Later Mughals v2.c13.s6: Sec. 6.—Flight of Nizam-Ul-Mulk from Malwa to the Dakhin.
Later Mughals v2.c13.s6
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Sec. 6.—Flight of Nizam-Ul-Mulk from Malwa to the Dakhin.
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Between Nizam-ul-mulk and the Sayyids there were many reasons for mutual distrust. Spoiled in earlier years by the exceptional favour with which he and his father were honoured during the last part of Alamgir’s reign, Nizam-ul-mulk was ever afterwards discontented with the treatment he received from that monarch’s successors. In Bahadur Shah’s reign he served grudgingly, more than once sending in his resignation. It was the same in Jahandar Shah’s reign. His services to Farrukh-siyar at the time of Jahandar Shah’s overthrow secured him the Government of the Dakhin, a region in regard to which, as there can be no doubt, he had cherished secret projects ever since the death of Alamgir. Nizam-ul-mulk, like his father, had won his spurs in the Dakhin campaigns, and, as Zulfiqar Khan unquestionably did, he must have seen that it offered a splendid opening for acquiring partial, perhaps even complete, independence of Dihli and its sovereign. He had held the six subahs for hardly more than two years, when he was superseded by Husain Ali Khan.
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∗ Kamwar Khan, 220; Shiu Das, 33b; Bayan-i-waqi 406; Khush-hal Chand, 1,000b; Khizr Khan, p. 20. Seventy-five lakhs of treasure from Bengal were received at Agra on the 19th Rajab (24th May 1720).
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Apparently this supersession rankled in his mind, for he withdrew to his new appointment at Muradabad, and only returned to the capital at Farrukh-siyar's urgent request. Unable to work with Farrukh-siyar, he went over nominally, as we have seen, to the faction of the Wazir and his brother. Being anxious to secure his absence from Dihli, they offered him the Government of Bihar, a difficult charge which they hoped would fully employ, even if it did not exhaust, his strength. Before Nizam-ul-mulk had started for Patna Farrukh-siyar had been dethroned, and Malwa being then vacant was offered to him. The brothers thought that as their own nominees and relations held Akbarabad on the one side, and the Dakhin on the other, any danger from this able man's intrigues would be obviated by thus placing him between two fires. Remembering how short his tenure of the Dakhin had been, Nizam-ul-mulk made his acceptance of Malwa conditional on a solemn agreement that he should not be removed again. The promise was given and the Nawab started for Ujjain on the 24th Rabi II. 1131 H. (15th March 1719), a few days after the accession of Rafi-ud-darjat, taking the precaution to remove the whole of his family and possessions, thus leaving no hostages behind him in the Sayyids' hands.
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Ever since his departure rumours had been rife that he had helped to instigate the abortive rising at Agra. Although he was guilty of no overt act of hostility, he failed in some matters to study the susceptibilities of Husain Ali Khan. Owing to a slight offered by him to Husain Ali Khan, Marahmat Khan had been superseded in his command at Mandu by Khwajam Quli Khan. Difficulties arose about giving over that fort, and after these had been overcome, Marahmat Khan, instead of being removed by Nizam-ul-mulk, was employed in ejecting Jai Chand Bundela from Ramgarh. The Nawab then applied for the offender's pardon. Husain Ali Khan disregarded these requests in favour of Marahmat Khan. Soon afterwards the news-writers reported to head-quarters that Nizam-ul-mulk was enlisting men and collecting matériel of war in excess of his requirements as a provincial governor.
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On receipt of these reports, Husain Ali Khan sent for the agent who represented Nizam-ul-mulk at Court, and, after abusing him and his master, told him to report to his employer what had been said to him ; the grievances alleged being the above-mentioned matter of Marahmat Khan, the removal of a zamindar in pargana Nalam,* and some other disputes about lands. Nizam-ul-mulk acknowledged the letter by writing direct to Husain Ali Khan. After complaining of the enmity of the official reporters, he points out that people who had never been in Malwa, could not know its condition ; but Husain Ali Khan having lately passed through it must know the facts well. The Mahrattas, with over fifty thousand horsemen, were harrying it ; if troops in large numbers were not entertained, what hope was there of defending the country from their ravages? For this reason he had added to his resources in men and matériel. He also objected to giving up Malwa just as the instalments of the Rabi harvest were falling due, this being the time when most of the revenue was paid, forming his only hope of getting back his heavy expenditure. None but his evil-wishers could have accused him of intending adverse action. If that had been his wish he could have gratified it when at Agra, where several times messengers came to him from Nekusiyar. He had no such purposes in his heart, and his detractors ought to be silenced. The allusion to what he could have done at Agra, if he had chosen, only incensed Husain Ali Khan still more against him. [K. K. 851, T. Muz. 174.]
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A farman was now issued to Nizam-ul-mulk recalling him from Malwa, on the plea that it was necessary for the protection of the Dakhin that Husain Ali Khan should take charge of that province. He was offered the choice of any one out of the four provinces of Akbarabad, Allahabad, Multan, or Burhanpur. This was a distinct breach of faith, and no doubt confirmed Nizam-ul-mulk in the belief that he was to be destroyed. He had already some reason for apprehension, due to the movements of Husain Ali Khan’s Bakhshi, Dilawar Ali Khan, who was hovering on the western border of Malwa, attended by Rajah Bhim Singh of Bundi, Rajah Gaj Singh of Narwar, and other chiefs. The secret instructions of these generals were that after they had settled the matter of Salim Singh who, with the connivance of Rajah Jai Singh Sawai, had attempted to usurp Bundi, they should keep the proceedings of Nizam-ul-mulk under observation and await further orders. Dilawar Ali Khan was told to announce publicly that he had a commission to proceed to Aurangabad in the Dakhin, to conduct thence the family of Nawab Husain Ali Khan.
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∗ Probably a misprint for Talam, sarkar Sarangpur, Ain ii. 203.
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This movement could not be construed otherwise than unfavourably by Nizam-ul-mulk. Nor was other instigation to action wanting. His cousin, Muhammad Amin Khan, wrote from Agra that the Sayyids were only waiting for the suppression of the Nekusiyar party and the recovery of Allahabad, when their next task would be to uproot and destroy him, Nizam-ul-mulk. With his own letter Muhammad Amin Khan sent one written by Muhammad Shah’s own hand, and one bearing the seal of that Emperor’s mother. These letters complained of the Sayyids, of their entire usurpation of authority, of their leaving no personal liberty to the Emperor; and called on Nizam-ul-mulk to espouse his cause and effect his deliverance. [K. K. 850-852, Qasim 307.]
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Further details of Nizam-ul-mulk’s stay in Malwa are obtained from another source. The night following his arrival at Ujjain there was heavy rain; “this was, indeed, to him God’s gracious rain, for from that day he never ceased to prosper.” Ujjain became to him in fact as well as name the Dar-ul-fath, the Abode of Victory. After the rains (of 1719) had ended, he set out to reduce his province to order. It was then that the friends of Husain Ali Khan wrote alarming letters about the strength of his army and complained that mischief was brewing, as he was tampering with the Court intelligencer's reports. Upon hearing this Husain Ali Khan broke out into strong language. He asserted that Nizam-ul-mulk should never have been allowed to leave the Court, and now one "Nizam-ul-mulk" had multiplied into a thousand; it would be found as difficult to deal with him as to tackle a young tiger in an open plain.
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To this Qutb-ul-mulk (Abdullah Khan) replied with the saying, "The past is beyond remedy, fate does its own pleasure." Some way must be devised. After many consultations, a farman of recall was despatched by the hands of mace-bearers, while a force was moved across the Chambal. If the governor submitted, all would be well; if not, they could still fight or negotiate. If he fled to the south, their general could pursue. Alim Ali Khan at Aurangabad was warned to be on the alert. Thus Nizam-ul-mulk would inevitably be caught between two fires.
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It had already been a subject of remark at Nizam-ul-mulk's darbar that disturbed times were at hand, that probably the first difficulty would arise in Malwa. Nizam-ul-mulk began to prepare for an emergency, as the only hope of being left undisturbed. He argued that, though in position a great noble, Husain Ali Khan was in character a mere soldier, who, as soon as he hears anything unfavourable, burns with anger and becomes at once an enemy. In that case, "the Lord be our keeper." There is nothing for it but to make ready to fight.
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When the advance of Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan was announced, Nizam-ul-mulk consulted his most trusted officer, Muhammad Ghiyas Khan. This man said there was no use in losing one's head, the matter could easily be carried through. Fortune had always been favourable, and to resist was best. The Nawab rejoined: "Why speak thus! Still, I am in perplexity; that I have done no wrong is plain, nor need I feel ashamed. I have lived respected from the days of the late Alamgir until now, and for the few more days that may be vouchsafed me, I trust I may be saved from dishonour. Why do these parvenus try to harm me, merely because they are puffed up by their sudden elevation. Such an attitude is becoming in an Emperor; if others gain a little rise in life, why need they lose their heads. Thanks to God on High, who is there that shall not himself receive what he has done to others? But it is not for me to begin. If in spite of my quiescence they attack me, there is no help for it. After all, I am human. What man is there holding my high station who would not defend his honour? Victory lies hidden from us, it is the gift of the Most High, and is not gained by the greatness of a host. I swear by the God that made me, that they may bring all Hindustan against me and I will still resist undaunted. If longer life has been decreed me, no harm will arrive; if the hour of departure is at hand, nothing can avail me."
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Ghiyas Khan approved these words, pointing out that he had only meant to suggest that preparation was necessary, "a blow after the fight" meant mere dishonour. The Nawab's kinsmen approved, and preparation was decided on. Ghiyas Khan proposed a march from Mandeshwar to Ujjain, where they should await the farman and leave in safety their superfluous baggage. The farman ought to be received with outward honour, to be followed by a march towards the capital. If they were to fight, they could fight as well there as here; nay, at Court the position was better. When men have once resolved on death they can fight even against heaven; as to any other low wretches, of what account were they? The Sayyids were not angels having wings and able to take flight; men with bodies, however much fenced in, can be reached. Right was on their side. If a gracious God shielded them, Right would triumph. If, before they reached the vicinity of Sironj, things took another turn, what would it matter? On hearing of their ostensible return to the capital, would not their opponents be forthwith put off their guard. Muhammad Amin Khan, Hamid Khan and others at Court should be addressed, as also Iwaz Khan and others in the Dakhin. The commandant of Asirgarh should be gained over, money might be offered him for the cession of that fortress. That place could be easily reached from Sironj, "and when Asir is ours, God has given us the key of the kingdom of the Dakhin." Reayat Khan, Abdur-rahim Khan, Qadir Dad Khan and Mutawassil Khan supported Muhammad Ghiyas.
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Letters were written in all directions, as agreed on, and after a delay of two or three days they started in the direction of Dihli. Of this move the news-reporters immediately sent off announcements to the Court. Stage by stage they advanced as far as Doraha. Letters came from the chief men in the Dakhin, but no fresh orders were issued, and the soldiers rejoiced at being on their way to Hindustan. Suddenly they were marched back by the way that they had come; the men were amazed, but the secret was well kept, and at last, by a night march on the 8th May 1720, they reached and crossed the Narmada. [Ahwal 155b.]
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Nizam-ul-mulk had heard that mace-bearers were on their way to enforce his return to the capital. A farman to this effect had indeed been sent, in which it was added that the province of Akbarabad would be given to him as soon as he arrived. On the 9th Rajab 1132 H. (16th May 1720), news came to Agra that he had left Malwa. It was then reported that in the middle of Jamada II. 1132 H. (about the 23rd April 1720), at the head of five or six thousand horsemen, and attended by Abdur-rahim Khan, Marahmat Khan, Reayat Khan, Qadir Dad Khan Raushani, Mutawassil Khan, grandson of Sadullah Khan, Wazir, Inayat Khan and others, Nizam-ul-mulk had left Mandeshwar and marched back to Ujjain. There, giving out that he was on his way to Sironj, one or two marches were made as far as the village of Kayath; thence he made straight for the Narmada, which he crossed on the 1st Rajab 1132 H. (8th May 1720) by the ford of Akbarpur. [K. K. 852, 860; Qasim 308; Kamwar 221.]
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Husain Ali Khan was for immediate action; he wished to go in person. On the other hand, Abdullah Khan and Samsam-ud-daulah (Khan Dauran) counselled delay; for, as the saying is, "Delay is of God; haste, of the Devil." Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan and the officers with him, in one direction, and Alim Ali Khan, in the other, would suffice to retrieve everything. Even if Asir fort had been taken, there had been no time to place it in a state of defence and it could be easily recovered; "cleverness is a good thing, be you as strong as Rustam."
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Husain Ali Khan continued unappeased and blamed his brother's want of energy. The latter stuck to his own opinion and protested that it was not adopted through want of courage. He was surprised at being called a coward. "Am I not your brother? Am not I, too, a Sayyid?" Let his brother be a little reasonable, and he would agree to anything. He had said over and over again that the imprisonment of Farrukh-siyar was a mistake. But his words were put aside, and his brother had done his own pleasure. They could but reap what they had sown, and this rising of Nizam-ul-mulk was only the first-fruits. In the end the brothers sent off urgent orders to Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan to follow instantly in pursuit, taking with him Rao Bhim Singh Hada, Rajah Gaj Singh Narwari, Dost Muhammad Khan Afghan, and others. In anticipation of some such movement, these men were already close to the borders of Malwa, and were thus able to start without delay. Alim Ali Khan, a youth about twenty years of age and a nephew of the Sayyids, who was acting at Aurangabad as deputy governor of the Dakhin, received orders to bar the way to the Nawab's advance. [Ahwal 157b, Kamwar 221.]
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One of Nizam-ul-mulk's first acts was an attempt to buy over the garrison of the strong fortress of Asirgarh, which lies about forty-five miles south of the Narmada and not far from Burhanpur. Khusrau, one of his slaves, had a friend in the garrison named Usman Khan Qadiri, to whom he was sent with overtures. The very day that the Nawab crossed the Narmada, Khusrau came back with Usman Khan, who stipulated that he should be appointed to the command of the fort. Money for paying to the garrison the arrears of two years' pay was provided, and Usman Khan, accompanied by Hifz-ullah Khan, Bakhshi, and the Nawab's eldest son, Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firuz Jang, returned to Asirgarh. Nizam-ul-mulk followed as quickly as possible by way of Bijagarh Kahrgaon. The fort was delivered up on the 13th Rajab 1132 H. (20th May 1720), and the commandant, a very old man named Abu Talib Khan, was made a prisoner. About this time Rustam Beg Khan of Kahrgaon and Fath Singh, Rajah of Makrai, came in and joined. Ghiyas Khan was sent on to occupy the town of Burhanpur, lying at a distance of about twelve miles. After a visit to Asirgarh, to the top of which he ascended, Nizam-ul-mulk, leaving behind him his two sons and his spare baggage, followed to Burhanpur and encamped in the Lal Bagh at that place.*
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Hearing that Nizam-ul-mulk had crossed the Narmada, Alim Ali Khan sent off Anwar Khan, Qutb-ud-daulah, *faujdar* of Burhanpur, who was then on leave at Aurangabad. With him was joined Rao Rambha Nimbalkar, a Mahratta leader who owed his release from imprisonment at Dihli to the intercession of that officer. They were at Adilabad,† twelve *kos* south of Burhanpur, when they heard that Ghiyas Khan was already there and preparing to invest the town, of which Nur-ullah Khan, *diwan* of the province and brother of Anwar Khan, was in charge. Ghiyas Khan tried to intercept the relieving force by sending troops across the Tapti; but, favoured by the darkness of the night, they evaded his men and taking to by-paths passed in to the town, their litters (*palkis*) and other property falling into the hands of plunderers. Soon after the *faujdar's* arrival, the citizens assembled and protested against a resistance for which they alone would suffer. The walls would be escaladed by Ghiyas Khan, their lives endangered, and their property destroyed. The *faujdar* was advised by them to fight outside in the open, for, if he did not, the city would be surrendered by the citizens to his opponents. Anwar Khan, who was far from courageous, lost his head altogether, and on the 16th Rajab (23rd May 1720) applied to Ghiyas Khan for terms. The next day Nizam-ul-mulk arrived in person. Anwar Khan and Nur-ullah Khan, with all the officials and citizens, attended and made their submission. The town and citadel were then occupied. By the acquisition of Asirgarh and Burhanpur, Nizam-ul-mulk's position was rendered very strong.*
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∗ Khafi Khan, ii. 853, 865; *Tarikh-i-Muzaffari*, p. 180, and *Siwanih-i-Dakhin* by Munim Khan, Aurangabadi, Irvine MS. No. 396, ff. 131 and 152. The *Burhan-ul-futuh*, 167*b*, gives Islam-ullah Hazari, as the name of the man who was treated with, and that of Sharf Khan as the new commandant. According to this author the surrender took place on the 15th Rajab. Kahrgaon is about 55 miles n. w. of Burhanpur, and Makrai is about 70 miles n. e. of the same place. Lal Bagh, about two miles north of the town, is close to the present railway station, *Bombay Gazetteer* (Khandesh), pp. 589, 591.
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† It is in the Khandesh district, and is spelt Edilabad in *Bombay Gazetteer*, xii. 447; it lies about 15 miles n. e. of the Bhusawal station of the G. I. P. Railway.
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At this time the mother of Sayyid Saif-ud-din Ali Khan Barha, younger brother of the Wazir, had reached Burhanpur with her grand-children on her way from Aurangabad to rejoin her son at Muradabad, subah Dihli, where he was now faujdar. When Nizam-ul-mulk appeared and occupied the town, the men of her escort were overcome with terror, and proposed to send to the Nawab all the jewels and valuable property which they had in their charge, on condition that the family honour was saved and their lives guaranteed. Nizam-ul-mulk refused to accept the offer of the property, spoke kindly to Muhammad Ali, the Begam's agent, conferred on him a dress of honour, and sent him back with a present of fruit for the children. The Begam was then allowed to depart, an escort of two hundred horsemen going with her as far as the banks of the Narmada. [K. K. 873.]
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As soon as Alim Ali Khan received at Aurangabad the letters sent by his uncles, Abdullah Khan and Husain Ali Khan, he set to work to collect an army of Mahrattas and of new men. All the neighbouring faujdars were called in to the capital. His idea was that when Dilawar Ali Khan appeared from the north, he would march from the south, thus taking Nizam-ul-mulk between two fires. To encourage his men he gave liberal promotions, and tried in every way to win over the people of town and country. Alim Ali Khan then reported to headquarters at Agra that he had seven thousand cavalry of his old establishment, two to three thousand men brought in by the faujdars and zamindars, and more than six thousand newly entertained men. In addition he counted on the aid of about fifteen to sixteen thousand Mahratta horsemen sent by Rajah Sahu. Amin Khan, late governor of Nander, i.e., Berar, although he had previously expressed great enmity towards Husain Ali Khan, was bought over by gifts of money, elephants and jewels.* Altogether Alim Ali Khan reckoned his army at thirty thousand horsemen, of whom he intended to take command in person. He commenced his march early in Shaban (1st=7th June 1720). [K. K. 874.]
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∗ Khafi Khan, 853, 871, 872; Burhan-ul-futuh, 168a, Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, p. 181.
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On his side Nizam-ul-mulk had proposed to suspend further active operations until the cessation of the rains, the interval being passed at Deogarh in an attempt to gain over or conquer the zamindars of that place. But, as it was pointed out, it would be difficult to keep the troops together for four months without more money than was available. In consequence, immediate action was resolved on. When Nizam-ul-mulk heard that Alim Ali Khan had sent his tents out from Aurangabad, he marched from the Lal Bagh on the north of Burhanpur, crossed the Tapti, and pitched his camp on the east side of the town. But at the end of Rajab (30th=6th June 1720) he learnt that Dilawar Ali Khan, following in hot pursuit, had crossed the Narmada somewhere about Handiya.† Dilawar Ali Khan had got as far as Husainpur in the Handiya sarkar, about fourteen kos from Burhanpur. Considering this opponent to be the more formidable, Nizam-ul-mulk decided to encounter him first. [K. K. 875, Ahwal 160a.]
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† In the Hoshangabad district, on the south bank of the Narmada, about 92 miles n. e. of Burhanpur. It is on the old high road from the Dakhin to Agra, Central Provinces Gazetteer, 201.
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It seems that the Sayyids had sent their general a letter in which they accused him of cowardice. Stung by the imputation, he wrote to Nizam-ul-mulk when drunk, as he often was, in the following strain: "What manly virtue is there, nay is it not a death-blow to honour, thus to flee from death; and for the sake of saving this paltry life, to climb so many mountains and cross so many deserts? Would it not be well to confide in the All Powerful and come out to meet the writer, so that side by side we might return to the Presence, where exceeding exertion will be made for the pardon of that exalted one. Otherwise, be it thoroughly understood, this slave at the head of twenty thousand horsemen thirsting for blood, follows like a wind that brings a destructive tempest; and if imitating a deer of the plains you escape and flee to the mountains, this pursuer will, like a panther, spring on your back and make wet the teeth of desire with the blood of his enemy." Unable to bear the provocative language of this letter, Nizam-ul-mulk had begun to retrace his steps. [Warid, 159b.]
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∗ Amin Khan was a brother of Khan Alam Dakhini; he was killed in 1137 H. (1724), fighting under Mubariz Khan against Nizam-ul-mulk. M. U. i. 352.
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Nizam-ul-mulk marched northwards early in Shaban (1st= 7th June 1720), sending his family and dependents together with his heavy baggage for safety to Asirgarh.* Ahead of him went his artillery under Ghiyas Khan and Shaikh Muhammad Shah Faruqi; he soon followed in person (9th Shaban, 15th June). When they had gone sixteen or seventeen kos from Burhanpur, and were within two or three kos of Ratanpur, belonging to the Rajah of Makrai,† he encamped. Dilawar Ali Khan's camp was then at a distance of two or three kos from him. Nizam-ul-mulk proposed an amicable arrangement, but Dilawar Ali Khan rejected all his overtures.‡
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Dilawar Ali Khan's force, although not a very large one, consisted of thoroughly tried and well-equipped men. As he was the Bakhshi, or paymaster, he knew the quality of all the Sayyid's troops; and when he was sent on this enterprise, he had selected six thousand of the best armed and best mounted horsemen out of seventeen or eighteen thousand who were present with the Sayyid. They were mostly Barha Sayyids, Hindustanis, and Afghans. Two of the chief men placed under him were Babar Khan and Sayyid Shamsher Khan,* cousin of the two Sayyids. There were also the mail-clad Rajputs of Maharao Bhim Singh, of Bundi, and Rajah Gaj Singh, son of Anup Singh, of Narwar. The latter chief brought between two and three thousand men. Dost Muhammad Khan Rohela (afterwards of Bhopal),† also joined with three thousand five hundred men. The total force could not have been less than thirteen thousand, and may have amounted to eighteen thousand men. [K. K. 877.]
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∗ Or to Burhanpur, as stated on fol. 132b of the Gulshan-i-ajaib. † A small independent chieftainship in the Handiya sub-division of the Hoshangabad district; its present area is 215 square miles. Makrai itself is about 30 miles s. of Handiya, Central Provinces Gazetteer, 256. ‡ Khafi Khan, 875; Khush-hal f. 1002a; Qasim, 311; Bayan-i-waqi, Irvine MS., f.
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⁴⁰⁶ The Siwanih-i-Dakhin, p. 163, says the site of the battle was near Raipur in pargana Charda of sarkar Handiya, and twelve kos to the south of the Narmada.
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† The Burhan-ul-futuh, f. 168a, calls him the "Zamindar of Bhakra." This is a place in sarkar Kanauj, subah Malwa, Ain ii. 200. On the other hand Malcolm, Central India, 1st ed., 231, says Mir Muhammad Khan, a brother, was in command and was slain.
Linked texts (1)
- Bayān-i wāqiʿ — Khwāja ʿAbd al-Karīm Kashmīrī 1780, Persian