Later Mughals v2.c13.s12: Sec. 13.—Assassination of Husain Ali Khan.
Later Mughals v2.c13.s12
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Sec. 13.—Assassination of Husain Ali Khan.
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During this time, between the 9th Zul Qada (6th September 1720), the date of starting from Agra, and the 6th Zul Hijja 1132 H. (8th October 1720), a plot had been hatching for the destruction of Husain Ali Khan. The chief conspirators were Muhammad Amin Khan, Haidar Quli Khan, Abdul-ghaffur and Mir Jumla. It would be thought that the last-named, after his unfavourable experience in Farrukh-siyar's reign, would have declined to enter into any more projects of this sort; and he does not figure as a very active sharer in the plot.* Sayyid Muhammad Amin Saadat Khan, the new faujdar of Biana, was also entrusted with the secret. A willing instrument was found in the person of Mir Haidar Beg Dughlat, a man from Kashghar.* Muhammad Amin Khan is reported to have made an appeal to the loyalty of his Mughals. Unable as they were to overcome Husain Ali Khan's army, would any brave man devote his life to the Mir Bakhshi's removal? If the assassin survived, the Nawab would be his slave for life; if he were killed, his family should be liberally cared for. At first no one spoke. Then Mir Haidar Beg offered himself: "I am a Sayyid and he is a Sayyid: if brother kill brother what matters it?" [K. K. 902, Ahwal 175a.]
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∗ Khafi Khan, 903, 905, denies that Haidar Quli Khan, Qamar-ud-din Khan, or the Emperor, knew anything; but this is more than doubtful.
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Communications were opened with Muhammad Shah's mother through Sadar-un-nissa, head duenna of the harem, the intermediary being one Shah Abdul-ghaffur, a faqir from Tattha in Sind, who passed to and fro disguised in woman's attire as a seller of milk. We shall hear more of this man later in the reign. Muhammad Amin Khan also made hints several times to Muhammad Shah in the Turki tongue, which they both understood. Once this was done in Husain Ali Khan's presence. He asked what had been said. Muhammad Shah replied that the noble had asked for leave to withdraw as he had a pain in his stomach. As Muhammad Shah thus kept his secret, Muhammad Amin Khan inferred that he was not unfavourable to the plot. Once after they had left Fathpur Sikri behind, Saadat Khan, in the darkness of night, came to the tent of Mhd. Amin Khan, and it was decided that an attempt upon the life of Husain Ali Khan should be made next day while they were on the march. Bringing up their divisions on his right hand and on his left, they were to envelop him and his retinue, and slay him. Qamar-ud-din Khan supported this proposal warmly. But the next day it was found that Husain Ali Khan had descended from his horse and had mounted an elephant. An attack was thought inadvisable; and another plan was now devised. [K. K. 903, Warid 42, Yahya, Khush-hal 1009a.]
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∗ The brother of Shapur Khan (Kamwar Khan, 230). Khafi Khan, 903, calls him of Chaghatai race. His family bore the epithet of Mir-i-shamsher, and he was commonly called Mir Haidar Beg. Mirza Haidar, governor of Kashmir and author of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, is said to have been his great-grandfather.
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The day before his assassination Husain Ali Khan uttered a foolish speech about making an Emperor of any one on whom he chose to cast his shoe. That night Muhammad Amin Khan and Haidar Quli Khan met, and it was decided that the next morning their plot should be carried into execution. It is said that when Mhd. Amin Khan had left, Husain Ali Khan chanced to come on a visit to Haidar Quli Khan, and began to ask his advice on some point. Haidar Quli Khan, who was by nature a man of cunning, saw an opening for securing his own safety whatever happened. He told Husain Ali Khan that as a rumour prevailed through the camp of his (the speaker's) supersession in the command of the artillery, Mhd. Amin Khan proposed to come to his (Haidar Quli's) tent next morning. After he, the Mir Bakhshi, had escorted the Emperor to the door of the female apartments, he could on his way to his quarters call at his, the Mir Atash's, tents, and there through someone ready to risk life for him could procure the assassination of Mhd. Amin Khan. This plan having been agreed on, Husain Ali Khan departed. Haidar Quli Khan's idea was that whichever side got the upper hand, the winner would be grateful to him for his suggestions and take him into special favour. [Yahya, 128a.]
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It was the custom for Nawab Husain Ali Khan to present himself before the Emperor at the end of every march and make his morning obeisance. The ceremony was known by the Hindi name of the Juhar. Accordingly on the morning of the 6th Zul Hijja 1132 H. (8th October 1720), on reaching the new camp pitched two kos to the east of Toda Bhim,* Husain Ali Khan and other great nobles followed Muhammad Shah as usual to the entrance of his tents, made their bow, and departed to their several camps. Husain Ali Khan entered his litter within the imperial enclosure (jali), having in attendance seven or eight servants and two relations. Muhammad Amin Khan, Saadat Khan, and several others were present. Then Muhammad Amin Khan, who is said to have filled his mouth beforehand with raw blood, put his fingers into his mouth, simulated vomiting, and complained of vertigo. He laid himself down at full length on the ground. Husain Ali Khan sent for rose-water and a preparation made from an odoriferous willow (bedmushk), supposed to be a restorative; and after these had been administered, Muhammad Amin Khan made signs that they should carry him into Haidar Quli Khan’s tent, which by reason of his office of Mir Atash was close to the imperial gateway. Round Husain Ali Khan there then remained no more than two or three persons. The time was about midday. [Shiu 49b.]
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∗ Toda Bhim (Indian Atlas, sheet 50) lies about six miles west of a pass through the hills. Khafi Khan, ii. 903, calls the place Tora, and says it is 35 reputed kos from Fathpur Sikri. It is really about 45 miles s. w. in straight line from that town. The British Museum MS. No. 1746, (Elliot collection) fixes the site at Ghat Karbali (query: Karkari or Kareli), near the village Jonda (query: the Jon Bond of the Indian Atlas), in the district of Bhusawar. This must be the village Kareli to the east of the pass (see Map of Rajputana States, 1859). The Indian Atlas, sheet 50, has Kariti quite close to the pass, and the village Kharela about five miles north-east of it. Khush-hal f. 1008a, speaks of the darra or pass of Lakhri. This name may be taken from the Laker ke pura of the Indian Atlas, which lies about two miles south of Karela. Bhusawar was a pargana in
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As the palanquin issued from the imperial precinct, Haidar Beg Dughlat, with one or two other Mughals, appeared on one side shouting, “A complaint! a complaint!” and drew from his sleeve a paper in the nature of a petition. As the Bakhshi knew the man by sight, he was allowed to approach, when he launched forth into imprecations upon Muhammad Amin Khan, the second Bakhshi, who bore the deserved reputation of being exceedingly harsh and miserly. Coming closer, the man said that their general embezzled their pay and, with this Dakhin campaign before them, they were dying of hunger and their horses were at the last gasp. Would not the Nawab, as chief Bakhshi and noted for liberality to his troops, do something to help them? A body-servant advanced to take the petition, but the Mughal made a gesture of refusal. Husain Ali Khan, in his usual considerate way, said: “Come here and give it.” The petitioner came close and put the paper into his hands.
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sarkar Agra of subah Akbarabad, Jarrett, Ain, ii. 132. The town lies about 13 miles north-east of the pass (Indian Atlas, sheet 50). Toda Bhim was itself the chief town of a pargana, Jarrett, 133; Khush-hal f. 1009a, says that after leaving pargana Bhusawar, camp was at Qasba Paota, which is eight miles north-east of Toda Bhim, and five miles north of the pass.
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A pipe-bearer appeared at the other side of the palanquin; the Nawab turned his head that way, took hold of the mouthpiece of the pipe-snake and began to read the petition. The Bakhshi’s attention being given to the reading of the paper, the assassin in an instant drew from his waistband a long dagger-like butcher’s knife, and plunged it into Husain Ali Khan’s side. The wounded man struck with his feet at his murderer’s chest, so that he fell and his turban tumbled off; then exclaimed: “Bring a horse! I must mount.” Recovering himself Haider Beg laid hold of the Nawab’s feet, dragged him from the palanquin to the ground, sat on his chest, and began to cut off his head.*
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On foot near the palanquin was Sayyid Nur Ali, entitled Nur-ullah Khan, a boy of fourteen or fifteen years of age. He was the son of Asad-ullah Khan Bahadur, called Nawab Auliya, and one of Husain Ali Khan’s cousins. As soon as he saw what had happened, the boy shouted out, “The wretches have killed the Nawab,” quick as lightning drew a pistol from his belt and with a shot from it wounded Haider Beg. Then, with three blows from his sword, he stretched the murderer on the ground dead at the side of his victim. But, before the boy could escape, he was attacked by the other Mughals, and fell lifeless across the mangled body of his cousin. Husain Ali Khan’s head was borne in triumph to the small tent (rawati) of Haider Quli Khan, whence he and Mhd. Amin Khan had hurriedly emerged barefoot when the shouting began. [K. K. 904, Qasim 349, Khush-hal 1009a, Shakir 10b.]
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Muhammad Amin Khan made his way at once to the imperial quarters, and called on the Emperor to come out and take command of his troops. The head of the murdered Bakhshi was thrown at his feet in the space before his private tents. Muhammad Shah, whether he had been in the secret or not, now showed some inclination to draw back, and began to remonstrate. His mother, too, though she had no doubt intrigued to get her son freed from the galling tutelage of the Sayyids, was now afraid for his personal safety and drew him back within the women's apartments. Then Sayyid Ghulam Ali Khan, cousin of the Wazir and of the Bakhshi, and superintendent of the privy audience chamber, who had come inside the private enclosure with Islam Quli, a slave, and some gunners (*hazari*) in his pay, cut through the canvas walls and tried to obtain possession of the Emperor's person. Muhammad Amin Khan and some Mughals drove them back, and Saadat Khan then captured and confined them.
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∗ Qasim, 347; K. K. 903; Khush-hal, 1008a, 1009b; Warid, 162a.
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Further delay was dangerous. Brushing aside all the restraints of etiquette, Saadat Khan threw a shawl over his head, pushed his way into the harem, took Muhammad Shah in his arms, and dragged him by force to the scene of the assassination. It was still free of men. Elephants were called for and they mounted, Muhammad Shah on Qamar-ud-din Khan's elephant, Buland Bakht, with Mhd. Amin Khan in the seat behind him. They took up their station at the gateway of the street of shops dependent on the guardhouse where the kettle-drums were played. Husain Ali Khan's head was held aloft on the end of a long pole.
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Orders were given for the general plunder of Husain Ali Khan's tents and treasure. There were at first only forty or fifty of Mhd. Amin Khan's cavalry and some artillerymen present, between one and two hundred men altogether. Haidar Quli Khan sent urgent messengers to collect elephants, horses, and men, while Mhd. Amin Khan busied himself in writing urgent notes to the various commanders. "Now is the time to display your friendship. He who comes now will do a great service and obtain great rewards." No man of any rank appeared; there were only Muhammad Amin Khan himself, Qamar-ud-din Khan, his son, Haidar Quli Khan, and Saadat Khan. The imperial artillery began to play upon the Sayyid's camp. Just before the fight was over Khan Dauran appeared on the scene with some troops, but Zafar Khan, Turra-i-baz, continued to keep discreetly out of the way of danger.*
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Unconscious of what was happening, the officers and soldiers of the Sayyid's army were engaged in putting up their tents or obtaining their supplies for the day. The sound of firing did not alarm them. It was, they assumed, nothing more than the usual salute notifying the Emperor's arrival at his quarters. The first intimation of the assassination was brought to Sayyid Ghairat Khan, the nephew* of the victim, just as he had taken off his weapons and had begun to eat his breakfast. Putting back into the dish the morsel he had just taken up, and not even washing his hands, but wiping one hand upon the other, wearing nothing but a thin cotton coat, he ran out and mounted his elephant. He was followed by a few men, not more than forty or fifty altogether.† The need of delay and caution was impressed on him by older men; but he would listen to no dissuasion. Like a roaring tiger just wounded by an arrow, he hurried on, venting loud oaths and curses, until he reached the imperial enclosure (jali); and as he came face to face with the force drawn up there, most of his companions were shot down and he himself received two arrow wounds. In the struggle part of the canvas wall enclosing the Emperor's camp was knocked down.
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∗ Qasim, 350, 351 ; Khush-hal f. 1010a, Bayan-i-waqi, 424 ; Kamwar 231 ; Warid, 162b ; K. K. 906, 908 ; Shakir Khan, 10b.
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† Khafi Khan, 905, says there were four or five hundred.
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Seated alone in his iron-clad canopy, Ghairat Khan pressed on, shooting his arrows, until he came near the elephant of Haidar Quli Khan. Stinging reproaches for base ingratitude were hurled at the latter. On his side Haidar Quli Khan retorted: "O man, untrue to the salt you have eaten! descend from that elephant and submit, and I will obtain for you His Majesty's pardon." The young Sayyid advanced and shouted: "I await your commands," adding in the most scornful tone: "Fie upon your faithfulness and upon the quality of your friendship!" Ghairat Khan then shot an arrow which fixed itself so firmly in Haidar Quli Khan's bow, that after the fight it was withdrawn with difficulty. Behind Haidar Quli Khan was an Abyssinian slave named Haji Bashir, holding a loaded European matchlock. His master turned and said angrily to him: "What are you waiting for?" The slave fired, the ball entered the breast of Ghairat Khan, and he fell from the elephant dead.*
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∗ According to the Tarikh-i-Muhammadi his father was Sayyid Nasrullah Sadat Khan Bahadur Barha, and his mother was Husain Ali Khan's sister. The Burhan-ul-futuh, 168b, calls him the son of Sayyid Khan Jahan Barha. Khafi Khan, throughout this part of his story (pp. 901, 902, 905) distinguishes between Ghairat Khan and Izzat Khan; according to him Izzat Khan was killed and Ghairat Khan survived.
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Sayyid Karim-ullah Khan, who had succeeded to Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan's office of Bakhshi, headed another onset and reached the entrance of the imperial enclosure (jali), but his men were soon killed. Shaikh Najm-ud-din, entitled Nekandesh Khan, superintendent of the adalat, also fought his way with five or six horsemen into the enclosure and tried to carry off the Amir-ul-umara's body. But, after receiving two or three wounds on the shoulder-blade and side, he fell down insensible and was carried away by Haidar Quli Khan's men. Meanwhile, Rajah Muhkam Singh himself, with a troop of his men, stood looking on as a mere spectator; but Churaman Hazari, a man long in the service of the Sayyids, did his duty well and forced his way to the private entrance (deorhi) of the Emperor's tents, but could do nothing more. Khwaja Maqbul Ahmad the Sayyid's nazir, followed by a water-carrier and a sweeper, attacked the imperial group with drawn swords, and these three courageously made their way as far as the imperial chapel-tent (tasbih-khana) where they were cut down. The Khwaja died of his wounds three or four days afterwards. In another direction Mustafa Khan, the paymaster of Rajah Muhkam Singh, without consulting his master, made his way with some men to the gate of the enclosure; repulsed there, he turned off and cut through the canvas walls of the privy audience chamber, entering it with shouts and curses. But after losing a few men, he was ejected by the Mughals. During this scrimmage Muhammad Shah hid behind Sadar-un-nissa, wife of Riza Quli Khan, Jahandar-Shahi. [Qasim 354, K. K. 910, Khush-hal 1009b.]
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Rai Surat Singh Multani, and his son, Lala Anand Singh, did nothing but provide for the safety of their own persons and property. Lala Jaswant Rai, son of Sahib Rai Munshi, escaped by allowing his father's hoards and much of his own property to be plundered. Another man who escaped was Rai Saroman Das, Kayath, *wakil* at Court on behalf of Sayyid Abdullah Khan. He shaved, rubbed his face with ashes, and turned himself into a *faqir*. Then, hiding a few valuables in his waist-cloth, he lay concealed in his friends' tents until he was able to escape to Sayyid Abdullah Khan. Muazzam Khan, a man from the east country, although of high rank did nothing, but Umar Khan, his brother, was killed by the plunderers. Sayyid Jan Ali, brother of Mir Ali Khan, superintendent of horse-branding, fought his best and lost his life; while his brother escaped for a time, only to be made a prisoner a few days afterwards.
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∗ Khush-hal f. 1010a, says the slave handed the gun to his master. Qasim, 352; K. K. 905-908; Yahya 128a; Shakir 9b; Warid, 162a and b.
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The confusion lasted ten to twelve hours, and during this time countless treasure was plundered and much property was destroyed. The dead body of Husain Ali Khan was subjected to unspeakable indignities at the hands of the low scoundrels and hangers-on of the army. The event yielded striking evidence of the want of cohesion in an Indian army under the pressure of any sudden disaster. When the plundering was done, not a trace of the Sayyid's vast encampment or his mighty host could be seen. It was impossible to believe that there had ever been a heel-rope or a tent peg on that ground. Everything had been burnt or carried off, and the men had disappeared.
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Muhammad Amin Khan held it wiser not to check the plundering, in which both friends and foes were busily occupied, for thereby the chance of any resistance was obviated. As an incident in this reckless plundering we are told that a common soldier carried off two bags of coin, and supposing them to be Rupees, he took them to a money-changer, and asked for gold in exchange, as being lighter to carry. When the bags were opened they were found to be full of gold coins! Before the assassination the money-changers' shops, most of Husain Ali Khan's equipage, and carts said to contain a *kror* of Rupees, had arrived in camp from the march. All these were plundered and carried off. But the Bakhshi's jewels and some money chests, which were still on the road, were saved and confiscated to His Majesty's use. [K. K. 904-910, Yahya 129b, Warid 162b, Shiu 49a, Khush-hal 1009b.]
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Rajah Ratan Chand Banya, who was much more hated by the general public than the Sayyids themselves, knew not which way to turn. The armed array of his foes barred his flight, and he was not the man to take the field and meet blow by blow. As the saying is: "A prancing ass and a shopkeeper are equally worthless." He told the beads of his rosary with one hand and with the other used his handkerchief to wipe the tears from his eyes. Abdur-rahman Khan and other Afghans of Sarhind offered to rescue him, saying: "Mount, mount." He refused with idle phrases. All that he could do was to write a hurried note of a line or two to Sayyid Abdullah Khan, and send it off by a camel-rider. Soon Rajah Daya Ram, the agent of Muhammad Amin Khan, came for him and he submitted at once. On the way some Mughals and low fellows from the bazars surrounded his palanquin, dragged him out, beat, cuffed, and kicked him, and tore his clothes to tatters. Brought in this pitiable naked condition before the new Wazir, he begged piteously that his life might be spared. Muhammad Amin Khan, after sending for a suit of clothes, ordered the Rajah to be put in chains and kept a prisoner. His case was an example of the saying: "As you do, so shall it be done unto you." In spite of all their efforts Ratan Chand made no disclosure of the Sayyid's treasure or buried hoards. A short time afterwards, while they were on the march, he tried to escape. The Mughals who were guarding him pursued him, cut him down, and would have liked to slay him. But he was reserved for formal execution.∗
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∗ Qasim, 355; Shiu Das, 48a; Khush-hal f. 1010b; Yahya Khan, 129a; K. K. 909.
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Muhkma, the son of Chura Jat, was brought in a prisoner, and in his despair offered to turn Muhammadan if his life were spared, but Muhammad Shah declined his offer and treating him kindly sent him away. Sayyid Asad-ullah Khan was also captured and was long kept in confinement, until he received permission to make the pilgrimage to Mecca and started for the Dakhin. Ghulam Ali Khan, because he had been the emissary sent to Dihli to bring Muhammad Shah to Agra to be enthroned as Emperor, was spared and protected; but in a few days made use of an opportunity, and escaped to Abdullah Khan. [Shiu 48a, K. K. 910.]
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The death of such a highly placed and powerful noble as Husain Ali Khan gave rise, as usual in such cases, to many myths and legends. One man said he dreamt that he was in the audience-hall of the Imam Husain. Husain Ali Khan, in blood-stained raiment, presented himself at the door. He was brought in with honour, the Imam greeting him with the words: *Balagha wadaka, wa ghalaba adaka*. Strange to say these words yield, taken as two chronograms, the year of the Sayyid's martyrdom. Other chronograms were found, meaning "The month Muharram of Husain arose anew" and "In the Indian Karbala a second Husain was martyred by a second Yazid."
Linked texts (1)
- Bayān-i wāqiʿ — Khwāja ʿAbd al-Karīm Kashmīrī 1780, Persian