Later Mughals v2.c13.s10: Sec. 10.—Nizam-Ul-Mulk's Contest with Alim Ali Khan.
Later Mughals v2.c13.s10
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Sec. 10.—Nizam-Ul-Mulk's Contest with Alim Ali Khan.
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Having disposed of Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan and his army, Nizam-ul-mulk reached again the Lal Bagh at Burhanpur on the 21st Shaban 1132 H. (27th June 1720). In regard to his negotiations with Alim Ali Khan, we are told that Nizam-ul-mulk informed him that as he refused to yield him possession, he would go instead on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Accordingly he had turned off towards Surat and pretended to have discharged his men, leaving two to three hundred of them behind him at every town or village. By a public order he directed his cavalry to go wherever they pleased and take service where they could. But secretly they were instructed to halt where they were or go over to the enemy. When he wanted them they must either return to his standard, or desert him in the battle. He proceeded on his journey like a mere traveller or the member of a caravan. Induced by reports that Nizam-ul-mulk was almost alone, Alim Ali Khan came out to bar his way. Nizam-ul-mulk admonished him, writing that his heart was now cold for worldly things, he knew nothing of public place or power, and only dreaded the unjust shedding of Muhammadan blood. At length when these remonstrances were not listened to, he determined to fight and recalled his troops. [Yahya, 126a.]
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As already stated, Alim Ali Khan, when he heard of the approach of Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan, set up his tents in the Muhamdi Bagh on the 12th Rajab (19th May 1720) and left the city of Aurangabad at the head of thirty thousand horsemen. He marched *viâ* Phulmari.* Early in Ramzan (May 1720) on reaching the pass of Fardapur,† which is half-way between Aurangabad and Burhanpur, he provided for the transport of his artillery through the pass, and sent an advance guard beyond it. The Mahrattas and some troops under Tahavvar Khan, with half his guns only, were through the pass, when two thousand or more Barha Sayyids, fugitives from the late Dilawar Ali Khan's army, made their appearance, bringing the disturbing intelligence of that officer's defeat and death. Most of the Mahrattas and some of his own officers counselled Alim Ali Khan, under these circumstances, to retreat to Aurangabad or even Ahmadnagar, there to await the arrival of Husain Ali Khan, leaving the Mahrattas outside to harass Nizam-ul-mulk's army by the methods of which they were such perfect masters.‡
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Alim Ali Khan, looking on a retreat as a disgrace, brought the rest of his army through the pass. Nizam-ul-mulk, on hearing of this movement, sent him the biers of Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan and Sayyid Sher Khan; and along with them a letter advising him to cease resistance and march off to join his two uncles with the ladies of the family. This communication produced no effect. After this Nizam-ul-mulk marched out of Burhanpur to the banks of the Purna river, which flows some sixteen or seventeen kos to the south and south-east of Burhanpur. There he encamped. From the other direction came Alim Ali Khan and pitched his camp at Talab Hartala, which is not far from the same river. [K. K. 886, Kamwar 226.]
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∗ A town 16 miles n. e. of Aurangabad, see Hossain Bilgrami and Willmott, *Sketch of Nizam's Dominions*, ii. 705. † A village at the northern foot of the Ajunta ghat, 20 miles south of Pachoda station on the G. I. P. Railway; see S. Hossain and C. Willmott, ii. 467, and Constable's *Hand Atlas*, plate 31. ‡ Burhan-ul-futuh 166a; Ahwal 165b—170a; K. K. 885.
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They remained in these positions for several days. The constant rain, the muddy roads, the flooded river and the absence of means to cross (a bridge of boats having been swept away) made it impossible for either side to move. Then Nizam-ul-mulk finding it necessary to change his place of encampment, made several marches up the stream towards Malkapur* in Berar, with the hope of finding a ford. At length, after eight marches, Iwaz Khan succeeded in obtaining through some neighbouring landlords information of a crossing-place at a distance of about fourteen or fifteen kos, in the direction of the district of Balapur† in subah Berar. Alim Ali Khan had followed along the other bank, and shots had been exchanged daily across the river. In the middle of Ramzan (15th = 20th July, 1720) Nizam-ul-mulk crossed with his whole army to the opposite or south side of the river. Although in places the water was up to the men's waists, or even to their chests, no lives were lost or baggage swept away by the current. For one day they encamped on the river bank to allow the camp-followers to assemble. Then the following day they started to find a favourable position for giving battle. The camp was pitched and entrenched in a precipitous position full of thorny scrub close to Seogaon, a village in subah Berar.‡
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∗ Malkapur lies about 40 miles south of Burhanpur. It is on the Nagpur branch of the G. I. P. Railway, and some miles south of the Purna.—Constable's Hand Atlas, plate 31.
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† Balapur is 16 miles west of Akola, 16 to 18 miles south of the Purna river, and about 72 miles east (up stream) from Edilabad. The field of battle lies between the villages of Kolhari and Pimpri Gauli, about 65 miles s. e. of Burhanpur and about the same distance n. e. of Aurangabad—Berar Gazetteer, 163.
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‡ Seogaon is in the Akola district; it is now a station on the Nagpur branch of the G. I. P. Railway, and is about ten miles south of the left
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Exposed to incessant rain and living in the middle of deep black mud, they passed several days in extreme discomfort. First, owing to the heavy rain and the swollen streams, no supplies could arrive from either Khandesh or Berar. Secondly, the Mahrattas of Nagpur, who had crossed over from Alim Ali Khan’s army, were plundering all round the camp; not a single camel or bullock could be sent out to graze, much less could any supplies be brought in. Prices rose until for thirteen or fourteen days there was nothing left to feed the cattle but the leaves and young shoots of trees, which were pounded with stones and given them as forage. “The smell even of grass or grain did not reach the four-footed animals.” Many of them, standing up to their shoulders in mire, starved to death. As for food, it could only be obtained by the wealthy, who paid one Rupee for two to four pounds of flour. Many soldiers of small resources left the army and returned to their homes. [K. K. 888, Ahwal, 166b.]
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Many things contributed to the confusion in the camp—the rising of the streams, the hunger of the soldiers, the falling of tents, and the incursions of the Mahrattas, who ventured themselves as far even as the edge of the camp market. Seeing that their soldiers were worn out and dispirited, the officers made complaints. Accordingly, when the rain held off for a little, the army marched to a deserted village three kos from Balapur, and there encamped again. As the Mahrattas had become exceedingly troublesome, Iwaz Khan, Ghiyas Khan and Rambha Nimbalkar, were sent against them. After some fighting the Mahrattas were driven off, leaving behind them many of their mares, spears and umbrella standards. They were pursued for three or four kos. [K. K. 888.]
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The festival of the Id (1st Shawwal 1132 H., 5th August 1720) was celebrated at this new place, where supplies of grain arrived in sufficient quantity; but grass could not be got for the horses. It was as dear as saffron; if any camp-follower went out to gather it, he came back with his nose cut off. A further march became imperative. Before they moved away,
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bank of the Purna, and 11 miles n.w. of Balapur, Berar Gazetteer, 164; K. K. 887; Kamwar 226; Burhan-ul-futuh, 168a; Qasim, 327.
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several large cannon were buried here, the muddy roads and the bad condition of the draught oxen rendering their removal an impossibility. The next camp was at Balapur itself, where supplies were plentiful. A halt of three days was made to allow the troops to rest and recruit their strength. [K. K. 889, Ahwal 167a.]
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[ALIM ALI KHAN'S PREPARATIONS.]
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Instructions had been received by Alim Ali Khan from his uncles to collect a strong force, and prevent their family and dependents from falling into Nizam-ul-mulk's hands. Money, they wrote, must be liberally spent, and rank and promotion accorded freely. The measures he took to carry out these orders had soon resulted in the assembling of a large army round his standards.
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As he had been married to a young girl nearly related to the late Daud Khan Panni, the partisan leaders of that clan, who were very numerous in the Dakhin, readily joined him; even Umar Khan, the nephew or cousin of that deceased noble, attended, although Daud Khan's blood still cried for vengeance. Other leaders of note were Johar Khan and Muhamdi Beg. The latter had long been deputy faujdar of Gulshanabad [Nasik], and when Nizam-ul-mulk previously held rule in the six subahs, he had been put in fetters and imprisoned by that governor as a punishment for his exactions. Subsequently he was pardoned and appointed to a subordinate post in the Nawab's army. At this time Alim Ali Khan bought him over with an absurdly high title, the rank of 5,000, and the right to beat kettle-drums. Others gained over in a similar manner were Matti Khan, his brother Latif Khan Banwar, and his nephews Sayyid Wali Muhammad and Muhammad Ashraf of Nandurbar. These were all promoted to the rank of 5,000, and were placed under Tahavvar Khan, commanding the vanguard. Ghalib Khan, son of Rustam Khan, whose family had been for generations in the Dakhin, joined along with Apa Pandit, his diwan or chief official. [Shiu 40, Qasim 325, K. K. 890.]
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Others were Mirza Ali, a noted warrior, and Sayyid Alam Barha. Among the rest came Amin Khan, the brother of Khan Alam Dakhini. This man was very ill-disposed towards the Sayyids, owing to the injury caused to him a few years before, at the time he was deputy governor of the Bidar subah, when at Husain Ali Khan's instigation, he was suddenly attacked by the adopted son of Rajah Sahu, the head of the Mahrattas. Amin Khan, propitiated by the gift of money and of two or three elephants, now became a doubtful ally in the campaign. Other half-hearted adherents were Turktaz Khan and Fidai Khan, diwan, both secret adherents of Nizam-ul-mulk. Among the other leaders were Ashraf Khan, Bakhshi of the Dakhin, Rafihat Talab Khan, Khwaja Rahmat-ullah Khan (Shujaat Khan), commander of Alim Ali Khan's artillery, and Shamsher Khan. The Mahratta commanders were Santaji Sindhia, Khanduji Dhabariya, the senapati or Mahratta commander-in-chief sent from Satara, Shankraji, Mulhar,* Kanhuji and others. Rajah Sahu had sent some of these men at the head of seventeen to eighteen thousand horsemen, and they all proclaimed themselves sworn friends of Husain Ali Khan. Anwar Khan, acting the part of a double traitor, wrote to Alim Ali Khan from Nizam-ul-mulk's camp, pointing out that the latter's strength being as yet unconsolidated, now was the time to strike a blow, and the sooner it was done the better. The letter was intercepted and the result was the disgrace of Anwar Khan, followed by his imprisonment and the confiscation of all his property.†
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∗ The Burhan-ul-futuh, 167a, and Khush-hal Chand, Berlin MS. 495, f. 1,003a, say that all power in the Dakhin under Alim Ali Khan had centred in Shankraji, who had lately come back from Dihli. Grant Duff, 206, says he was at Aurangabad as the envoy of Rajah Sahu. He was originally a clerk (karkun) under Shivaji, subsequently in 1690 appointed by Ram Raja to be Sucheo (formerly called Surnis). This was one of the eight principal offices of the Mahratta State, with the duties of record-keeper and examiner of letters. He retired from office during the siege of Jinji 1698, and went to Benares. Although an old man, he grew tired of this idle life and entered the service of Husain Ali Khan when he came to the Dakhin, Grant Duff, 105, 164, 171, 197, 198.
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† Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 186 ; Khafi Khan, ii. 899. The Gulshan-i-ajaib, 130b, adds some other Mahratta names : Babaji (Baji Rao) son of Balaji Bishwanath, the Peshwa ; Tukuji Gujar ; Pila Jadu ; Dawalji Sombanshi ; Chimnaji Damodar ; Mankaji Dana. The names in Khush-hal, 1003a,
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[NIZAM-UL-MULK REPLIES TO THE LETTERS FROM AGRA.]
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Nizam-ul-mulk, with his usual ability in such matters, soon sowed dissension and distrust in the huge but badly wielded force opposed to him. The letter from Husain Ali Khan, forwarding a patent for the Government of the Dakhin, was received with all due form and ceremonial ; a special enclosure was erected, the Nawab rode out to meet the bearer of it, and it was publicly read with the proper observances and the beating of drums. These documents were at once put to a use that had not been foreseen when they were despatched. A copy of the farman, duly attested by a Qazi's seal, was sent to Alim Ali Khan, and a letter informed him that, since Nizam-ul-mulk was now appointed governor, it was useless for him to keep in the field. He ought to disband his troops at once and relieve himself of that unnecessary expense. Should he desire to return to Hindustan, Nizam-ul-mulk would furnish him with as many men as were necessary. The news of Nizam-ul-mulk's appointment took the heart out of the local leaders and the newly enlisted soldiers, who sought their own safety either by flight to their homes or by joining the new subahdar. Or, as one writer puts it: "On the way many of the idle boasters and valiant trencher-men deserted." In short, Nizam-ul-mulk, up to this time a fugitive and a rebel, henceforth assumed, in full reliance on the farman, the attitude of a legally appointed governor, loyally fighting for his sovereign's rights. [Shiu 40b, Qasim 327.]
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Long answers were sent to the Emperor's farman and to Husain Ali Khan's letter. As usual in such cases, the comedy of outward deference was played through unblushingly to the end. After thanks for his new appointment, he met the accusation that he had left Malwa without orders, by the audacious assertion that his action was due to the disorders caused by the Mahrattas round Aurangabad, which led him to fear for the safety of Burhanpur and even of Malwa; still more, for the safety of the family of the Amir-ul-umara, Husain Ali Khan.
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are Kanhaji, Balaji, Pilaji and Sankara Brahman. Grant Duff, 206, has in addition Haibat Rao Nimbalkar.
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The great distance precluded his asking for orders or awaiting an answer, and for this reason he had marched at once, and the Mahrattas had dispersed at his approach. His acts had been misrepresented. Newly-risen men, who had not yet learnt the reverence due to His Majesty's high rank, might be guilty of such things; to ancient servants like himself, whose every limb and very bones were built up of the salt that he had eaten, they were impossible. His Majesty knew the disordered state of the Dakhin, in spite of all that the Dweller in Paradise (Alamgir) had done. As it was now devoid of a ruler, what more likely than that some disaster should happen there? The only remedy was a hasty advance. It had been his desire, for many a day, to make a pilgrimage to the holy Kaba, and he had meant, as soon as he had defeated the Mahrattas, to ask for leave of absence. But now, his appointment to the Dakhin having been sent, he could not dream of disobeying orders; to carry out his sovereign's wishes he held to be far above the worship of God, he would soon be on the spot, and by God's help and His Majesty's good fortune, would carry out the necessary measures. [Shiu, 41a.]
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To the Amir-ul-umara, Husain Ali Khan, after quoting the letter sent to him, in which he was told that Dilawar Ali Khan had been sent only to fetch the Sayyid's family from Aurangabad, he wrote: "Nawab Amir-ul-umara! May you be preserved! In spite of his knowing your kindness and friendly feeling, and of my writing several times and my sending trusty messengers, the said Khan (Dilawar Ali) would not listen to reason, and in the end brought on himself what happened to him. My feelings of friendship to you remain unchanged." He then repeats the story about marching to the Dakhin merely to protect Aurangabad and save the Amir-ul-umara's family from dishonour, the latter involving the suggestion, a very galling one to a proud and high-placed man like Husain Ali Khan, that he was too weak to protect them himself. "Praise be to God! all has passed off harmlessly. As soon as my troops arrived the rebels, making no stand, fled in all directions. The envious have represented the matter contrary to the truth and induced His Majesty to be displeased with me. I thank God that the truth has been re-established and my word accepted. A report in answer to the farman is enclosed, and I trust it may be brought forward at a proper moment. By God's aid I will soon reach Aurangabad, whence I will forward your family and your other belongings with the greatest care.'' [Shiu, 42a.]
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[THE BATTLE WITH ALIM ALI KHAN.]
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On the 5th Shawwal (9th August 1720), leaving his baggage in Balapur, Nizam-ul-mulk ranged his army in order of battle at a distance of two or three kos from that town.* To the advanced guard were appointed Mhd. Ghiyas Khan, Muhammad Shah, commanding the artillery, Shaikh Nur-ullah, his brother, Yalburz Khan Aghariya, Anwar Khan and others. On the right, where the opposing Mahrattas showed in the greatest strength, were posted Iwaz Khan and Jamal-ullah Khan, his son. With the main body and left wing were Ghazi-ud-din Khan, the Nawab's eldest son, Marahmat Khan, Nimat-ilahi, Abdur-rahim Khan (Reayat Khan), Mutawassil Khan, Sad-ud-din Khan, Qadir Dad Khan, Darab Khan and Kamyab Khan (two sons of Jan Nisar Khan), Ikhtisas Khan (grand nephew of Khan Alam, Dakhini), Ruhullah Khan, Mutahavvar Khan, with many other nobles and Rajput chiefs. The command of the rearguard, with charge of the baggage, was made over to Rambha Nimbalkar, and Antaji, the deshmukh of pargana Sanesar. [K. K. 889.]
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On the other side Alim Ali Khan, mounting his elephant and taking his own place in the centre, with Ghiyas-ud-din Khan in the seat behind him, sent forward his artillery, supported by fourteen or fifteen thousand horsemen from the Karnatik. The battle began on the 6th Shawwal 1132 H. (10th August 1720), the first movement being made by Nizam-ul-mulk. Alim Ali Khan replied by two or three shots from his guns, which fell to the ground without hitting any one. The first shot returned by Nizam-ul-mulk fell close to the elephant on which Latif Khan was riding, the howda was upset and the rider thrown to the ground. Before the smoke could disperse, Mutahavvar Khan, who commanded Alim Ali Khan's vanguard, followed by seventeen or eighteen elephants and fourteen to fifteen thousand horsemen, fell suddenly on Nizam-ul-mulk's vanguard and caused many of the Mughals to give way. When Muhammad Shah, Nizam-ul-mulk's general of artillery, saw the day going against them, he, his brother Nur-ullah, and his other officers, following the usage of Hindustan, dismounted and continued the contest on foot. Nizam-ul-mulk's vanguard had been thrown into great disorder. Shaikh Nur-ullah was slain and Muhammad Shah wounded. Muhammad Ghiyas Khan, who commanded it and was already blind of one eye, received a wound in his other eye. Yalburz Khan Aghariya and other leaders were also wounded. The division retreated. [K. K. 891, 893.]
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∗ The Berar Gazetteer, 163, says the battle-field lies between the villages of Kolhari and Pimpri Gauli, close to Balapur town (Akola district), Long. 75°80', Lat. 20°40'. The Siwanih-i-Dakhin, 133, describes it as in the taluqa of Pain Ghat in subah Berar. Kamwar Khan, 226, says it was dar sawad-i-Balaghat. According to the Berar Gazetteer, Berar Balaghat is the country above the Ajanta ridge, sloping down south to the ghats or passes which lead up to it, while Berar Painghat lies between the Gaurigarh hills on the north and the outer scraps of the Ajanta hills on the south.
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At this moment the other divisions from the right and left of Nizam-ul-mulk's army advanced to the attack and closed upon the enemy. Alim Ali Khan, with the chiefs immediately under his orders, hurried forward the centre of his army with such rapidity that a portion of his division was outstripped and left behind. Iwaz Khan, Marahmat Khan, and Qadir Dad Khan met and repelled him wherever he turned. But Alim Ali Khan though wounded kept the field. Then Mutawassil Khan, a youth of Alim Ali Khan's own age, drove his elephant to close quarters with that of the Barha leader. He assailed Johar Khan,* and the other eight or nine chiefs on elephants who accompanied Alim Ali Khan. He fought on until compelled to retire by wounds and loss of blood. Qadir Dad Khan supported him bravely in this mêlée. [K. K. 894.]
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∗ According to the Ahwal-ul-khawaqin, f. 168, this man had borne the first brunt of the attack, the first shot knocked over his elephant-driver and carried away half his howda.
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Alim Ali Khan's elephant-driver, who was the brother-in-law of Mutahavvar Khan, was killed; Ghiyas-ud-din Khan commanding his artillery had fallen; so also had Ghalib Khan and Apaji, that officer's diwan, Shamsher Khan, Sayyid Wali and Sayyid Alam Barha: in all eight or nine of the chief men. The Mahrattas, however, had reached Nizam-ul-mulk's baggage and carried off some of his treasure of gold coins. At one time Alim Ali Khan's elephant had stuck in a marshy place, from which it extricated itself with great difficulty and came out on the farther side alone. The first thing its rider saw was the dead body of Mutahavvar Khan. Then between thirty and forty Barha Sayyids, sword in hand, forced their horses through the mud and rejoined their leader.
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Soon afterwards the elephant ridden by Alim Ali Khan turned tail, unable to bear any longer the rain of arrows. But Alim Ali Khan, his wounds dripping blood, persisted and turning round in his seat continued to face his foe, exclaiming: "The elephant may turn to flee, but I do not." Three times did he succeed in renewing the attack, seeking everywhere for the invisible Nizam-ul-mulk; and unsuccessful in his search, was forced to beat a retreat. His stock of arrows being exhausted, he drew out those sticking in his face or his body or in the elephant trappings, and shot them resolutely at his opponents. At length Ikhtisas Khan disabled him by a sword stroke, which cut to the bone the fingers of his right hand. A fourth time he renewed his challenge to Nizam-ul-mulk, calling out how strange it was that the leader kept out of the way. Nizam-ul-mulk drew his bow to the full and shouting, "I am Nizam-ul-mulk," let his arrow fly. Alim Ali Khan was again wounded, he was surrounded, and Ikhtisas Khan cut off his head. Thus at the age of twenty-two he bravely gave up his life a sacrifice on behalf of his two uncles.∗
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∗ Khafi Khan, 894; *Tarikh-i-Muzaffari*, 189; *Muqaddama* by Ghulam Ali Khan, 34b; *Khush-hal* f. 1005a. Yahya Khan, f. 126b, says the Sayyid was struck in the forehead by a musket ball. His head was laid before Nizam-ul-mulk, and after being identified and displayed in public, it was forwarded to the Emperor.
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Altogether seventeen or eighteen noted chiefs, "riders on elephants," and a large number of men fell in the battle; while many more were wounded. Amin Khan, Umar Khan, Turktaz Khan, Fidai Khan, diwan of the Dakhin, and some other men of note transferred their services at once to Nizam-ul-mulk. Shankraji, the chief officer of Rajah Sahu Mahratta, was wounded and taken prisoner. The elephants and artillery of the defeated army became the property of the victorious general; the rest of their equipage was given up to plunder. The drums were then beaten to announce the victory. Muhammad Qasim Aurangabadi thinks that Nizam-ul-mulk's case was desperate, if Alim Ali Khan had not been killed. The Mahrattas were in his rear, and against his ten thousand were ranged fully eighty thousand men. Six hundred and thirty-four Mahrattas were killed. [K. K. 895, Ahwal 169a.]
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Except Sayyid Sulaiman (known as the grandson of the saint Ghaus-ul-azam) Shaikh Nur-ullah, and two or three less important men, no one was killed in the army of Nizam-ul-mulk. Iwaz Khan was slightly wounded, and the other principal men among the wounded were Mutawassil Khan, Qadir Dad Khan, Mhd. Ghiyas Khan, Muhammad Shah and Kamyab Khan. When the fatal news reached Aurangabad, the ladies of Husain Ali Khan's family and those dependent on Alim Ali Khan became afraid, and asked for shelter from the commandant of the Daulatabad fortress, some ten miles north-west of the town. This man was descended from Murtaza Khan and Sayyid Mubarik, relations of Sayyid Jalal of Bukhara; and the appointment had been in his family from the reign of Shah Jahan (1627-1658). In spite of the fact that Husain Ali Khan had reduced him in rank and appointed others in his place, this officer gave the ladies a refuge with all their property. A few days after the battle, Mubariz Khan, governor of Haidarabad, and his brother, Dilawar Khan, who had announced that they were marching to the aid of the Sayyids, came in and joined Nizam-ul-mulk. With their adhesion to his cause ended all possibility of further danger to the usurper, so far as any opponent in the Dakhin itself was concerned. [K. K. 896, Warid 161a.]
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SEC. 11.—THE NEWS FROM THE DAKHIN REACHES AGRA.
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Swift camel-riders reached Agra on the 22nd Shawwal (26th August 1720), bringing information of the defeat and death of Alim Ali Khan near Balapur. Four days before this date Husain Ali Khan's advance tents had gone out to Kuraoli, seventeen or eighteen miles from Agra, as a preliminary to his starting for the Dakhin. One encampment was formed at the village of Sihara near Sarai Khoja, five kos from Agra, there being a good supply of sweet water from a masonry tank or reservoir.*
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The new disaster threw the Sayyids into a state of consternation. When the letters were put into Abdullah Khan's hand, he was so agitated that he was unable to read them, and could do no more than gather the facts from the oral statements of the messengers. He then broke forth into lamentation. Husain Ali Khan bore the blow with more outward calm, though he was not completely successful in suppressing all signs of grief. Both brothers at once quitted their public audience room. Husain Ali Khan really felt the blow more acutely than his brother, nor did he recover his equanimity until he heard about a week afterwards that his women with their property had received a refuge in the fort of Daulatabad. Consultation now succeeded consultation, plan followed upon plan. As already described, they had made an attempt to rid themselves of Muhammad Amin Khan, head of the powerful clan to which Nizam-ul-mulk belonged. But finding that they were not strong enough to effect their purpose, they did their best to make friends with this important chief. On his side, Muhammad Amin Khan had endeavoured to lull their suspicions to sleep by talking loudly in darbar of the baseness of Nizam-ul-mulk's conduct and his wickedness generally. [K. K. 896, Kamwar 226, Qasim 319, Ahwal 171b.]
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At length it was decided that Muhammad Shah in person, with the imperial artillery and all head officials, should proceed to the Dakhin in charge of Husain Ali Khan; while Abdullah Khan returned to Dihli to maintain order in the northern half of the Empire. Husain Ali Khan, who had quite outstripped his elder brother in real power, had insisted on taking with him the offices and establishments of *diwan*, *Bakhshi*, and *Sadar-us-sadur* for all the twenty-two provinces, with the two head *diwans*, leaving to Abdullah Khan only a small office staff. Abdullah Khan objected, but the dispute was kept secret, and at last it was arranged that the complete establishment of four *subahs* only in Hindustan, that is Akbarabad, Ahmadabad, Ajmer and Malwa, and of all the six Dakhin *subahs*, with a small staff for the other provinces, should accompany His Majesty and Husain Ali Khan. [K. K. 897, Qasim 322, Yahya 127b.] Taking his imagery from the game of draughts, Yahya Khan’s comment on this separation of the two brothers is that, in the general opinion, the player had made a wrong move by scattering his men, and thenceforward his piece could not be protected; and so it turned out in the end.
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∗ Sihare ki sarai, Indian Atlas, sheet 50, about 7½ miles from the city on the way to Kuraoli and Fathpur.
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Instead of the more direct road through Gwaliyar and Narwar, the longer route through Ajmer was chosen, with the object of meeting Rajah Ajit Singh and reinforcing the imperial army by his Rajputs. Accordingly the imperial tents were sent out to Sarai Sihara on the 1st Zul Qada 1132 H. (3rd September 1720), and on the 9th (11th September) the first march was made. On the 10th they moved to Kuraoli, the camp being pitched on a high mound beside a sheet of water. Here Abdullah Khan had his audience of leave-taking and departed for Dihli, Rajah Ratan Chand remaining at Court as his agent and representative. The nobles who accompanied Abdullah Khan to Dihli were: Sayyid Salabat Khan Bakhshi, Ghazi-ud-din Khan Ghalib Jang, Hamid Khan, Hamid-ud-din Khan, Nimatullah Khan, Bairam Khan, Qilich Muhammad Khan, Baqir Khan (son of Ruhullah Khan, deceased), Hifz-ullah Khan, Murid Khan, and Amir Khan.
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Outwardly the Sayyids strove to preserve an attitude of unconcern. When any one condoled with them on the loss of their young nephew, they would say, "Praise be to God! no one of any importance has been lost," and express their joy that the youth had borne himself in a way to uphold the Sayyid name. But some of their chief men began to lose heart, and on pleas of sickness or other lame excuses declined to go on active service, among these being Sayyid Firuz Ali Khan, uncle of Alim Ali Khan. Husain Ali Khan, still full of confidence, thought nothing of these desertions, holding that his troops and those of his near relations were sufficient for every emergency. It was intended to raise the total numbers to 100,000 men; and urgent letters were sent by the hand of Sayyid Muhammad Khan, son of Asad-ullah Khan, to the most noted of the Barha Sayyids and the Afghans, calling upon them to join the column at once. But the numbers did not rise beyond fifty thousand men, including both the old and the new troops. [K. K. 897, Qasim 328.]