Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c13: Chapter XIII. The Far South: Dwarsamudra and M'abar

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c13

Language
English

Contents

Chapter XIII. The Far South: Dwarsamudra and M'abar

c13.1

THE FAR SOUTH

c13.3

On return from Warangal Malik Kāfūr had many a thing to tell about the Deccan. He had been well acquainted with the peninsular India and apprised the Sultan of the rich kingdoms lying farther south—the kingdoms of Dwarsamudra and M'abar. He told 'Alāūddīn that while he was in Warangal he had heard that the king of M'abar possessed 500 large elephants, and expressed a keen desire to lead an expedition into that far off kingdom. Alāūddīn was more eager than his Vazir to see his banner unfurled in the remotest corners of India, and had already determined to send Malik Naib at the head of another expedition. The motive of the despatch of the expedition appears to be the same as that of the two previous ones, namely, the possession of treasures and elephants; but Amīr Khusrau says that "now with a sincere motive" the emperor thought of sending an expedition to the south "so that the light of the *shari'at* may reach there."¹

c13.4

¹ *Khazain*. Habib Trs. p. 80.

c13.5

On the 24th of Jamadiul-Ākhir 710 (20th November 1310²) Malik 'Izzuddaulah Naib-Barbak Kāfūr started with a large army towards M'abar, which lay on the sea and which was "so far from Delhi that a man travelling with an expedition can only reach it after a journey of twelve months." The army marched southwards by the bank of Jumna and halted at Tankal or Natgal,³ a village on the river. They halted there for a fortnight and when all the soldiers had arrived and got enrolled they resumed their march southwards. They traversed difficult roads and arrived at a place named Kaithun⁴ after which they crossed Narbada and two other rivers smaller than that. At the end of this march the imperial commander received envoys of Pratap Rudra Deva, who had sent twenty three elephants as a present for the Sultan. The army halted at Gurgam (Khargon)⁵ where a muster of troops was held and the elephants of the king of Telingana were sent to Delhi. The river Tavi (Tapti) was crossed and Devagiri was reached on the 13th of Ramzān 710 (February 4th, 1311). Here Malik Kāfūr halted for some days to obtain spears and arrows and other weapons of war "for overthrowing Bilal Deo and other deos (demons)."

c13.6

² Habib's Trs. of *Khazain* has 26th of Jamadul Ākhir Elliot's and Alld. Uni.'s Mss. have 24th. Barani simply says "by the end of the year 710 A.H.

c13.7

³ The village is not traceable on the maps now available. Baranī, however, suggests the same route as selected on previous occasion and says that Malik Naib first marched to Rewari and then went straight to Devagiri.

c13.8

⁴ Kaithun or Kanhūr has been identified by Prof. Aiyangar with Kanhūn in Rajputana, "a little aside of the road from Ujjain to Delhi". *Invaders*, p. 101.

c13.9

⁵ Prof. Aiyangar first identified Gurgam with Kharegam of the maps a little way S. W. of Indore (*Invaders*, p. 101) and then was inclined to place it somewhere between Burhanpur and Tapti and left the exact situation undecided. (Introduction to the Trs. of *Khazain* p. xxx.). Prof. Hodivala thinks it to be Khargon which lies on the Kundi river, a tributary of Narbada in 21.50 N 75.37 E. He gives the names of numerous writers of medieval period who have referred to this town. Hodivala, p. 256.

c13.10

According to Barani when Malik Naib reached Devagiri Ram Deva had died.⁶ Ferishtah follows Baranī in this statement. But the statements of Amīr Khusrau and 'Iṣāmī point to the fact that Ram Deva was living when Kāfūr passed Devagiri *en route* to Dwarsamudra. Khusrau describes in detail the help rendered by the Yadava king to the Imperial general. 'Iṣāmī also says that Ram Chandra was invited to Delhi by 'Alāūddīn in prince Khizr Khan's marriage with the daughter of Alp Khan, and the latter attended it.⁷ This marriage was performed on the 23rd of Ramzan 711 A.H. (February 4th, 1312). It is obvious, therefore, that Ram Deva died some time after this event. Moreover at another place Ferishtah himself says that Malik Naib was sent to the Deccan again in 712 A.H. (1312 A.D.) because Singhana Deva had assumed independence in the life-time of his father. It is clear, therefore, that Ram Deva was alive at the time of the expedition to Dwarsamudra and died some time in 1312 A.D.

c13.11

⁶ Baranī p. 333.

c13.12

⁷ *Futūḥ* p. 316.

c13.13

Rai Rayan Ram Deva helped the Muslim general in every possible way. He ordered that everything needed by the imperial army should be placed in the market, a thing he had done at the time of the invasion of Warangal. Amir Khusrau says that the Hindus did not quarrel with the Muslim soldiers, nor did the latter create any trouble, and the transactions in the market were carried on peacefully.⁸ Ram Deva deputed Parasuram Deva (Paras Deo Delvi), his commander-in-chief on the southern frontier, to help the Muslim army on its southward march. Parasuram rendered all help and assistance in the conquest of "Bir and Dhur Samandar." Malik Kāfūr left the Amanabād of Devagiri for the Kharababād of Paras Deva. They travelled on hills and in dales and crossed streams "some roaring, others softly melodious." In five stages they reached the borders of the Hoysalas after crossing rivers Godavari, Sini and Bhīma.⁹

c13.14

⁸ *Khazain*. The Allahabad University Ms. fol. 61(b).

c13.15

⁹ The position in the text is transposed. Therein the rivers are given: “Sini, Godavari and Bhinur (Bhīma)”.

c13.16

While Kāfūr was marching into the capital of the Hoysalas, king Ballāla III had gone father south with his force. It has been mentioned before that Mārāvarman Kulasekhara had two sons Sundara Pandya and Vīra Pandya. Vīra was very much liked by the king and was nominated as his successor. Sundara Pandya could not tolerate such open favouritism. In a paroxym of rage he killed his father and crowned himself at Mardi (Madura).¹⁰ This unfilial act resulted in a bloody warfare between the two brothers. With the help of his cousin, Vīra Pandya defeated Sundara, who fled northwards and begged assistance form Alāuddīn at Delhi or from his general Kāfūr who was then present in the Deccan.¹¹ It was this unsettled condition which had prompted Vīra Ballāla III to march with an army and gain by the disaffection of the two brothers. Just then the news of the invasion of his own territories by the Muhammadans fell upon his ears like a thunderbolt. He hastened to protect his own country not to speak of invading another’s. Kāfūr had learnt at Bandri¹² about everything that was happening in the southern kingdoms of the Hoysalas and the Pandyas. He held a council of war and working according to its deliberations started with 10,000 chosen horses on 23rd Ramzan (February 14th, 1311) and crossing hills and torrents appeared before the citadel of Dwarsamudra¹³ (Dhur Samandar of Khusrau) on Thursday, 5th Shavval, 710 (February 25th, 1311). Vīra Ballāla, who had returned to the capital in time, sought the advice of his commanders and ministers at a time of such dire distress. They unanimously exhorted him to fight rather than to submit. It would be impossible to re-establish the prestige of the kingdom, they argued, after the shock of a humiliating peace. Seeing the Hoysala prince in distress Vīra Pāṇḍya also sent an army to reinforce Ballāla's forces, but the latter was pessimistic from the very beginning. He fought short skirmishes but refrained from giving a final engagement to the invaders. In the meantime he sent one Gaisu Mal to "find out the strength and the circumstances of the Muslim army." Having come to know that the enemy was a tough fighter and rulers like Ram Chandra and Pratap Rudra had submitted to him, he sued for peace. According to Amīr Khusrau one Balak Deva Nayak accompanied by plenipotentiaries visited the camp of Malik Naib and offered submission to Kāfūr. Malik Kāfūr's terms were clear. "The order of the Caliph (i.e. 'Alāuddīn) concerning Bilal Deo and all other Rais is this: First I am to place before them the two negatives of the oath of affirmation. May be, their hearts may be illuminated. But if . . . they fail to see the light, I am to offer them the alternative of having the yoke of tribute (*Zimma*) put on their necks. If they reject this also and refuse to pay tribute, then I will simply relieve their necks of the burden of their head."¹⁴ Ballāl Deva accepted the second alternative and promised to send an yearly tribute. Much treasure, which was taken out from the cells for a whole night, and a number of large elephants were presented to the imperial commander.¹⁵ Vīra Ballāla came in person to Malik Kāfūr and made his submission.

c13.17

¹⁰ Aiyangar, p. 97.

c13.18

¹¹ *Wassāf*, p. 531.

c13.19

¹² Prof. Aiyangar identifies Bandri with Pandharpur and adds that it seems to have been then a frontier station between the Yadava and Hoysala dominions. (*Invaders*, p. 102.)

c13.20

¹³ Two records dated probably 1310-11 A.D. refer to a Muhammadan invasion of Dwarsamudra, *Epi. Carn.* Vol. V, Hassan Taluq nos. 51 and 52.

c13.21

¹⁴ *Khazain*. Habib Trs. p. 91.

c13.22

¹⁵ Baranī says that Malik Kāfūr captured 36 elephants and all the treasures of Dwarsamudra.

c13.23

After the settlement of the peace terms Malik Naib stayed at Dwarsamudra for a week after which he asked Ballāla Deva to lead him on the way towards M'abar, a way with which the royal commander was completely unacquainted. The defeated Hoysala chief had but to agree to what the victorious general said, and prepared to lead Malik Kāfūr towards the destruction of a sister state.¹⁶

c13.24

¹⁶ *Futūh* p. 287.

c13.25

*Embassy from Persia* (1310-11).

c13.26

At the time when Malik Kāfūr was carrying fire and sword into the south, an embassy from the Ilkhan Sultan Aljaitu Khuda Banda of Persia reached the court of 'Alāuddīn. The message they brought from their suzerain was that the sultans of Delhi had always been on good terms with the Mughal Khaqans, Chaghtai and Oqtai. But it appeared strange that since the accession of Aljaitu, Sultan 'Alāuddīn had neither sent any congratulatory message nor any communication to cement old relations of friendship. It was time that the old friendship should be revived.¹⁷

c13.27

¹⁷ Relations of amity existed between 'Alāuddīn and Aljaitu's predecessor Ghāzān Khan (1295-1304). In the October probably of 1303 Ghazan Khan left Tebriz on an elephant, which had been sent as a present by the sultan of Delhi. The sight was a new one to the people of Tebriz. Howorth: *History of the Mongols*, Vol. III p. 479.

c13.28

In that message Aljaitu also suggested, in very sweet words, that a daughter of the sultan of India may be given in marriage to the ruling Ilkhan of Persia. 'Alāuddīn, who by now possessed vast treasures and who had made unprecedented conquests in north and south, considered the marriage proposal of Aljaitu as a deliberate insult to his dignity and imprisoned all the eighten persons that comprised the embassy. His temper was not soothed simply by imprisoning these people; he later on ordered them to be crushed under the feet of the elephants. By such flagrantly undiplomatic act, says Vaṣṣāf, he threw "the pearl of his good name into the river of Nile."¹⁸

c13.29

¹⁸ This incident has only been mentioned in *Vaṣṣāf* (p. 528). No Indian historian refers to it. But since it concerns the affairs of Persia, Vassāf should be relied upon. Indian historians may have overlooked such a petty incident while describing the brilliant victories of Malik Kāfūr in the Deccan.

March Towards M'abar (1311)

c13.s1.1

From Dwarsamudra Kāfūr started for M'abar¹⁹ on the 18th Shavvāl 710 (10th March, 1311). According to the author of *Futūhus Salātīn* the vanquished Hoysala now accompanied Malik Kāfūr on his expedition into the far south, and guided the path of the imperial general in an unknown country. The land through which the royal army marched was very unpropitious and hilly so much so that "the pointed stones tore the horse's hoofs;" and every night the soldiers slept on ground "more uneven than a camel's back." After five laborious marches they reached the frontier of M'abar. According to 'Iṣāmī a reconnaissance party consisting of great generals like Bahram Kara, Katla Nihang, Maḥmūd Sartiha and Abaji Mughal was attached with the royal forces. Every day one of these five commanders used to go in advance with a few persons who knew the language of that country, and used to bring news to the imperial commander about the affairs in the enemy territory. Suddenly Abaji Mughal thought of deserting the royal army and taking service under the Rai of M'abar. He even thought of killing Malik Kāfūr. He settled with some people that they would take him to the Rai of M'abar and secure for him an honourable job there. But as he was marching ahead of the main army his troops came in conflict with a detachment of the M'abar army. Abaji confused and perplexed, hurriedly retreated and joined Kāfūr. When the imperial general came to know of these developments he put Abaji in chains and continued to proceed onward.²⁰

c13.s1.2

¹⁹ Pandya country was known to the Muhammadans by the name of M'abar. It extended from Quilon to Nellor, nearly 300 *farsangs* along the sea coast.

c13.s1.3

²⁰ When Kāfūr returned to Delhi after his victory in M'abar Abaji Mughal was beheaded by the orders of the king. *Futūh*, pp. 288-91.

c13.s1.4

The army marched on, and on crossing the two passes Tarmali²¹ and Tabar (Toppur) they arrived in the city of Mardi, the inhabitants of which place were massacred. Then starting from the river Kanobari they advanced to Birdhul.²² At the approach of the Muslim army the Rai of the place, Vīra Pandya, fled towards Kandur (identified with Kannanur).²³ But he did not feel secure and fled even from there towards the jungles. Malik Kāfūr was all the time chasing the Rai wherever he went. About 20,000 Musalmans of south India, who had fought on the side of the Hindus, now deserted to the imperialists and were spared.²⁴ With the help of these people the army tried to know the whereabouts of the flying king, but severe rains compelled them to fall back upon Birdhūl. The chase of the fugitive, however, was not given up and the army restarted from Birdhūl in his pursuit. "Torrents of rain fell from above and the army passed through places completely covered with water." Intelligence was brought that the Rai had fled to the city of Kandūr. The imperial army dashed towards the town but Vīra Pāṇḍya had fled even from there. Malik Kāfūr laid hand upon 120 elephants on which he found some treasure also. In fact the real aim of Malik Kāfūr was to destroy his enemy Vīra Pāṇḍya than to help his friend Sundara. In vain, however, did he massacre the people of Kandūr for the Rai had long before fled from that place. It was thought that he had fled towards Jāl Kūta.²⁵ Malik Naib marched in that direction but thorny forests forbad any persistent pursuit, and he again returned to Kandūr where he searched for more elephants and treasure. Meanwhile they had learnt much about the temples and treasures of the places lying in the vicinity of Kandūr. They came to know that at Barmatpūrī (Brahmapurī)²⁶ there

c13.s1.5

²¹ Elliot has Sarmali; the Allahabad University Ms. has Talmali. It is difficult to identify it now.

c13.s1.6

²² Prof. Aiyangar thinks it to be the headquarters of Vira (Bir) Pandya. Yule (*Ser Marco Polo*, II, p. 319) on the authority of A. Burnell suggests that it is Virdachellam of the maps, which is in south Arcot and about fifty miles north of Tanjore. Abul Feda in *Taqwimul Buldān* also calls Birdaval as the capital of the country of M'abar (Alqal Qāshindi pp. 38-9). There are old and well known temples there, and relics of fortifications. It is a rather famous place of pilgrimage. But place names like Birdhul, Jalkota, Sarmali and Kham are corrupt and difficult to identify.

c13.s1.7

²³ Kannanur lies about 8 miles north of Trichnopoly town and was the Hoysala capital in the Chola country. For a detailed discussion about its identification see Aiyangar: *Invaders* p. 72 and Hodivala p. 257.

c13.s1.8

²⁴ Describing the first expedition of Devagiri in 1296 Baranī says that before that time the people of the south had never heard of the Musalmans. He says (p. 222).

c13.s1.9

²⁵ The Allahabad University Ms. has Jalkota. Prof. Aiyangar suggests that it can mean a water fortress, or an island protected by deep waters round it. *Invaders*, p. 111.

c13.s1.10

²⁶ See Appendix B.

c13.s1.11

خلق دیوگیر وقتی از اوقات و از زمان ماضی خبر اسلام نشنیده و هیچ گهی زمین مرهث را لشکری نما لیده -

c13.s1.12

But this is incorrect. The fact that Kāfūr was joined by some Muslim subjects of the Hindu king clearly shows that at Kannanūr near Srirangam there was a settlement of Muhammadans. Muhammadans had come to south India as peaceful traders long before they had penetrated into north India as invaders.

c13.s1.13

was a golden temple and that the elephants of the Rai had collected there. The temple was raided and 250 elephants were captured. The temple, like "the paradise of Shaddād, which after being lost, those 'hellites' had found" or the "Golden Lanka of Ram", was assaulted and its idol Ling-i-Mahadeva was broken. The foundations of this golden temple, which for centuries had been the object of worship of the Hindus were dug up. "The swords flashed where jewels had once been sparkling......and the heads of the Brahmans and idol-worshippers came dancing from their necks to their feet at the flashes of the sword".²⁷

c13.s1.14

²⁷ *Khazain*. Habib Trs. pp. 103-05.

c13.s1.15

Such is the poetic description of the destruction of the golden temple of Brahmastpuri (Chidambaram). The temple of Srirangam was also sacked, since all the temples near Kannanur (Kandur) were sacked, and this presumption is confirmed in a work called *Koyiloluhu*. The book is a record of gifts made, and repairs effected, to the temple of Sriranganatha in Srirangam. It is written in Tamil prose and gives almost a continuous thread of south Indian chronology from the 13th to the 16th century A.D. Its evidence is based on inscriptions on copper and stone and it forms a great source of historical value.²⁸ This book mentions that at the time of the sack of Srirangam, obviously under Malik Naib, it was under the charge of Arya Bhattas or northern Brahmans. They were overpowered and all the wealth of the temple including the idol of the god was taken away by the Muhammadans. There was a woman who did not take her food without having *darshan* of the idol every-day. She followed on the skirt of the retreating army in guise of a mendicant and ultimately reached Delhi. There the idol of Ranganatha was given to a princess of the royal household because she had taken a fancy for it. The woman finding the idol in safe custody returned to Srirangam. From there some people, under the guidance of the woman, went to Delhi, pleased the Sultan with their music, and brought the idol back. But the princess was not prepared to part with it; and the idol had been returned to the southerners only without her knowledge. She marched to the Deccan under an escort to seize the idol. It was at Tirupati that the people bearing the idol heard that the princess and her escort were following them. Not feeling safe the party broke up, leaving the idol in charge of three men, a father, his son, and the latter's maternal uncle. The fear of Muslim army made the three Hindus hide in a glen under an unfrequented hill. The princess, however, marched straight on to Srirangam and finding the temple deserted died of a broken heart. Sixty years passed. The father and the uncle died and the son grew up to be an old man of eighty. Feeling his end drawing near he showed himself to some hill-folk and told them the long story of how he was there. By then the power of the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagar had been sufficiently established and the idol was reinstalled in the temple of Srirangam in 1370-71.²⁹

c13.s1.16

²⁸ *Ind. Ant*. 1911 pp. 131-44. Article on *Koyiloluhu* by K. V. Subrahmanya.

c13.s1.17

²⁹ Aiyangar, pp. 113-16.

c13.s1.18

This romantic story is described about one single temple, but a very large number of them were destroyed and their wealth looted by Kāfūr. The temples of Birdhul to which the army marched from Brahmastpuri were also thoroughly sacked. The destruction wrought by Malik Kāfūr can well be imagined from the fact that in search of Vira Pandya the Muslim army went from place to place, and to some places many times over, and in their disappointment and rage at not finding the fugitive wherever they went, they destroyed edifices and killed people mercilessly.³⁰

c13.s1.19

³⁰ In *Deval Rani* also Khusrau dwells at length upon the destruction of various temples in M'abar. (*Deval Rani* pp. 70-73). The temples were reservoirs of effluence and wealth. Hindu Rajas and other rich people presented them with gold and jewels and endowed villages for the maintenance of their establishments. Thus wealth multiplied in a temple without being spent on a large scale. The result was that whenever the Muslims attacked a place they sacked its temples in particular for despoiling them of their wealth. But in the rage of warfare fanaticism was naturally fanned and besides looting the wealth of the temple the invaders destroyed the very edifices and often threw their stones and idols at such places as could be trampled under the feet of the Musalmans.

c13.s1.20

The royal army marched on. On the 15th of Zilq'ada (April 16th, 1311) they arrived in the city of Kūm (Elliot: Khām),³¹ and after some days they reached Madura, where Vīra was supposed to live. The Rai along with his family and treasures had fled away from there again and only two or three elephants were left in the temple of Jāgnār (rather Sokkanatha).³² Kāfūr's disappointment was terrible and in his impotent rage he set fire to it. By now his patience had been exhausted. He had relentlessly searched the Rai for weeks and months; in towns, in jungles and in hills, but everywhere in vain; and now finding that he had become master of so much wealth and had captured so many elephants, he decided to march back. Before marching homewards he ordered all the spoils to be arranged and classified. His gains consisted of 512 elephants (Baranī has 612), 5000 horses of various breeds like ‘Arabi, Yamani and Syrian³³ (Barani has 20,000 horses, 96,000 *mans* of gold), and 500 *mans* of jewellery of every description³⁴ With these rewards of his enterprise he broke his camp on Sunday the 4th Zilhijja (April 25th, 1311) to the extreme joy of everybody. They marched towards Delhi on the same rough paths on which they had marched down to the conquest of the south. They arrived in Delhi after an arduous journey of six months. Sultan ‘Alāūddin accorded a deserving reception to his victorious general and his troops. He held a Durbar in the palace of Hazār Situn in Siri on the 4th of Jamadus sani 711 A.H. (Monday, October 18th, 1311 A.D.)³⁵, where Malik Kāfūr presented before the Sultan all he had brought from the Deccan. Such was the wealth captured in south, says Barani, that since the capture of Delhi by the Muhammadans at no time had so much treasure been seized. On such occasions ‘Alāūddin did not fail to exhibit his generosity. He gave four, two, one and half a *man* gold to his nobles and Amirs.

c13.s1.21

³¹ Probably Kadambavanam, a city now in ruins but remains of old fortifications exist. The particular locality now a days is called Kadambar Malai and lies about 11 miles from Pudukotta along the Trichnopoly road.

c13.s1.22

³² Aiyangar (p. 100) contends the interpretation of Elliot that Jagnath is Jagannath or it was a temple dedicated to Jagannath or Vishnu. He says that Jagnar is a corruption of Sokkannath, which is an alternative name of Shiva or Sundresh, the patron diety of the town of Madura. The great temple of Sundeshvara is still a beautiful edifice in the town. See *Khazain*, Trans. Into. p. xxxii. *Hodivala* p. 257. *Imperial Gazetteer*, Vol. XXIII p. 108.

c13.s1.23

³³ *Khazain*, p. 106. Khusrau does not exaggerate. Both Vassāf and Marco Polo bear testimony to the fact that from places like Qatif, Lahsa, Bahrin and Hormuz, a very large number of horses were imported into M'abar. Since the southerners did not give them proper diet, but dressed gram and milk, they died soon, and new ones were imported (Vassāf p. 302). Marco says about M'abar: "Here are no horses bred; and thus a great part of the wealth of the country is wasted in purchasing horses……merchants of Kis and Hormuz……and Aden collect great number of destriers and other horses" and bring them to M'abar (Yule: *Ser Marco Polo*, II, p. 324). The Hindus did not know cross-breeding which had been a secret art of the Arabs. That is why they had always to import good-breed horses.

c13.s1.24

³⁴ *Khazain*, Habib Trs. pp. 106-7.

c13.s1.25

³⁵ *Khazain*, Trs. p. 180 has 14th of Jamadius Sani, which is a slip because 14th was not Monday but Thursday. Elliot's and the Allahabad University Mss. have 4th of Jamad, which is correct.

c13.s1.26

Ballāla Deva had accompanied Malik Kāfūr to Delhi. The Hoysala prince, after escorting Kāfūr on his march to M'abar and helping in its speedy destruction, had accompanied Kāfūr to Delhi. The sultan was very much pleased with Ballāla's assistance and loyalty. He gave him a special robe of honour, a crown and *chatr* and also presented him with a purse of ten lac of *tankahs*. The Hoysala chief stayed at Delhi for some time and then came back to Dwarsamudra, his territories having been restored by the Sultan.

c13.s1.27

It is strange indeed that Amīr Khusrau and Barani, while describing the scence of the special reception arranged for Malik Naib Kāfūr, do not make mention of Ballāla Deva, who must have been an important figure there. But 'Isāmī describes how Ballāla was received by 'Alāuddīn.³⁶ That this prince also visited Delhi, as the Yadava Ram Chandra had done a couple of years back, is corroborated by an inscription, the translation of which reads: "When the Pratapa—Chakravartti Hoyisana Vira—Ballāla Devarasa was ruling a peaceful kingdom" ... .the Turkish invasion occurred, Ballāla went to Delhi, and on the occasion of his coming back from there (date specified May 6, 1313) "he released the taxes old and new.......etc."³⁷

c13.s1.28

³⁶ *Futūh* p. 290.

c13.s1.29

³⁷ *Epig. Carn.* Vol. VII, Shimoga Taluq, Inscription no. 68.

c13.s1.30

*The Third Expedition to Devagiri (1313).*

c13.s1.31

Next year (712-13 A.H.; 1312-13 A.D.) Malik Kāfūr was once more appointed to march into the Deccan. Ram Deva, the oldest and most faithful ally of Sultan 'Alāuddīn, had died some time in the year 1312 and was succeeded by his son. Ever since the Muslims had penetrated into the Deccan Singhana had been their avowed enemy. After the humiliating submission of his father in 1296 came another catastrophe, and Deval Rani, his betrothed, was snatched away from him. This latter event rekindled the flame of animosity in Singhana's heart. So great was his resentment that, if 'Iṣāmī is to be believed, even Ram Chandra was compelled to request 'Alā-uddin to help him in controlling Singhana against assuming open hostility to the Delhi government.³⁸ In 1312 or 1313 Singhana succeeded to the throne after the death of his father, and as could well be expected he stopped all connections with the sultanate and began to rule independently.

c13.s1.32

³⁸ *Futūḥ* p. 274.

c13.s1.33

Mean while Raja Pratap Rudra of Telingana, who had either been too much frightened or was unflinchingly true to his plighted troth, sent a score of elephants and a letter to 'Alāuddīn stating therein that he was prepared to pay the yearly tribute he had promised to whomsoever the emperor appointed for the purpose.³⁹ Malik Naib Kāfūr, who according to Ferishtah, was afraid of, and inimical to, the Malka-i-Jahān and her son Khizr Khan, requested the Sultan to send him to the Deccan to receive the tribute. He also promised to punish the refractory Singhana and clear the Deccan of disaffected elements.⁴⁰ 'Alāuddīn consented to the proposal of Malik Naib and appointed him to govern Devagiri after crushing the insolent Yadava prince.⁴¹

c13.s1.34

³⁹ Ferishtah p. 122. Also Barani (p. 334). Khusrau does not mention anything about it because *Khazainul Futūḥ* had been completed in 711 and this event came off later.

c13.s1.35

⁴⁰ *Ferishtah* p. 122.

c13.s1.36

⁴¹ *Futūḥ* p. 326.

c13.s1.37

Once again did Malik Kāfūr march into the Deccan crushing right and left any prince who raised his head. First of all he marched to Devagiri and engaged Singhana in a terrible battle. The valiant Maratha, who all his life was opposed to acknowledging the suzerainty of Delhi, could not stand the tempo of the attack and was killed in action. ‘Iṣāmī’s statement that the prince evacuated Devagiri without giving a battle lends itself to great doubt because Singhaṇa was never heard of again so long as Malik Naib remained in the Deccan. Even after Kāfūr’s return to Delhi, Harpal Deva, son-in-law of Ram Deva, and not Singhaṇa is mentioned as the ruler of Devagiri.

c13.s1.38

Having retaken the Yadava territories Malik Naib attacked a few other cities far and near in the territories of Telingana and Hoysala, and inspired such terror into the hearts of the Deccanis that even the last remnants of opposition to the Delhi government were wiped out. When everybody had submitted Malik Kāfūr returned to Devagiri and fixed his headquarters there, and it was on account of his integrity and strength that the prestige and power of the sultanate were ever felt in Deccan until the death of the Sultan.⁴² Malik Naib sent some years’ tribute from Telingana and Carnatic kingdoms to the capital. He remained in the Deccan until about 1315 when ‘Alāuddīn, who had fallen seriously ill, called him back to Delhi.⁴³

c13.s1.39

⁴² An inscription of ‘Alāuddīn Khaljī has been found in a village called Nalatward in the Muddebihal Taluka of the Bijapur district. It is dated 715 A.H. (1315-16 A.D.) and its language and epithets used for the king are the same as those used at Delhi in contemporary inscriptions. (*Arch. Sur Rep. 1929-30* p. 190). The inscription is published and translated in the *Epig. Indo-Moslemica 1927-28* pp. 16-17.

c13.s1.40

⁴³ Barani does not mention this expedition to the south, but while describing the events of last days of ‘Alāuddīn he says that when the emperor fell seriously ill he called Malik Naib from the Deccan and Alp Khan from Gujarat (p. 368). This proves that in 1314-15 Malik Kāfūr was in the Deccan and must have gone there some time before. ‘Iṣāmī, however, writes about the death of Ram Deva, about Singhaṇa’s (whom he always calls Bhilam) recalcitrance, and about Malik Naib’s going to the Deccan and curbing all the refractory element there including the newly crowned king of Devagiri. (*Futūḥ* pp. 325-28). He also says that the sultan called his favourite general back to Delhi in connection with prince Shadi Khan's marriage with the daughter of Alp Khan, an event of the last days of ‘Alāūddīn's reign.

Causes of the Success of 'Alāī Expeditions

c13.s2.1

The various invasions of Malik Kāfūr, for the time being, destroyed peaceful conditions in the Deccan peninsula. All the prominent kingdoms of the south—the Yadava, the Kākātīya, the Hoysala and the Pandya—succumbed to his terrible onslaughts. Incalculable wealth was carried off to the north and places and shrines venerated by the Hindus for centuries were desecrated, looted and razed to the ground. Perhaps nowhere during his march did Kāfūr meet a really tough resistance.

c13.s2.2

The causes of the success of the royal army in the Deccan are not far to seek. The southern kingdoms of Devagiri, Telingana, Hoysala and the Pandya, like the Rajput states of the north, were constantly fighting against one another.⁴⁴ When ‘Alāūddīn had marched to Devagiri in 1296, Singhana Deva had gone towards the Hoysala frontiers with his forces; when Kāfūr marched against the Hoysala country, its king Ballāla Deva was absent in farther south trying to snatch a portion of the Pandya country; and the two princes Sundra Pandya and Vīra Pandya were constantly fighting with each other. Not only that, in place of uniting and helping one another in face of a foreign foe they assisted the invaders against their own neighbours. Thus Ram Chandra helped Mālik Kāfūr in the conquest of Telingana and Vīra Ballāla escorted the imperial army farther south in M'abar. Sundara Pandya even begged Malik Kāfūr’s assistance against his step-brother and proved to be a source of untold misery to his own countrymen.⁴⁵

c13.s2.3

⁴⁴ See also *A‘ijāz-i-Khusravī* Vol. I p. 18, and Vol. II p. 175.

c13.s2.4

⁴⁵ There is one happy instance in this dark picture where the Pandya prince Vira sent a detachment to reinforce the army of Ballāla Deva, when the latter was fighting Malik Kāfūr.

c13.s2.5

The defeat of the southern princes was not wholly due to their disunity. The army of ‘Alāuddīn, on account of his various military reforms, was efficient, well-equipped and organised. The sultan, moreover, had particularly instructed Malik Naib to be generous and considerate to his men in a far off and unfamiliar land. The Turk was a tough fighter and in him were combined zeal for religion and greed for plunder. In discipline, strategy, and tactics the northerners were far superior to the southern armies. Even in physical prowess the soldiers of the south could not be a match to those of the north. Marco Polo bears testimony to the poor quality of the soldiers of south India in the 12th and 13th centuries. “The people of the country”, says he “go to the battle all naked, with only a lance and a shield, and are most wretched soldiers . . . .”⁴⁶ The traveller continues to say that they were mostly vegetarians, ate rice and were very orthodox people. They were more particular about regular baths and untouchability than about fighting.⁴⁶ This may be said to be a very harsh estimate of the soldiers of the south, yet there is no doubt that they could not successfully fight the armies who used to put the Mongols to flight.⁴⁷ Moreover ‘Alāuddīn never meant to annex the far-off land beyond the Vindhyas. For him his southern expeditions were financial ventures. His mobile forces swooped down upon the southern kingdoms, denuded them of their wealth and then came back triumphantly.

c13.s2.6

⁴⁶ Yule: *Ser Marco Polo*, II, pp. 326-27.

c13.s2.7

⁴⁷ *Futūh*, p. 275.

c13.s2.8

*Nature of Deccan Conquest.*

c13.s2.9

By an irony of circumstance Deccan has proved an effective stepping stone for many a general and prince. 'Alā-ūddīn, Mahābat Khan, Shahjahān and Aurangzeb all began their careers in the Deccan. Similarly Kāfūr's campigns in the south have immortalized his name in the history of the Sultanate period. Vassāf does not exaggerate when he says that the brilliant achivements of Kāfūr in the Deccan eclipsed the victories of Mahmūd of Ghazna in Hindustan.⁴⁸ Really speaking the motives behind the campaigns of Kāfūr in the south were the same as those of Mahmūd in the north. It was the fabulous wealth of the Deccan, above everything else, that promped him to invade the kingdoms beyond the Vindhyas; and in securing the treasures of Warangal Malik Naib took possession of all possible wealth—"Everything that the Rai's country possessed......even the last nail in the fort".

c13.s2.10

⁴⁸ *Vassāf* p. 527.

c13.s2.11

When all the wealth which could possibly be obtained in the Deccan was captured, there was no use annexing the kingdoms to, and inviting fresh troubles for, the Sultanate of Delhi. The constant and repeated wars in Rajputana had brought home to 'Alāūddīn the disadvantages of an annexationist policy. He was not prepared to repeat his mistakes of Rajputana in the Deccan. Moreover, the conquest of the south was never complete. No doubt the wealth of Devagiri, Warangal, Dwarsamudra and M'abar was looted or obtained through terms of treaties, yet neither Singhana, nor Pratap Rudra Deva accepted complete defeat. Singhana made constant efforts to regain independence and there is great doubt if the fort of Warangal ever capitulated. The Hoysala prince no doubt was completely defeated and he surrendered all wealth to save his sacred thread (*zunnār*), but Vira Pandya ever avoided a pitched battle with Kāfūr, who only ravaged Pandya country without being able to defeat its king. In these circumstances the annexation of these kingdoms would have proved a liability to the Delhi sultanate. Moreover the difficulties of Muhammad Tughlaq clearly show that it was not at all safe to annex the Deccan. But even without annexation 'Alāuddīn's ambition was fulfilled. Great kings like Ram Chandra and Ballāla Deva came to Delhi, they paid their respects personally to the sovereign, their treasures were taken away. The glory of the empire was enhanced and the treasury of the state was filled with the wealth of the Deccan.

c13.s2.12

Malik Kāfūr's success in the Deccan was short lived. The third invasion of the Yadava kingdom by Malik Naib, his raids into many towns of other kingdoms like Telingana and Carnatic, and his fixing his headquarters at Devagiri clearly show that as soon as the victorious armies of the north used to turn their backs upon the vanquished kingdoms of the south, the latter used to assume an attitude of indifference if not of open hostility towards the sultanate of Delhi. The result was that when Malik Kāfūr was called to Delhi towards the close of 'Alāuddīn's reign, Deccan was again seething with disaffection and it was left to Mubarak Khaljī and Muhammad Tughlaq to reconquer south India once again.

c13.s2.13

*Extent of 'Alāūddīn's Empire.*

c13.s2.14

It would be proper to conclude this chapter with a survey of 'Alāuddīn's empire. On the north-west, river Indus may roughly be taken as the boundary line of the Indian empire. Beyond the Indus the land was constantly disputed between the Mongols and the Indians.⁴⁹ Deopalpur was in the charge of Ghazi Malik, Multan and Sivistan were first under Zafar Khan and later under Malik Kāfūr. In northern India the whole tract of land now comprised of the Punjab, Sindh and the United Provinces was under the direct control of the Central government. The various states of Rajputana could never be completely conquered and may conveniently be classified under tributary kingdoms.⁵⁰ On the east Turkish empire does not seem to have extended beyond Benares and Jaunpur (Sarju). Bihar and Bengal were ruled by Harasimha and Shamsuddīn Fīroz respectively, both independent of the Sultanate of Delhi.⁵¹ The portions now comprising of Orissa and the Eastern States Agency were not visited by any Muslim army of 'Alāuddīn or of his predecessors. Most of Central India with important places like Chanderī, Ellichpur, Dharnagri, Ujjain and Mandu were under direct control of governors appointed by the central government. Gujarat was a province of the empire and was ably governed by Alp Khan till the last years of 'Alāuddīn.⁵² Yadava, Hoysala, and Kākatiya kingdoms were tributaries. They were not occupied by Muslim governors, with the partial exception of Devagiri where Kāfūr established his headquarters for some time. Beyond Dwarsamudra Malik Kāfūr carried on predatory raids but the Pāndya princes never acknowledged Muslim suzerainty and never paid any tribute.⁵³

c13.s2.15

⁴⁹ Vide Chapter XI.

c13.s2.16

⁵⁰ Vide Chapter X. Barani (p. 323) says that some provinces like Ranthambhor, Chittor, Mandalkhor (Mandalgarh in Chittor) and Jalor came under the control of provincial governors and *iqta'dārs* (obviously both Hindu and Muslim).

c13.s2.17

⁵¹ Vide Chapter VII.

c13.s2.18

⁵² Vide Chapter XVIII.

c13.s2.19

⁵³ Vide Chapter XIII.

c13.s2.20

(رنتهنبور و چيتور و مندل كهير و دهار اوجين و ماندو كهر و علائيپور – و چنديرى وائرچ – و سوانه – وحالور – كه از بلاد مضبوط خارج بودند درضبط ولات و مقطعان در آمد –

Cites (6)