Later Mughals v2.c13.s16: Sec. 18.—Prince Muhammad Ibrahim Raised to the Throne.
Later Mughals v2.c13.s16
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Sec. 18.—Prince Muhammad Ibrahim Raised to the Throne.
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Abdullah Khan's letter to his brother, Najm-ud-din Ali Khan, instructing him to begin enlistments, reached Dihli late on the 8th Zul Hijja 1132 H. (October 10th, 1720). Before the bad news could spread, he gave out a report the very contrary of the truth, and sent the head of the police with cavalry and infantry to the house of Muhammad Amin Khan. By midnight the house had been surrounded. But Muhammad Amin Khan's people had by this time learnt the truth, and, erecting defences, had made ready for resistance, rejoicing and singing all the while, and announcing to everybody what had really happened.
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The news spread like wildfire through every street and lane of the city. Soon, either a note came from Abdullah Khan forbidding interference with the women and family of Muhammad Amin Khan, or else Najm-ud-din Ali Khan changed his mind. At any rate, the troops investing the house were withdrawn. During the night the death occurred of Kesu Rai, husband of Ratan Chand's sister, and himself chief official of the Dihli subahdar; and although he had been then on his death-bed for several days, it was given out that he had poisoned himself. On the day of the Id (10th Zul Hijja, October 12th, 1720), Najm-ud-din Ali Khan attended the great mosque, his eyes full of tears, and as he was returning home Abdullah Khan's emissaries greeted him.
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Forthwith he repaired to the prison-house of the Princes and sent men to the dwelling of Jahandar Shah's sons. At first the Princes shut their gates in the faces of the messengers, but after a long altercation, admission was accorded. On learning their purpose, the Princes gave a harshly expressed refusal. Some say the messengers next addressed themselves to Nekusiyar, and were again repulsed. Lastly, proposals were made to Prince Ibrahim, from whom they met with a more favourable reception. [K. K. 913-14.]
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Before Abdullah Khan arrived at Dihli, Prince Ibrahim was brought out of prison and placed upon the throne, the *khutba* was recited with the titles Abul Fath Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Ibrahim, and coin was issued in his name. On the latter the inscription was:—
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*Sikka bar sim zad dar jahan*
*Ba fazl-i-Muhammad Ibrahim, Shah-i-shahan.*
Silver was stamped in the world
By favour of Muhammad Ibrahim, king of kings.
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This enthronement took place on the 15th Zul Hijja, 1132 H. (October 15th, 1720). The Prince, then about twenty-three years of age, was the eldest son of Rafi-ush-shan, third son of the Emperor Bahadur Shah; and was therefore the brother of the Emperors Rafi-ud-darjat and Rafi-ud-daulah. He* had been designated by the Sayyids as the latter's successor, but Sayyid Khan Jahan, *subahdar* of Dihli, with whom the final choice rested, dreading Ibrahim's reputation for violent temper, had substituted Roshan Akhtar, now become Muhammad Shah. [K. K. 914, Qasim 361, Warid 161a.]
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Two days after the enthronement of the new sovereign, Abdullah Khan reached the capital, and possession was taken of the imperial treasury. The money found there, added to Abdullah Khan's own accumulations and Ratan Chand's hoards, which were now dug up, was devoted to enlisting an army. It is said that over one *kror* of Rupees was disbursed in the next few days. Urgent orders were sent out far and near, and every Barha Sayyid, whether in the service or not, made it a point of honour to appear. Many Jats, Mewatis, and Rajputs had been collected on the way back to Dihli. As much as thirty thousand or forty thousand Rupees were advanced to each leader to meet the demands of new troops. Asked why he was scattering so much money, Abdullah Khan replied: "If I win, the realm and its treasures are mine; if otherwise, it is better to give the money away than let it fall into the hands of my enemies." For a man with one horse the pay was eighty Rupees, with two horses, one hundred and fifty Rupees a month. Each foot-soldier received ten Rupees for the same period. On enlistment payment was made for one or two months in advance. Every animal, whatever its size or condition, was branded and taken into the service, donkeys only being refused. Every man who presented himself, whatever his antecedents, was accepted as a recruit. [K. K. 914-17, Shiu 55b, Qasim 361.]
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∗ The *Jam-i-jam*, a modern work, places his birth on the 26th Rabi I. 1115 H. (August 9th, 1703), thus making him the youngest of the three brothers. It also gives him the same mother, Nur-un-nissa Begam, and assigns the enthronement to the 28th Zul Hijja, 1132 H. (October 28th, 1720). As however, Danishmand Khan's *Bahadur Shah-nama*, under date of 7th Ramzan, 1119 H. (December 2nd, 1707), tells us Prince Ibrahim was then given the rank of 7000, (2000 horse), he could hardly have been born later than 1107 H. (1695-6), twelve years being the earliest age at which *mansabs* were granted to Princes. The *Tarikh-i-Muhammadi* gives his age at his death in 1159 H. (1746) as about fifty; this places his birth in 1109 H. (1697-8), and makes his age twenty-three at his accession. On the other hand, Rustam Ali *Tarikh-i-Hind*, f. 246b, says he was then forty.
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In the end this liberal increase of pay to the troops produced as much harm as benefit. The increase was made recklessly, without regard to the man's length of service, the old soldier receiving no more than one newly enlisted. The veterans were disgusted at being treated the same as the recruits, and men-at-arms with good horses worth two or three hundred Rupees were angry at receiving no more pay than any butcher, cook or cotton-carder who presented himself, mounted on some wretched pony that he had picked up for ten or fifteen Rupees. This carelessness was especially prevalent in Najm-ud-din Ali Khan's division, and many of the bazar loungers, as soon as they had received their month's pay in advance, were seen no more; nay, many of the regular soldiery disappeared in the same way. In spite of the immense expenditure, it was noticed that the private servants and clerks of Prince Ibrahim had no saddles for their horses.
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In a few days as many as fifty thousand men had been registered. The force was poorly provided with artillery, having only a few large guns, about two hundred small field-pieces (rahkala), and five-hundred swivel-guns (jazair). In their boastful way the Sayyids said that cannon were not needed; they meant at the very first onset to come to close quarters. Khafi Khan, from the Bakhshi's records, to which he had access, and also from what Abdullah Khan told him, found that there were over ninety thousand horsemen recorded; out of this number perhaps fourteen or fifteen thousand new men with ponies, or other miscellaneous levies, had disappeared. This account does not include Churaman Jat's, and Rajah Muhkam Singh's men, nor the fugitives of Husain Ali Khan's army and the zamindari contingents. It was the general estimate that one hundred to one hundred and thirty-five thousand men were assembled. [K. K. 918, Qasim 362.]
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Ghazi-ud-din Khan Ghalib Jang, who since Farrukh-siyar's death had retired into private life, was won over by Abdullah Khan. He was flattered and styled "brother," and brought back with the rank of 7000 (7000 horse duaspa), the title of Amir-ul-umara, and the office of first Bakhshi. Great efforts were made by the other side to detach him from the Sayyid's party, as can be seen from the long letter addressed to him by Amin-ud-din Khan Sambhali, who had once more come to the front. Abdullah Khan, he wrote, could only collect the same troops that had already fled in a cowardly manner after Husain Ali Khan's death; it was a true saying, "Beaten once will be beaten again," and the common people looked on the easy destruction of the one brother as an omen for the speedy defeat of the other. Is not the voice of the people a sign from God?* In spite of these arguments, Ghazi-ud-din Khan was steadfast in upholding the Sayyid.†
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Another adherent of some note was Hamid Khan, nicknamed "Jangali Shahzada" or Rustic Prince, uncle of Nizam-ul-mulk and cousin of Muhammad Amin Khan Chin, the new Wazir. Although so nearly related to the leader of the opposite side, Hamid Khan was on very bad terms with his cousin, and he was thus willing enough to support his cousin's enemies.*
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∗ Halq-i-khalq, kos-i-Khaliq, literally: 'The throat of the created, the drum of the Creator,' i.e., Vox populi vox Dei. † Shiu Das, 55b; Mhd. Qasim Lahori, 362; Inshae Yar Muhammad, p. 44.
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Najm-ud-din Ali Khan was promoted to 7000 (7000 horse), and made second *Bakhshi*; Sayyid Salabat Khan, son of Sayadat Khan, and Bairam Khan, son of Ruhullah Khan Nimat Ilahi, were made third and fourth *Bakhshis*. Saif-ud-din Ali Khan, who arrived from Muradabad when his brother Abdullah Khan was at Palwal, was promoted to 5000, (5000 horse). Other promotions were those of Shahamat Khan (Sayyid Taj Mahmud), 5000 (5000 horse); Sayyid Rafaat Khan, 7000 (7000 horse); Itibar Khan, Darya Khan, Shaikh Sibghat-ullah Khan (alias Shaikhu) Lakhnawi, who joined with four sons, Sayyid Muzaffar Ali Khan, Sayyid Akbar Ali Khan, Said Muhammad Khan, Masum Khan, Rustam Ali Khan, Sayadat Khan. [Shiu 55*b*, Qasim 363, K. K. 914.]
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Even men who had been in disgrace with the Sayyids were offered employment. Among them Itiqad Khan (Mhd. Murad Kashmiri); Mhd. Yar Khan, former governor of Dihli; Shaista Khan and Saif-ullah Khan, two connections of the late Emperor Farrukh-siyar; and the two brothers Islam Khan, once Mir Atash, and Safi Khan, lately commandant of Agra fort. Muhammad Yar Khan, Islam Khan and Safi Khan declined, but Itiqad Khan and Saif-ullah Khan accepted *mansabs* and money to pay troops. As, however, Itiqad Khan was not treated according to his pretensions, he returned to Dihli after he had marched a stage or two. [K. K. 915.]
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By the 26th Zul Hijja (October 28th, 1720) Abdullah Khan's camp was formed just outside Dihli in the direction of the
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* Muhammad Qasim Lahori, 363. The nickname above-noted explains what Tod, *Annals*, ii. 100, could not understand, viz., the presence of a Prince with the Mahrattas in Ahmadabad, Hamid Khan figuring as an ally of those plunderers a few years after this time. For authorities see Khushhal *f*. 1012*a*, and *Sharaif-i-usmani*, Irvine MS., p. 319. The name was one given him by Farrukh-siyar's courtiers. One day in the imperial hunting preserves Hamid Khan dismounted and, rushing forward, shouted, "Long live the Emperor!" and made his obeisance. The explanation leaves us nearly as much in the dark as before; I presume there was some breach of etiquette involved, which laid him open to the depreciatory epithet, B.M. MS., 1832, *f*. 33*a*.
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Idgah.* He moved on the 1st Muharram, 1133 H. (November 1st, 1720) from Sarai Sahil to the Qutb, and then next day to Sarai Bakhtawar Khan. Abdullah Khan's first intention had been to wait near the capital the attack of the other side, supposed then to be marching through the Rajput States. But he soon learnt that the Emperor was not advancing direct upon the capital, while the nearness of the city facilitated the secret return of the soldiers to their homes. He therefore changed his direction. Ghulam Ali Khan, who had escaped from Muham-mad Shah's camp, was left behind in charge of Dihli, having with him Najabat Ali Khan, nephew and adopted son of Abdul-lah Khan, a boy of fourteen years of age.
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On the 10th (November 10th, 1720) camp was at Faridabad; they then moved on to Palwal, where he was joined by Saif-ud-din Ali Khan, Shahamat Khan, his sons and relations, Sayyid Muhammad Khan, the eldest son of Asad-ullah Khan, Nawab Auliya, and Zulfiqar Ali Khan. The last two had been sent up by Husain Ali Khan to raise a corps of Barha Sayyids for service in the Dakhin. They brought in over twelve thousand horsemen. In their train came cartload after cartload of Sayyids who although unable to raise a horse to ride on, were eager for the fray and looked forward to the day when they would be riders on elephants. Finally Abdullah Khan fixed on Bilochpur, a village close to the Jamuna in pargana Palwal, as the place at which he intended to give battle. The inhabitants were turned out of the villages, and he entrenched himself. [Shiu 57, 68a; K. K. 917.]
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At this time the strain upon Abdullah Khan's mind was so great that, meaning to say one thing he would utter something else. If he asked a question no one listened, and if he wanted a thing no one brought it. The men round him had quite lost their heads. This was seen by what happened at the Qutb. Following an old custom, Prince Ibrahim was taken to that shrine to have a turban bound round his head. The same was done to Abdullah Khan. A sword was then attached to the Emperor's waist, followed by a prostration at the Khwaja's shrine. It was usual when an Emperor went forth to war to loosen the string of a bow and place it near the blessed shrine. If the string returned of itself to its place, it was a sign of coming victory. Someone reminded Abdullah Khan of this observance. A bow was sought for, and the demand for one became known even outside the shrine. They waited from half to three quarters of an hour, but no attention was paid to the order, and no bow was brought. [Yahya 129b.]
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∗ The old Idgah is about three-fourths of a mile from the city wall, and to the west of it; see Constable's Hand Atlas, plate 47. Yahya Khan, f. 129b, says the first march was towards the Qutb, and Khafi Khan, 917, places the move to the Idgah on the 17th Zul Hijja.
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Before the armies met there were many desertions from Muhammad Shah's army, and the scattered soldiers of Husain Ali Khan began to rally round his brother. Rajah Muhkam Singh Khatri, after collecting as many as he could of the secret adherents of the Sayyids, fled from the Emperor's camp at midnight, leaving his tents standing and all his property behind. With him came Bahadur Khan, Ghaus Khan, Sayyid Kamal Khan, Sayyid Muhammad Khan, and others. Churaman Jat, in response to letters sent him by Abdullah Khan, had also deserted Muhammad Shah earlier and had begun to plunder, he and his advisers holding that in case of the Sayyids' defeat, it would be much easier to secure pardon from Muhammad Shah, than it would be, in the reverse case, to save themselves from the Sayyids' vengeance. The Jat brought in with him several elephants and horses that he had taken. This booty was offered to Abdullah Khan but returned as a gift to the captor. To Churaman was confided the duty of harassing the imperial force and plundering wherever he could. His orders were to blow up, if possible, the imperial powder magazines or carry off the draught oxen of the gun carriages. But in this he was foiled by the watchful care of Haidar Quli Khan. [Shiu 58a; K. K. 919-21; Siwanih 67, 76.]