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Later Mughals v2.c15: Chapter IX. Bundelkhand and Malwa, 1720-1736.

Later Mughals v2.c15

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Chapter IX. Bundelkhand and Malwa, 1720-1736.

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SEC. 69.—BUNDELKHAND : THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE.

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Bundelkhand, to which we now turn, had never been completely subdued by the Mughals, and consequently the Mahratta attacks upon it inflicted less vital wounds on the Empire than did their encroachments in Gujarat. According to the Mughal provincial divisions Bundelkhand or the country of the Bundelas fell almost entirely within the subah of Allahabad, Kalpi sarkar in the Agra subah being the only exception. It lies to the south of the Jamuna river—its western boundary being now-a-days the territory of Gwaliyar, from which it is separated by the Sind* river ; its eastern limit is formed by Baghelkhand otherwise the Riwa State. On the south the boundary is rather more indefinite, but according to the Mughal territorial divisions Bundelkhand extended to the confines of Malwa. According to Thornton (153) the tract is 200 miles in length from south-east to north-west, and 155 miles in breadth from the opposing angles. Taking the census of 1891, the area may be estimated at 20,641 square miles and the total population at 3,907,585, it being still, according to Indian standards, somewhat sparsely inhabited.

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The name Bundelkhand, which is derived from that of the ruling Rajput clan, is comparatively modern. Up to the end of the 12th century the Chandela clansmen, with their capital at Mahoba,† were the dominant race, at any rate in the western half of the region. The Bundelas can never have been very numerous. Even in these days of enumeration of the people, it is not easy to fix their number, as the record of the Census of 1891 is misleading. In one district (Banda) where they must be strong, they are not separately recorded; and in the Native States of Bundelkhand they are included in the generic name of Rajputs. All things considered it will be safe to estimate the Bundelas as numbering about 100,000 in a Rajput population of 416,000 and a total population of nearly four million of people (1891). There would thus be now about 20,000 grown men of the clan where a hundred and fifty years ago the number must have been very much smaller. There are in addition a few Bundelas in the Central Provinces, especially in the two districts of Sagar and Damoh. The origin of the Bundela clan is extremely obscure, though they are admitted to be Rajputs of some sort. They owe their importance in history to their position as chiefs or rulers, a position which they won for themselves by their undeniable valour.

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∗ The Sind, a tributary of the Jamuna, rises in Malwa near Sironj. For 130 miles out of its course of 200, it is the boundary between Bundelkhand and Sindhia's dominions.

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† 25° 18 N. 79° 55 E., 30 m. s. w. of the Banda railway station. (I. A. 69 S. E.)

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The Bundelas themselves claim as their place of origin the country round Benares, and make themselves out to be a branch of the Gaharwar clan. Some faint reason for this claim to have come from Benares may be the fact that out of the total number of the Gaharwars in the United Provinces of Allahabad and Agra (53,477) we find fully half (26,832) reside in the two districts adjoining Benares, namely Mirzapur (20,249) and Ghazipur (6,583). The one colony is in pargana Kantit, west of Mirzapur, and the other in pargana Mahaich, south of the Ganges, midway between Benares and Ghazipur. In the nineteenth generation from a more or less mythical Kashi Rajah of the Gaharwar clan, one Rudra Partap rose to importance in the western part of what is now called Bundelkhand. He was ninth in descent from one Suhan Pal who had managed about the year 1292 A.D. to establish there a small independent State. Rudra Partap first emerged from obscurity in 1501 A.D., and in the last year of his life, on the 3rd Baisakh Sudi 1588 S. (21st April, 1531) he founded the town of Orchha and removed thither from Kurar.[*] Soon afterwards he was killed in endeavouring to save a cow from the clutches of a tiger. From his nine sons sprang, directly or indirectly, all the rulers of the States of Bundelkhand.* Six large States, Orchha, Datiya, Panna, Bijawar, Charkhari, Ajaigarh, and nineteen large jagirs are still held by their descendants. [M. U. ii. 317, Pogson 3-11.]

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∗ There is a Kurahra, 12 m. e. of Mau and 44 m. s. e. e. of Orchha. (I. A. 69 S W.) Dilkasha mentions a fort Karara as belonging to Bir

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The derivation of the name Bundela is disputed. The Bundelas themselves connect it with their tutelary deity, Bindhbasini Devi, the goddess whose temple is at Bindhachal, a spur of the Vindhya range jutting out towards the Ganges a few miles to the west of Mirzapur. The Muhammadans solve the problem by saying that the root of the word Bund is a mere corruption of the Persian banda, a slave, and that the clan sprang from the issue of a slave-girl. Another attempt at an etymology refers the word to Bund, the Hindi for a "drop of liquid" and a story is told connecting the name with the drops of blood in the sacrifices offered to the goddess, Bindhbasini Devi.*

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Orchha on the Betwa, the capital of the first independent State founded by the Bundelas (in 1531 A.D.), being in the west of the tract, it would seem more probable that the tribe entered Bundelkhand from that direction rather than from the north-east. In the latter case they must have traversed Riwa Banda and all the intervening country. Of such a tribal migration, which could hardly have been a peaceful one, tradition has left no trace. The first firm ground we tread upon is arrived at when the town of Orchha was founded by Rudra Partap in 1531. When at the instigation of Prince Salim (afterwards the Emperor Jahangir), Bir Singh Deo (Rudra Partap's grandson) procured the assassination of Akbar's minister Abul-fazl, a new era of extended prosperity began for the Bundela race.†

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† The early history of the Bundelas given here has for its primary sources Lal Kavi's Chhatra-prakash (Hindi text ed. by W. Price, Calcutta 1829, used) and M. U. ii. 317, with some information from the Dilkasha of Bhimsen. Pogson's translation of Chhatra-prakash in his History of the Boondelas (Calcutta, 1828) is incorrect at places not only in respect of the proper names, but also the sense of the verses. Mr. Irvine has greatly relied on and freely used a book by Manzur Ahmad. Among the deriv-

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Singh Deo. Orchha is on the left bank of the Betwa, 8 m. s. of Jhansi. Datiya is 16 m. n. e. of Jhansi. [J. Sarkar.]

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∗ Hadiqat-ul-aqalim, 167; Chhatra-prakash in Pogson p. 8.

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The eastern half of Bundelkhand was much later in coming under the domination of the Bundelas. It went generally by the name of the Dangiya Raj, and its rulers were known as the Dangiya Rajahs. This name is usually referred to the Hindi word for wrangling or confusion, but it really comes from a local word meaning a wild and hilly tract of country.

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In 1531 when Rudra Partap died, his second wife, Rani Muhrban, removed with her children from Orchha to Katera, a hilly country covered with thorny scrub lying twenty miles to the east of Orchha. Her eldest son Udyajit, third son of Rudra Partap, founded a new home in a village called by him Mahewa,* for which he appropriated the surviving buildings and houses of a ruined town called Patari. This place had been once the abode of a Rana Rudra of the Jat tribe, who had been defeated and killed by Ala-ud-din Khalji (1295-1315). Udyajit and his descendants lived their lives in obscurity at Mahewa, and we hear nothing more of the family until the fourth generation, when it emerges into notoriety in the person of Champat Rai, father of Chhattarsal.

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Champat Rai was born at the village of Mor Pariya† near Mahewa in the State of Orchha. The place is not far from Katera and Mau Ranipur. When he grew up he found himself in very straitened circumstances, having only a small appanage on which to subsist. He therefore adopted the life of a freebooter, but was warned by the Rajahs of Orchha and Datiya, whose territories lay to the west of Mahewa, not to come in their direction. Accordingly he advanced into the Dangiya country to the east where he made some conquests. He seems

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† Probably Mohur-paharee of Indian Atlas, sheet 69 S. W., about 4 m. south of Mahewa. Manzur Ahmad says that there is another Mahewa, 10 m. n. w. of Chhattarpur, founded by Chhattarsal in memory of his family home. (Ind. At. 70 N. E.)

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ative sources are Hadiqat-ul-aqalim and Pandit Kishan Narayan's Tarikh-i-Bundelkhand wa Jalaun (1853). For the lives of the Bundela Rajahs in Mughal times, M. U. ii. 131, 214, 258, 317, 510 &c. [J. S.]

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∗ Katera is 20 m. e. of Orchha, and Mahewa is 3 m. s. of the former. Half a mile north of Mahewa rises the Patari hill. (I. A. 69 S. W.) This Mahewa must not be confounded with the more famous Mahoba, which lies 59 miles east of it. Mau is 10 m. due east of Katera. [J. S.]

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to have been feudatory or dependent of the Orchha Rajahs: at any rate we find him in 1627 fighting on the side of Jhujhar Singh, eldest son of Bir Singh Deo.

Sec. 70.—Jhujhar Singh's Life and End.

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Jahangir died on Oct. 28, 1627 and Bir Singh pre-deceased him by a few months. The Rajah's eldest son, Jhujhar Singh, who was at the Mughal Court, despairing apparently of a continuance of the great favours showered on his father in the previous reign, fled from Agra to his home. Three armies under Mahabat Khan Khan Khanan, Khan Jahan Lodi, and Abdullah Khan Firuz Jang, were sent against the rebel; and approaching from three directions invested him in Orchha. Abdullah Khan scored a first success by surprising Iraj* on the 10th Jan. 1629. But before more could be done Jhujhar Singh had persuaded Mahabat Khan to plead his cause with Shah Jahan. His pardon was accorded early in March 1629.

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Jhujhar Singh was placed on duty in the Dakhin under Mahabat Khan, but in 1044 H. (26th June 1634—15th June 1635) he obtained leave of absence from that general and returned to his home, leaving his eldest son Bikramajit (Jag Raj) in his place. The Rajah now commenced a campaign of conquest to the south, attacking Bhim Narayan, the Gond Rajah of Deogarh, whose fort of Chauragarh† was taken after his treacherous assassination. The Emperor now intervened and demanded the surrender either of Chauragarh or of some pargana in exchange for it. Jhujhar, hearing of the Emperor's displeasure, secretly recalled his son Bikramajit, then in Balaghat of the Dakhin. Khan Zaman, the governor of Balaghat, pursued and overtook the fugitive in pargana Ashta. Although wounded Bikramajit made good his escape, and by jungle paths managed to reach his father at Dhamoni, a strong fort on the Malwa border that had been constructed by Bir Singh Deo.‡

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∗ *Irich*, on the Betwa, 42 m. n. e. of Orchha. (*I. A.* 69 N. W.)

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† Deogarh about 24 m. s. of Chhindwara in C. P. Chauragarh is 25 m. s. of the Narmada and 24 m. s. w. of Narsinghpur.

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‡ The two wars with Jhujhar, Abdul Hamid's *Padishahnama*, i. pt. 1, 240-248, and i. pt. 2, 95-139.

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The imperial forces were set in motion under Abdullah Khan Firuz Jang, Sayyid Khan Jahan, and Khan Dauran, and to prevent quarrels the Prince Aurangzeb, under the tutelage of Shaista Khan, was placed in supreme command. On the 29th Aug. 1635 the Prince began his march. The Raj of Orchha was conferred on Debi Singh of Chanderi, son of Bharat Sah, and descended from Rudra Partap in the sixth generation. Jhujhar Singh fled from Orchha to Dhamoni [80 miles southwards]. Orchha was occupied on the 14th Oct. 1635. When the imperialists drew near to Dhamoni they found that Jhujhar had again retreated and was gone towards Chauragarh. Dhamoni was soon taken. Jhujhar by this time had reached the town of Shahpur four miles from Chauragarh and had asked help from the Rajah of Deogarh. The pursuit from Dhamoni was placed under the conduct of Khan Dauran and Abdullah Khan Firuz Jang. Jhujhar found no help in Deogarh, the zamindar having just died. Destroying the cannon, burning other things and blowing up the buildings of Chauragarh, Jhujhar fled through Deogarh country towards the Dakhin. The pursuers passed through Garh Katanga and Lanji until they reached the boundaries of Chanda. The fugitives were then halted four kos ahead of them. Marching all night the pursuers reached the spot only to find their prey had flown. But next day at noon the fugitives were overtaken and after a fight abandoning their standards, kettle-drums and elephants, they fled into the forest and hid themselves. The pursuit was not relaxed. Udebhan and another younger son of Jhujhar Singh managed to escape and reach Golkonda. Jhujhar and Bikramajit when overtaken fled deeper into the forest after an attempt to sacrifice their women. The principal wife, Dirgbhan (a son of Jhujhar), and Durjan Sal (son of Bikramajit) were made prisoners.

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Some Gonds found the two Bundela chiefs in the forest and put them to death. Khan Dauran went to the spot and cut off their heads and took their signet rings. The heads were laid before Shah Jahan at Sihor. On the 10th January 1636 they were exposed on the gates of the sarai at that place. Fifteen days afterwards Khan Dauran arrived with tribute from the Rajah of Chanda, some of the Bundela plunder, and the family of the rebels. Rani Parbati had died of her wounds, but the other women were made Muhammadans and transferred to the imperial harem. Dirgbhan, the son, and Durjan Sal, the grandson of Jhujhar Singh, were made Muhammadans under the names of Islam Quli and Ali Quli. A couple of months afterwards, Udebhan and another son, a child, with their follower Siyam Dauwa, who had been delivered up by the king of Golkonda, arrived at Court. The two men of full age were offered their lives if they accepted Islam; on their refusal, they "were sent to hell." The child was placed in the charge of the nazir or head of the harem.

Sec. 71.—Career of Champat Rai Bundela.

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Throughout the events connected with the reduction of Jhujhar Singh of Orchha, Champat Rai seems to have acted against the Muhammadans, but did not follow Jhujhar Singh in his flight. Two or three years after that Rajah's death Champat made common cause with Pirthi Raj, one of his sons, and raised a disturbance in the neighbourhood of Orchha. Abdullah Khan Firuz Jang then in charge of that country with his headquarters at Islamabad,* attacked the Bundelas at their stronghold about six miles from Orchha between that place and Jhansi, 18th April, 1640. After a forced march his troops, under the command of one of his chief officers Baqi Khan, fell upon the Bundelas just as day was breaking and routed them putting many to the sword. Pirthi Raj was made a prisoner, but Champat Rai escaped. Pirthi Raj was sent to prison in the fortress of Gwaliyar; and as Abdullah Khan was supposed to be wanting in zeal, he was superseded by Bahadur Khan Rohela, to whom the assigned revenues of Islamabad were transferred. Bahadur Khan had made great promises, but he was not allowed much time to show what he could do, for Shah Jahan's advisers told him that it was "inadvisable to turn Bundelkhand into a Rohelkhand", and in consequence of their objection Bahadur Khan was soon recalled. [Pad. ii. 193, M.U. i. 420.]

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∗ Manzur Ahmad says (p. 47) that the ruins near Kathera are still known as Salimabad. This is probably the place referred to.

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The only success obtained by Bahadur Khan was reported by him in a letter received at Court on the 13th January 1641. He had succeeded in cutting down some jungle and killing some Bundelas, but Champat and his brother Sujan had again escaped. In Oct. 1641 Abdullah Khan Firuz Jang had been sent to form part of the army under Prince Murad Bakhsh proceeding against a hill-rajah named Jagat Singh. On the 18th Nov. 1641 he returned from the army to make some report, but as he was suspected of some intrigue he received no audience. Bahadur Khan secretly recalled from Bundelkhand was appointed in Abdullah Khan’s place and the latter was sent back to Bundelkhand. [Pad. ii. 221.]

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On the 4th June, 1642 as the results of Abdullah Khan Firuz Jang’s campaign were unsatisfactory, Rajah Pahar Singh Bundela, brother of the late Jhujhar Singh of Orchha, entered into a compact to root out Champat and his brothers, and on receiving Abdullah Khan’s appointment, his rank was raised to 3000 zat (3000 troopers with two or three horses). As Champat had risen to notice in the service of Bir Singh Deo and Jhujhar Singh, his son, he preferred to make terms with Pahar Singh rather than to continue the contest with one of a family to which he was under some obligations. [Ibid. 303.]

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According to tradition, affairs between Pahar Singh and Champat Rai did not proceed altogether smoothly. Pahar Singh attempted once to get rid of his troublesome vassal by poison; but a friend and relation Rajah Bhim changed cups and offered himself up in sacrifice for Champat Rai. The latter, following his mother’s advice, made overtures to the Mughal Court, whereupon he was summoned and enlisted in the imperial service. According to tradition, he was employed in the year 1656 in the reduction of a fort called Bhargarh,[*] for which he received in jagir the pargana of Kunch worth three lakhs of Rupees a year. Pahar Singh was annoyed at this move and presenting a gift of nine lakhs of Rupees to Prince Dara Shukoh obtained the pargana for himself. Disgusted at this treatment Champat Rai left Court and returned to Mahewa. [Manzur Ahmad 52, Pogson 25.]

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∗ This is incorrect. The fort besieged was Qandahar in Afghanistan, as the Chhatra-prakash, p. 30, distinctly mentions Khandhar and Dara Shukoh’s participation in its siege, but with the usual exaggeration of a Court eulogist says that Champat forced it to surrender! The third Mughal siege of Qandahar, conducted by Dara Shukoh, from April to September 1653, was a miserable failure. Padishahnama (ii. 304) records that Champat with his brothers entered the service of Dara some years after 1642. J. Sarkar.]

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When Prince Aurangzeb started from the Dakhin to contest the throne with his brother Dara Shukoh, Champat Rai presented himself and his services were accepted. After the defeat of Jaswant Singh Rathor (the partisan of Dara Shukoh) at Dharmat on the 25th April, 1658, the Bundela leader was given a horse and a robe of honour. At the battle of Samugarh (9th June 1658) Champat was in Aurangzeb's right wing under Prince Muhammad Azam; and after the victory he was presented with an elephant. He then joined in the pursuit of Dara Shukoh. When Alamgir Aurangzeb's camp was at Sarai Jauhar Mal in the Panjab, Champat Rai and his son Angad were sent on to Lahor to serve under Khalil-ullah Khan. Alamgir then returned to Dihli, which he reached on the 21st Nov. 1658. In January 1659 a force was sent against Prince Shuja who had advanced beyond Allahabad. In the fight at Khajwa in the Ganges-Jamuna Duaba Jaswant Singh Rathor, who had by this time made his submission to Alamgir, turned traitor once more and failing in an attack on the Emperor's rear, fled to his own country of Jodhpur. Dara Shukoh now entered Gujarat and advanced northwards to Ajmer. Taking advantage of the confusion thus created, Champat fled from Lahor, reached Bundelkhand, and soon closed all routes through Malwa. All that could be done at the time was to despatch Subhkaran (Rajah of Datiya) and Indarman (Rajah of Orchha) against this disturber of the peace. [Alamgir-nama, 78, 92, 163, 217, 301, 631.]

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Champat Rai having plundered Bhander [24 miles n. e. of Jhansi], took up his quarters in the fort of Iraj. Subhkaran advanced against him and gave battle in the open field. In the end Subhkaran withdrew his forces and turned his attention to the fort of Shahgarh, but the place was defended so valiantly that he was unable to reduce it. [Pogson 35-36.]

Sec. 72.—Flight and Death of Champat Rai, 1661.

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After an interval Subhkaran returned with reinforcements. Champat then fled to Dharaini; where some inconclusive fighting followed. Champat's next refuge was at Anghori. By this time Alamgir had returned to Dihli (May 1659), and his brother Dara Shukoh had been made prisoner. He now deputed Rajah Debi Singh Bundela of Chanderi to take charge of the operations in Bundelkhand. This was in the fourth year (30th April 1661—19th April 1662). Champat now proposed peace through his brother Sujan Rai. The parties met at Bedpur but the conditions imposed by Subhkaran could not be accepted by Champat Rai. Subhkaran, however, declared the subjugation of Champat beyond his power. Then Ratan Sah one of Champat's sons made offers of submission through Namdar Khan, but without result. [Pogson 38.]

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Sujan Rai, who had gone to the imperial Court with Subhkaran [in the hope of making favourable terms], now returned to Bundelkhand and invoked the aid of Rani Hira Dei of Orchha, but his advances being repulsed by her he went on to the fort of Bedpur. Here he was attacked by the Rani and when his ammunition was exhausted the place was taken by assault. The wives of Sujan Rai immolated themselves, and Sujan Rai rather than be taken prisoner plunged a dagger into his own breast and expired. [Pogson 38-39.]

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On learning the news of Sujan Rai's defeat, Champat left Orchha* and passed three days at Jatwara. The Rani's army was in pursuit. Then Champat bethought himself of Rajah Indarman Dhandhera of Sahra, in sarkar Sarangpur of subah Malwa. At the time when Champat was in favour with Alamgir, this man Indarman was a prisoner at the Mughal Court. He had resisted the conquest of his State by Shiva Ram Gaur, to whom it had been granted by Shah Jahan. Champat interceded for him, procured his release and his restoration to his State.† Champat resolved to seek shelter at Indarman's capital, and made straight for Sahra, closely pursued by the imperialists, sixteen thousand in number. At this time Champat had with him no larger escort than fifty horsemen. He was ill and daily his illness increased on him. One day having travelled over 30 miles, he halted to give his people and his horses a rest. They had begun to feed the horses when suddenly they heard the sound of kettle-drums ; they already saw some of the enemy. Champat got ready his quiver, placed it in his waistband, mounted his horse and escaped. He soon came to a difficult pass in the hills where after an attempted defence he scrambled down the other side. A follower named Indarman in trying to get through the pass fell with his horse and was cut to pieces. While this fight was going on Champat Rai fled and took shelter in a village. The news was brought to Sahib Rai Dhandhera, who was in charge of Sahra during the absence of the Rajah Indarman. It was resolved to afford sanctuary to Champat, and Shiva Ram Dauwa and Gopal Bari were sent to meet him at the head of two hundred horsemen.

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∗ Irvine wrote Berchha, but the Hindi text of Chhatra-prakash reads Orchha. [J. S.]

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† Pogson (p. 40) says that Indarman had been imprisoned for slaying 15

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Suddenly hearing the tramp of horses, Champat made ready his bow, but it was old and broke as he stretched it. His son Chhattarsal resolved to fight to the death in his father's defence, while his wife drew a dagger and was ready to die gladly for her husband's honour. As the Dhandhera's horsemen drew near she shouted "Who are you advancing so boldly? I will not give up nor quit Champat until I have finished a sacrifice for him. Then you may work your will". The leader called out "Why all this anger, we are come devoid of plot or guile to escort Champat to Sahra, where no enemy will trace him." At this mild answer their fears were dispelled and they consented to be conducted to the camp assigned them.

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an imperial officer named Shah Malik. The Emperor with whom Champat interceded was Shah Jahan, and could hardly have been Alamgir. Shiva Ram was granted the Dhandhera lands early in Shah Jahan's reign. (M. U. ii. 265). Aurangzib released Indarman from the fort of Junnar when starting from the Dakhin to contest his father's throne (Ibid. 266), and Champat could have had no hand in the matter. But early in Aurangzib's reign Indarman fell into disfavour on account of the conduct of his kinsmen. (Talish). [J. Sarkar.]

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For a time they remained at Sahra, thence went to Sitabari where is a temple of Raghunath. Then the pursuing army arrived in the neighbourhood. Rajah Indarman was still absent and his representative Sahib Rai took shelter in the fort where he was helpless. The Dhandheras lost heart and he wrote to Sahib Ram Dauwa and Gopal Bari in charge of Champat's escort with orders to gain their guest's confidence and then murder him. By this treachery they hoped to make their own peace with the Emperor.

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All unconscious of this plot Champat decided to start for a place called Morangaon, after Kali Kunwar, the fugitive's wife, had prayed and made offerings at the temple of Raghubir. Their son Chhattarsal was sent away to his brother-in-law Gyan Sah's village. Reaching this place Chhattarsal found his sister at home, but she refused to see him. The youth had fasted for three days and had nothing with which to buy food. It was not until Gyan Sah's return home in the evening that he heard the news and sent out some food, which was cooked and the night passed.

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Champat now thought of a way of beguiling his pursuers. While he was being carried to Morangaon, another litter would be sent to the orchard near Sahra. In it someone would take his place covered from head to foot in his sheet, guarded by the two hundred horsemen. Kali Kunwar spoke to a servant from her father's house. When the request was heard by him was refused. The Thakurani fell at his feet, but he persisted in his refusal. On the failure of this device, Champat marched for the orchard at Sahra attended by the two hundred Dhandhera horsemen. After they had gone seven kos, the men interchanged signs, and suddenly fell upon and slew the Bundela chief—his illness preventing him from making any effective resistance. The Thakurani leapt from her horse and ran to her husband's side. She laid hold of a horseman's rein, but he turned and plunged his dagger into her. Thus husband and wife died together and together they set out for the other world.*

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∗ The entire account of the pursuit of Champat from his leaving the fort of Iraj to his death is based on the Chhatra-prakash. [J. S.]

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At the Mughal Court Rajah Sujan Singh of Orchha claimed the credit of Champat Rai's removal. He reported that he had followed the rebel to his refuge in Sahra and there demanded his surrender. But the Dhandhera men, unknown to Sujan Singh, sent Champat Rai's head to Court, where it arrived on the 7th November 1661. [*Alamgir-nama*, 633.]

Sec. 73.—Rajah Chhattarsal, His Career Down to 1720.

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Thus at the age of twelve years Chhattarsal,[*] who was the fourth son of Champat Rai, was left an orphan and a fugitive. He sought shelter first with his eldest surviving brother Angad Rai at Deogarh and his mother's jewels having been obtained from the town of Dilwari, where they had been deposited, his marriage was carried out. He now offered his services to Rajah Jai Singh of Amber then on his march to the Dakhin and about to proceed against Shivaji the Mahratta. His brother Angad Rai soon joined the same commander, under whom they did good service. When Bahadur Khan besieged Deogarh, Chhattarsal formed part of the detachment sent by Jai Singh as a reinforcement. In a battle fought to force the passes through the hills, Chhattarsal was left for dead on the field of battle and was not discovered till night had come on.

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Chhattarsal disgusted at Bahadur Khan's neglect of his services, decided to join Shivaji, the Mahratta, and with this intention after a long and trying march through hills and forest, he crossed the Bhima river. At an interview Shivaji counselled him to return to his own country of Bundelkhand and there raise his standard against the Muhammadans.[†] Adopting this suggestion Chhattarsal first of all sought to obtain assistance from Subhkaran Bundela Rajah of Datiya, then serving in the Mughal employ in the Dakhin. Subhkaran refused to quit the Mughal, but offered to intercede with the Emperor and obtain for Chhattarsal a suitable rank. Chhattarsal refused.

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∗ The history of Chhattarsal to the death of Alamgir is based upon the *Chhatra-prakash*, with dates and a few details from *M. U.* ii. 510 and *M. A.* 169, 384, 424, 483. The letters of Jai Singh in the *Haft Anjuman* give us information about Chhattarsal's service under him. [J. Sarkar.]

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† Bhimsen gives another account. See my *Shivaji and His Times*, ch. 7 end. [J. S.]

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Now commenced a struggle which lasted for over fifty years. Chhattarsal crossed the Narmada into Bundelkhand in 1671, when he was in his twenty-second year. His following then consisted of five horsemen and twenty-five foot-soldiers; while at his death in December 1713 he was lord of the eastern half of Bundelkhand. In the course of this career of conquest, he defeated many Moslem commanders, Hashim Khan, Sayyid Bahadur, Randaula Khan, Tahavvar Khan, Sayyid Latif, Anwar Khan, Mirza Sadar-ud-din, Hamid Khan, Abdus-samad Khan and Murad Khan (agent of Diler Khan). These obscure struggles are hardly mentioned by the Muhammadan historians. The only campaign they tell us of is that of 1089 H., 1678-9, when Jaswant Singh Bundela was sent 'against the sons of Champat'.

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Twenty years seem to have passed in this never ceasing struggle. Alamgir's departure from Northern India in 1681 and his prolonged campaigns against the Muhammadan Governments and the rising Mahratta power, diverted his attention from the other parts of his Empire. The local generals ceased to exert themselves, in the way that they did in the time of Shah Jahan; and this want of energy was without doubt exceedingly favourable to the rise of a local chief like Chhattarsal. Somewhere about the 40th year of the reign (5 April 1696—23 March 1697) Chhattarsal was induced to enter the imperial service and repaired to the Dakhin. In the 46th year (19 Feb. 1700—8 Feb. 1701) he was appointed to the command of fort Satara. Four years afterwards he abandoned the service and returned home. In the next year the 49th (1705) Nawab Firuz Jang obtained his reinstatement with the rank of 4,000. He returned home when Alamgir died (2nd March 1707).

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In the early part of Bahadur Shah's reign, Chhattarsal neglected the summonings to Court which were sent to him. But on the 30th May 1708, when the new Emperor was on his way to the Dakhin to fight his younger brother, Kam Bakhsh, Harde Narayan and other sons of Chhattarsal presented themselves and received mansabs. In the fourth year of that reign, on 22nd April 1710, when the Emperor was at Karatiya in the Kota country on his return march to Hindustan, Chhattarsal himself attended and proceeded northwards with the army, then on the way to suppress Banda, the follower of the deceased Sikh leader Guru Govind Singh. On the 10th Dec. 1710 Chhattarsal took part in the assault on the Sikh fastness of Lohgarh in the outer Himalayas. Under Farrukh-siyar (1713-1719), he seems to have remained in favour. On the 21st Jan. 1714 he became 6,000 zat (4,000 horse), and on the 3rd May 1718 three of his sons and several grandsons attended Court and received presents. [Kamwar, Dil. 171b, Bahadur, M. U. ii. 510.]

Sec. 74.—Muhammad Khan Bangash's Campaigns in Bundelkhand.

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Soon after the downfall of the Sayyid brothers Muhammad Khan Bangash, as his reward for deserting from Sayyid Abdullah Khan, obtained the Government of Allahabad (25th Dec. 1720). Within the limits of this province lay the greater part of Bundelkhand* including the whole of the territory over which Chhattarsal had usurped authority. Thus Muhammad Khan, pursuant to the Mughal claim to sovereignty over the whole of India, had a direct official connection with Bundelkhand. Not only so. The parganas of which the land revenue was assigned to him in 1713, in the first year of Farrukh-siyar, were all in Bundelkhand. To this troublesome charge (the Mughals having little or no hold on the country thus granted), Diler Khan, the grantee's favourite chela, was appointed. In 1720 the Bundelas rose, sacked Kalpi, and killed the local officer (amil). Diler Khan at the head of some troops was sent against them and quickly ejected them from Kalpi and Jalalpur.† The Bundelas, however, soon recovered themselves and advanced to the number of thirty thousand men with Chhattarsal at their head. After a fierce battle fought on the 25th May 1721, Diler Khan and five hundred of his men were slain. He was buried at Mauda. [20 m.n.w. of Banda]. Chhattarsal had already made himself obnoxious to the imperialists by sending aid to Girdhar Bahadur at Allahabad and to the rebel Kichar zamindar of Asothar in the Duaba. This crowning act of open hostility resulting in the defeat and death of Diler Khan, made Chhattarsal's suppression imperative. [Shiu Das 67a, Ghulam Ali 41b.]

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∗ From this point onwards to the final retirement of Md. Khan the history of Bundelkhand is based upon Irvine's chapters on the Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad in J. A. S. B. 1878, with some additional details from Shiu Das and other writers, who will be cited at the proper places. [J. Sarkar.]

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† Jalalpur, 18 m. s. of Kalpi, but south of the Betwa. [J. S.]

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No immediate vengeance for this disastrous defeat could however be inflicted upon the Bundelas. The whole strength of the Mughals was at the time absorbed in the attempt to repel the aggressions of Rajah Ajit Singh of Jodhpur and the rescue of Ajmer from his clutches. At length, towards the end of 1723, Ajit Singh sued for peace and sent his eldest son Abhai Singh to Court. Muhammad Khan who had taken a part in the campaign returned to Dihli with this Prince. Chhattarsal having in the interval continued his aggressions upon imperial territory, Muhammad Khan was now ordered to proceed in person to Allahabad the head-quarters of his province, and there prepare an expedition to be led by him into Bundelkhand.

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This first campaign was quite inconclusive. After a two months' stay in Allahabad, Muhammad Khan collected a force of fifteen thousand horsemen and formed a camp at Bhognipur in the Duaba. In the end he crossed the Jamuna into Bundelkhand, and by dint of six months of fighting he penetrated as far as Sahenda, 12 miles south of Banda. Nizam-ul-mulk's defeat of Mubariz Khan (11th Oct. 1724) alarmed the Court and decided it upon concentrating its forces. Muhammad Khan was recalled. He made the best terms he could and returned to Dihli. Then he was ordered to Gwaliyar to repel an anticipated advance of the Mahrattas. In his absence the Bundelas renewed their inroads, and soon the little impression that had been made was entirely obliterated; Baghelkhand was over-run by them, even to the borders of the subah of Patna.

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About the end of 1726 Muhammad Khan was directed to restore order in the Bundelkhand portion of his province. A money allowance of 2 lakhs of Rupees a month was granted to him; this was afterwards commuted into a grant of chakla Kora. On the 3rd Feb. 1727 his vanguard crossed the Jamuna somewhere not far from Allahabad. By the first operations the eastern part of Bundelkhand was cleared, with the exception of Tarahwan. Leaving his eldest son, Qaim Khan, to prosecute the siege of that place, Muhammad Khan moved on to within four kos of Sahenda. Parganas Bhend, Mauda, Pailani, Agwasi and Simanni* came into his possession: and on the 22nd Dec. 1727 Tarahwan fell to an assault delivered by Qaim Khan.

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Pushing his way westwards Muhammad Khan at last encountered the enemy at Ijoli in pargana Mahoba. Here on the 22nd May 1727 he stormed their entrenched position at a heavy loss on both sides in killed and wounded. Chhattarsal, his sons and grandsons took flight and sought a refuge in the forest of Salhat† to the south of Jaitpur, a country full of natural obstacles in which pursuit was difficult. On the 18th June 1727, twenty-seven days after the first battle, the imperial army marched towards the enemy's new position. The attack was delivered a little before dawn on the next day (19th June, 1727) but before the Muhammadans could come to close quarters the Bundelas broke and fled to Mahoba. The forts of Barigarh, ten miles, and Lauri-Jhumar, sixteen miles south-east of Mahoba, were occupied. The Muhammadan camp was pitched two miles beyond Mahoba, and here they passed the five months of the rainy season during which in that soil it is impossible to place one foot before another. [Shakir's Gulshan-i-Sadiq.]

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† The Salat hill is 9 m. due east (and not south) of Jaitpur, and midway between the latter and Mahoba. [J. S.]

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In Nov. 1727 the advance was resumed. The enemy's entrenchments in the hills were attacked for a whole day with little effect, but at sunset the Bundelas gave way. At this point a delay of four months seems to have occurred during which Muhammad Khan wrote repeatedly to Court for more money and more men. Active hostilities were resumed in April 1728, and on the 29th April 1728 a fresh entrenchment between the hills at Kulpahar [14 m.w. of Mahoba] was stormed by the Muhammadans, seven lines of defence being carried one after the other. Next day the general started for Mundhari four miles east of Jaitpur, and its fort was seized. The Muhammadans now took up their position in front of Kulpahar with Jaitpur on their right, Mundhari a little on one side in the same direction, and the hills of Salhat on their left, the latter occupied by the enemy. Finally the Bundelas resorted to the hills of Ajhnar, six miles south of Jaitpur. The siege of Jaitpur itself then commenced. The rainy season came on and progress was slow, for owing to the excessive moisture the mines fell in as soon as dug. At length about the month of December 1728 the fortress fell into the besiegers' hands. By this time the campaign had lasted fully twenty-four months (January 1727 to December 1728).

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∗ Tarahwan, 42 m. e. of Banda and one-fourth of a mile from Karwi. Bhend, probably Benda, a village 22 m. from Banda and 14 m. from Pailani. (N. W. P. Gaz. i. 390). Or, Bhenr (Bheyr)? Mauda, 20 m. n. w. of Banda. Pailani, 20 m. of Banda. Agwasi=Augasi, 28 m. n. e. Banda, and on the s. bank of the Jamuna. Simanni, 18 m. n. e. of Banda. Ijoli=Ichauli, 11 m. n. w. of Banda. Jaitpur, 20 m. w. of Mahoba. [J. S.]

Sec. 75.—Muhammad Khan's Despatch of Battles.

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It was in the operations preparatory to opening the siege of Jaitpur that the fighting occurred which is thus described by Muhammad Khan himself in his report to the Emperor [Shakir's *Gulshan*] :—"The enemy having come out of the hills of Bundelkhand awaited the arrival of their brethren, the Mahrattas and the Jats. The first victory was obtained during the first march, when we were forty miles from Jaitgarh.[*] On the 14th Shaban of the current year (1140?), Chhattarsal with a body of Bundelas had advanced to the village of Suni, where they plundered the property and cattle of the country people. Although many of my men were away procuring supplies, and only a small force was available, yet instigated by the recollection of what had happened to Diler Khan shortly before, I mounted without delay and after advancing six kos (about 12 miles), came face to face with the enemy. They drew up in battle array and began the attack with arrows and matchlock fire, holding their ground firmly. After much effort on both sides and many casualties, including the loss of my horse, the enemy began to give way. We pursued for six kos and cut off many heads. Many horses and standards and arms fell into our hands. Long ago, in a previous report, I sent a detailed account.

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∗ The name of the fort of Jaitpur. Suni—There is a *Sundee*, 50 m. north of Jaitpur, and 12 m. s. w. of Kalpi, but north of the Betwa (69 N. E) [J. S.]

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"After this fight we reached by repeated marches the foot of the stone fort belonging to the enemy. Here Mangal Khan and Bhure Khan joined me. The united force passed the 29th of the said month (Shaban) [=9th April 1728] below the fort. On the night of Friday a council was held. It was decided, in order to secure water, that we should move to the banks of a small stream, six kos to the south of the fort. Some were for procrastinating. One watch of Saturday had gone when we reached our destination, we had not yet fixed upon the site of our camp and our men were scattered about, as occurs on a march. I was standing with a few chelas ready mounted, watching for the enemy.

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"Suddenly the vanguard of the Bundelas, headed by the eldest son of Chhattarsal, bore down on us. At once I sent to the camping ground for Mangal Khan and some of his men; these were formed into a left wing. Bhure Khan and his men were sent to the front; while Sardar Khan, Shams-ud-din Khan, and Rustam Khan were posted on the right wing. Meanwhile the enemy gathered in great strength; and dividing into many groups completely surrounded me and my men. In addition to the central body there were three daur (lit., circles). One of their daur is by measurement one hundred and seven jarib. Their total force was estimated at 45,000 men. It is also said by persons from the enemy's camp and landholders of the neighbourhood that Chhattarsal in person, with all his brethren and leaders, thirty-seven in all, was present. The Jat, too, was there with his artillery and troops.

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“Although the enemy thought they had prepared a meal for themselves, they had to retire without eating it. When the sun reached its height the battle began to rage. Arrows sped and bullets flew. From bows and cannon and muskets there fell, as it were, a hailstorm from the sky. The enemy then came against our Van; but we held our ground. I sent for my artillery and ordered my *Mir Atash* to make the horsemen attached thereto dismount; and directed them to fire at the camels of Chhattarsal. Thus the enemy was brought under matchlock and rocket fire. Seeing they could gain no advantage in that direction, they turned their whole army and all its parts towards our right. They reached close our encampment and began to plunder our tents and disturb our attendants. There was an enormous disparity in our numbers, and I saw that it was no use to try and save our baggage. Whether victory or death were our fate, the destruction of our goods and chattels was of no importance. We addressed our vows to the Protector of All and continued our efforts.

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“Then three strong divisions united together and bore down on our right wing. Many of our men failed to withstand this onset; they began to give way. But Mangal Khan and Bhure Khan, although wounded, stood fast, and our faces were reddened with the glow of success. Those brave men yielded not their ground but gave their lives as a sacrifice. In a short time victory would have been with the enemy. Then as befits a true leader, I remembered my reputation as a soldier and my devotion to His Majesty’s service. It was plain that there was nothing left except to advance in person and fight like a soldier.

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“At two hours before sunset I collected the artillery in position on the left wing, in advance of the vanguard; and followed by a few of my best cavalry, I drove my elephant straight into the thick of the enemy, where my men seemed to be struggling hopelessly against them. At this moment two of the enemy’s horsemen, one after the other, rode their horses, with the greatest boldness, at my elephant, so that their horses’ forefeet were on the elephant. By God’s aid one after the other was dispatched by our arrows. The whole of my friends and chelas at this juncture performed prodigies of valour in the vanguard, and many received repeated wounds. With the greatest effort the force in front of us had been repulsed, when a fresh one appeared in great strength on our right. We succeeded in also repelling this attack. A third time the enemy showed on the left, but soon fell back. The fourth time they came on massed together as a single body. By God's help and His Majesty's good fortune, after much fighting and slaughter, such as cannot be detailed in this brief report, the whole of the enemy finally withdrew.

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"We pressed them in their retreat, and parties were detached in pursuit. These after notable deeds rejoined my main army. Two arrows had struck the elephant of Chhattar-sal ; it was wounded and fled from the field. We pursued him and his host four or five miles. Cannon, gun-carriages and falconets were seized as prize, many of the enemy were killed, many drums and horses fell into the hands of our men. Excluding those slain in battle and in the camp, we collected about seven thousand heads.

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"After the victory I remained three days on the spot. At present I am turning my attention towards Jaitgarh. As my former report was lost on the road, this second account has been sent. No blessing of good fortune could be greater than this victory over a vast gathering of Bundelas, vouchsafed to this lowly person, of no account, a mere nobody and a humble dependent."

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While Muhammad Khan was pressing on westwards his eldest son Qaim Khan was left to reduce Tarahwan on the east of the province. It fell to his investment on the 22nd December 1727. Leaving an officer in charge, Qaim Khan then rejoined his father. But immediately he had done so, they heard that the Bundelas had risen again and had attacked the Tarahwan garrison. Qaim Khan was detached against them with ten thousand horse and foot; but before he could reach Tarah-wan the enemy had taken the first outworks. On the 4th Oct. 1728 he retook the outer fort. A month afterwards 11th Nov. 1728 a mine was exploded under one of the fastnesses and the rest of the place succumbed to an assault. Qaim Khan then took the field and cleared the country to the east as far as Bargarh.* He was still absent on this duty when in March 1729 Muhammad Khan's career of victory was suddenly arrested.

Sec. 76.—Muhammad Khan Bangash Meets with Difficulties and Reverses.

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While maintaining the investment of Jaitpur, Muhammad Khan had not ceased to annoy the Bundelas in their retreat within the hills to the south. Jaitpur fell in December 1728 and in the same month Harde Sah and other sons of Chhat-tarsal came in and surrendered. Soon afterwards Chhattarsal also submitted.† For three or four months they remained quietly in the Muhammadan camp awaiting an answer from Court to Muhammad Khan's offer to bring the prisoners with him to Dihli. Under pressure of circumstances the Rajah had meanwhile agreed to submit to the imperial authority, to deliver up all the places he occupied; and to permit the placing of imperial armed posts throughout his country. From Dihli no answer came, and three months passed by. At Court the story was started that Muhammad Khan and Chhattarsal had entered into a league and covenant to upset the dynasty and place the Afghan on the throne. The silliness of this rumour was proved by the acts of the Bundelas themselves. They wrote to Burhan-ul-mulk, a rival of Muhammad Khan, and received an encouraging reply. Other courtiers too wrote urging continued resistance and a recommencement of hostilities. Having then learnt what powerful enemies Muhammad Khan had, the Bundelas plucked up courage to renew the struggle. In February 1729, the time of the great Hindu festival of the Holi was approaching, and on this pretext the aged Chhattarsal was allowed to remove to a place 6 or 7 miles south of the Muhammadan camp to carry out the ceremonial of the feast.

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Muhammad Khan lulled into a false security had allowed the larger part of his army to proceed on furlough, and many of the soldiers were scattered in small parties at the armed posts that he had established. His total force did not exceed four thousand men. Ugly rumours now reached him about a Mahratta invasion. They had quite recently defeated and slain (8 Dec. 1728) Girdhar Bahadur, the imperial governor of Malwa. But Muhammad Khan had full confidence in the agreement entered into by the Bundelas, and treated the suggestion of danger from the Mahrattas with supreme contempt. He made no preparations.

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∗ Probably Barigar, 10 m. s. e. e. of Mahoba. † Warid says that Chhattarsal paid 40 lakhs to Md. Khan to save his dominions.

Sec. 77.—Baji Rao Assists Chhattarsal in Bundelkhand.

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The Mahrattas were within two and twenty miles of his camp before Muhammad Khan could be persuaded to believe in their approach. With great difficulty he now made up his army to nine thousand men and entrenched himself. The invaders were under the chief command of Baji Rao, the Peshwa. With him were Pila Jadon, and other celebrated leaders; and as he advanced his force was joined by the turbulent zamindars till it had swollen to seventy thousand men.[*] They first appeared within two miles of the Muhammadan encampment on the 22nd March 1729, but their skirmishers who tried to drive off the grazing cattle were soon dispersed. Next day they advanced by the right and left to the rear of the camp and cut off the camels and ponies as they were being driven out to bring in grass. On the 25th Muhammad Khan made a sortie without permanent benefit. Gradually the Mahrattas closed round the camp, the commonest grain cost twenty Rupees a seer, and other kinds were unprocurable. For two months the Muhammadans subsisted on the flesh of camels, horses and cows.

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In the middle of May, Qaim Khan who had heard at Tarahwan of his father's straits, reached Supa, 12 miles north-east of Jaitpur, bringing supplies and reinforcements. A portion of the Mahratta army moved off to intercept him.[†] Suddenly

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[*] The junction of the Mahrattas with Chhattarsal described in Sardesai ii. 384 et seq. [J. S.] [†] The repulse of Qaim Khan is thus described in a Marathi letter from Pilaji Jadon: "On the 9th Shawwal [7 May 1729] Qaim Khan with seizing the opportunity the beleaguered soldiers poured out of the camp on their way to Jaitpur, Muhammad Khan was left with no more than one thousand men. The Bundelas came down from their hiding places in the hills and Muhammad Khan moved out, leaving not a single soul in camp. For three hours an unequal contest was maintained, and honour being satisfied Muhammad Khan consented to withdraw to Jaitpur.

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On reaching Jaitpur Muhammad Khan put it so far as he was able in a state of defence. But there were no stores of food and no time to procure any. When the Mahrattas returned, having defeated Qaim Khan, they invested the town and fort, into which Muhammad Khan had withdrawn. The besiegers could make no impression on the place and resolved to starve it into surrendering. For close on four months the garrison held out under the most heart-rending conditions. The only food was the flesh of the gun-bullocks and of the troopers' horses ; flour could not be procured at a hundred Rupees the seer. Many men died of starvation ; many deserted ; all who gave up their arms were allowed to pass out. [Warid 11b, Khush-hal 1049-1052.]

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