a*, says that his father, Jiwan Ram, was then a clerk in the Khan-saman's (Lord Steward's) office. In one week jewels, worth three *krors* and fifty *lakhs* of Rupees, were distributed, among them a pot (*matka*) of jasper studded with jewels, said to have belonged to Bhim, brother of Rajah Judishtar (Yudhisthira) and Arjun! It was 11 Shahjahani *dira* (yards ?) long and 7 *dira* wide! Although the dimensions are so precisely stated, I need hardly say that they should be taken *cum grano*.
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One of the first measures necessary was to provide for the immediate safety of Agra. This was undertaken by Chin Qilich Khan, son of Ghazi-ud-din Khan, and his Mughal troops. In the reign of Bahadur Shah this noble had shown dissatisfaction with the treatment accorded him, and finally had retired into private life at Dihli. In the struggle for the succession he had intended to take Azim-ush-shan's part, but withdrew in time and was saved through Asad Khan's and Abdus-samad Khan's intercession. When danger from Farrukh-siyar threatened, he was too important a man to be neglected, and Zulfiqar Khan, in spite of their old rivalry, found it expedient to make him an offer of employment. He was sent to Agra to join Prince Azz-ud-din, who had then advanced across the Jamuna beyond that place, but being a very cautious man, he thought it wiser to delay any open declaration until affairs had further developed. He therefore found excuses to linger at Agra. The Mughal leader next in importance to Chin Qilich Khan was his cousin, Muhammad Amin Khan Chin, who was now recalled from active service, in which he had been engaged in sarkar Sarhind against Banda, the leader of the Sikhs.†
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† Khafi Khan, ii. 698, 716.
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At the end of a week arrangements had been completed. Asad Khan, the *Wakil-i-mutlaq*, was put in supreme charge of the city, Muhammad Yar Khan being made governor of the province and Ahl-ullah Khan left in charge of the fortress containing the imprisoned members of the royal house. The captivity of Hamid-ud-din Khan Alamgir-Shahi, and of Mahabat Khan, son of the late *Wazir*, was made more strict; they were now locked up in the cells at the Tripoliya (or triple gate) of the fortress. Other retainers of the Emperor's deceased brothers were sent to prison. The commands in the army were thus distributed. To the vanguard were posted Zulfiqar Khan, Kokaltash Khan (Khan Jahan) and Jani Khan Jahan-Shahi, with strong artillery and 40,000 horsemen. Raji Muhammad Khan, general of artillery, had under his orders one hundred cannon, large and small, besides swivel-guns (zamburak) and camel-guns (shutarnal). His orders were to accompany the advanced tents. Islam Khan, Murtaza Khan, and Azam Khan guarded the special artillery, detached to protect the centre, under command of Raza Quli Khan.* Muhammad Amin Khan and Abdus-samad Khan were on the right wing; Jan Nisar Khan and Mukhtar Khan on the left wing. Round the Emperor in the centre were posted Sadullah Khan, Hafizullah Khan and Bahramand Khan. Faizullah Khan Mughal was told off to guard the retinue of Lal Kunwar.†
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∗ Ijad, 82 *b*, 83 *a*; Warid, 140 *a*; Khush-hal Chand, 392 *a*.
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† Nur-ud-din, 97; Kamwar Khan, 123; Khafi Khan, ii. 718.
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At the time appointed by the astrologers, near midnight of the 11th Zul Qada 1124 H. (9th December, 1712), Jahandar Shah mounted his elephant and rode to his camp at Talab Kishan Das near Khizrabad, seven miles south of the city. The superstitious were cast down from the first by several accidents, which they treated as omens of coming evil. As the elephant bearing the imperial kettle-drums passed through the Dihli Gate the ropes broke, the drums fell, and were dashed to pieces; and a few days before this sinister event, the imperial umbrella, having caught on the branch of a tree, lost its fringe of pearls. In addition, from the time that Jahandar Shah set out for Agra, there were continuous clouds and rain with cold wind night and day. The cold was so intense that to the native of India to put his head outside his tent was a hardship, his blood felt frozen in his veins, and his feet were hard as if made of stone. The mist was so thick that the country round could not be seen. It need hardly be added, at any rate those acquainted with the country will know well, that these outward circumstances produced the most depressing effect upon the troops. To add to the other bad omens, came the accidental destruction by fire, in spite of the rain and cloud, of some of the imperial tents. At Khizrabad they learnt that Prince Azz-ud-din had reached Agra on the 6th of the month (4th December, 1712). Farrukh-siyar was at the same time reported to be at Etawa, though he was then really at Makhanpur.*
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∗ Khafi Khan, ii. 718, adds the name of Sipahdar Khan.
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On the 15th Zul Qada (13th December, 1712) a move of six or seven miles was made to Talpat. Here the puerile expedient was hit upon of writing long appeals for aid to Rajah Ajit Singh Rathor, of Jodhpur, and the other Rajput chieftains. There was no time left for any such help; the issue must be decided, one way or the other, long before any of the Rajputs could arrive upon the scene. On the 16th the camp was pitched at Faridabad, about sixteen miles south of the city, and two days were allowed for the arrival of stragglers. Two days were passed at Sikri. On the 21st (19th December, 1712) the army was at Palwal, and there the final muster was made. The force reported was 100,000 men, horsemen, matchlockmen, and bowmen. Their tents covered a circle of about eight miles in circumference.† By daily marches Agra was reached on the 1st Zul Hijja (29th December, 1712), and their first encampment was at Bagh Dahra, three miles south of the city. Prince Azz-ud-din came out of the city and joined his father. Churaman, the Jat, to whom many flattering promises had been made, joined with a large number of men from his own tribe. Efforts were now made to unearth the buried treasure in the fort of Agra. Many doorways were opened but nothing was found, and there was no time to conduct an effective search. Some ingots of copper were discovered, which had been lying there since Akbar began to build the fort and had prepared these copper bricks for use in the walls. These were now sold off in order to pay some of Jahandar Shah’s men.‡
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∗ Nur-ud-din, 98, 99; Khafi Khan, 700, 718. K. K. gives the date of starting as the middle of Zul Qada, 25th Azar of the Ilahi era. Etawa is 73 m. south-east of Agra, Thornton, 305; Makhanpur, 34 m. north-west of Cawnpore, ibid, 642.
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† Khafi Khan, ii. 700, says Zulfiqar Khan had more than 20,000; the total was 80,000 horse, 100,000 foot. In another place, ii. 718, he gives 70,000 to 80,000 horse and innumerable foot. Farrukh-siyar had not one-third of these numbers. Faridabad to Sikri about 10 miles, Sikri to Palwal, 9 miles, Indian Atlas, sheet 49 south-east.
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‡ This tradition of copper bricks still survived in Agra in 1768, see ‘Orme Collections,’ Vol. 15, p. 4304, Mémoire des Jats, an anonymous
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On the 2nd Zul Hijja (30th December, 1712) Jahandar Shah moved to Samugarh, a place close to the Jamuna, to the east of and about eight miles from Agra city. Probably it was chosen as having been the site of Alamgir's victory of the 6th Ramzan 1068 H. (June, 1658), won by him over his brother Dara Shukoh. At first sight, looking to his superiority in numbers and in artillery, no one could have doubted of Jahandar's being victorious. But he was in the power of a mere bazar woman, surrounded by men of low antecedents, and his army under the command of officers, who with the exception of Zulfiqar Khan, were men of no experience or position. The fighting men from beyond the Indus were disgusted with Jahandar Shah's habits and many spoke despairingly of his chance of winning the day. Farrukh-siyar's success was desired even in Jahandar Shah's own ranks. The want of unity among the leaders now began to produce its effects. Zulfiqar Khan was at daggers drawn with Kokaltash Khan (Khan Jahan) and his brother, Muhammad Mah (Azam Khan). Again both of these rival parties were jealous of the Mughal leaders, and fully resolved that they should have as little chance as possible of distinguishing themselves. Indeed, the Mughals were hardly believed in or trusted at all. They were suspected, and as it turned out truly suspected, of intending some treachery. Out of these jarring elements little agreement could be looked for. The first plan, supported by Zulfiqar Khan, was to cross the river at once and occupy the other bank. This idea was given up, from want of concord among the leaders, in spite of their having thrown across a bridge of boats just opposite to their camp. Kokaltash Khan objected to their crossing on the ground that if they fought on the further side, the enemy when defeated would be able to get clear away and renew the struggle. All boats for a distance of eighty or ninety miles were called in, and when Farrukh-siyar
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essay in French, written in that year. 'Comme en effet il y'a encore une tradition assez bien établie parmi les habitans d'Agra, qu'Akbar l'a voulu faire de cuivre rouge, et qu'il avait déjà fait faire une quantité de briques de ce métal.' But this author believes the idea is founded on a mistake, and that the copper ingots were made for transmutation into gold by a faqir, in whose powers as alchemist Akbar believed.
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arrived, not a boat or a boatman could be found on his side of the river. [K. K. 701, 718, 713.]
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The only attempt at a forward movement was one undertaken to drive away the advanced guard of Farrukh-siyar's army. Reports were brought in that Bahadur Khan (Zain-ud-din) Rohela, and Muhammad Khan Bangash, with seven or eight thousand horsemen and some light artillery, had reached the further bank of the Jamuna, intending to effect a crossing. Raji Muhammad Khan was ordered out with his guns to the other side of the river, to prevent them crossing. As soon as Raji Muhammad Khan, accompanied by Islam Khan, reached the river bank, Farrukh-siyar's troops decamped. The guns were taken across the water without difficulty. But on the further side the heavy rain had turned the sandy bed into a quagmire, into which the feet of men and animals sank up to the knee. The guns could not be placed in position, the generals therefore left them and returned. Two days had been wasted in this operation. The rain continued, the river began to rise, and thus on Jahandar Shah's side all fear of the enemy effecting a crossing was dissipated. In this state of false security they continued, and the festival of the sacrifice (10th Zul Hijja = 7th December, 1712) was celebrated at Samugarh. One writer, Yahya Khan, says that all action was intentionally postponed until after the festival. [Nur. 100, Yahya 120b.]