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History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c5: Chapter V. Murder of Jalaluddin Khalji

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c5

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Chapter V. Murder of Jalaluddin Khalji

c5.2

Early in the year 695 H. (1296 A.D.) Jalāluddīn had marched with his army to Gwalior. No definite dates have been given about Jalāluddīn's march to and stay at Gwalior. Ferishtah furnishes some details but his statements contradict themselves.¹ Baranī simply says that Jalāluddīn went on an expedition to Gwalior in 695 H. and stayed there for some time. At Gwalior "rumours" began to reach him that ‘Alāuddīn had obtained success at Devagiri and was returning to Kara.² It appears that Jālāluddīn had started for Gwalior about the same time ‘Alāuddīn had left for Devagiri. From Kara ‘Alāulmulk was constantly transmitting fabricated news to the sultan³ to the effect that the prince was busy reducing refractory kingdoms and would soon send a petition to the king. It is doubtful if ‘Alāulmulk himself knew much about the extraordinary exploit of ‘Alāúddīn.

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¹ Ferishtah pp. 95-97.

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² Baranī p. 223.

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³ Baranī (222) simply says that the news was sent by ‘Alāulmulk to the court. He does not mention Delhi or Gwalior, but it was obviously sent at Gwalior where the sultan was staying.

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In short, it was at Gwalior that Jalāluddīn first learnt that ‘Alāúddīn had marched to Devagiri, had sacked it, and was returning to Kara with a rich booty. The sultan was immensely pleased at the news of his nephew’s victory and to share his joy with his boon companions he held drink parties. Meanwhile news about the vast treasures ‘Alāúddīn was bringing from the Deccan was confirmed by successive reports. It was remoured that the treasures far exceeded those possessed by any monarch of Delhi in the past. The very idea of the immensity of the captured wealth made Jalāluddīn a little thoughtful. The prince had acted in an independent manner. He had not obtained the king's permission to invade Devagiri. Jalāluddīn held secret consultations with his most intimate barons like Malik Ahmad Chap, Malik Fakhruddīn Kūchī, Malik Kamāluddīn Abul Ma‘ālī and Malik Naṣīruddīn Kuhramī. He asked them to opine on the course of action to be adopted in such circumstances. Should he stay where he was and wait for ‘Alāuddīn to come to him, or march out to meet him on his way to Kara, or should he go back to Delhi?

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Sane suggestion was not wanting. Malik Ahmad,⁴ the Naib Barbak, and sister's son of the sultan, who was known for giving the most practical advice said: “Elephants and wealth when held in great abundance are the cause of much strife. Whoever acquires them becomes so intoxicated that he does not know his hands from his feet. ‘Alāuddīn is surrounded by many of the rebels and insurgents who supported Malik Chhajjū. He went into a foreign land, without leave, has fought battles and won treasure. The wise have said, ‘Money and strife; strife and money,’ that is, the two things are inseparable from each other. My opinion is that we should march in all haste towards Chanderi to meet ‘Alāuddīn and intercept his return. When he finds the Sultan's army in the way, he must necessarily present all his spoils to the throne whether he likes it or not. The Sultan may then take the silver and gold, the jewels and pearls, the elephants and horses, and leave the other booty to him and his soldiers. His territories should be increased and he should be taken in honour to Delhi... but if he is permitted to go to Kara with the treasures amounting to those of ten kingdoms, we shall all be ruined. I also know that for years Malik 'Alāūddīn has been in trouble with his wife and the Malka-i-Jahān. And no loyalty should be expected from one who has been in trouble."⁵

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⁴ According to Hajiuddibir his full name was Shihābuddīn Ahmad Chap. *Zafarul Vāli* p. 754.

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⁵ Barani pp. 224-25.

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Ahmad Chap's harangue pricked the Sultan "like a thorn." In fact he had spoken so frankly 'before any body else had said anything,' that his sincere utterance was misconstrued. The Sultan chid Ahmad saying he had done nothing against 'Alāūddīn to estrange him and he was falsely accusing his son-in-law. Jalāluddīn then addressed other nobles and asked them for advice on the point. Malik Fakhruddīn Kūchī did not like to incur the Sultan's displeasure. He knew that even a word spoken against his nephew was unwelcome to Jalāluddīn. He, therefore, began with what he thought would please the sultan, although he knew that what Ahmad Chap had said was all correct. "No responsible person," began the cunning Fakhruddīn, "on whose word full reliance can be placed has come to the court from 'Alāuddīn's camp. It is not certain whether the rumours are false or true .There is a famous maxim that 'socks should not be doffed till water be sighted.' If we march with an army and intercept him on the way, his men would be frightened to hear of the arrival of the Imperial army. One and all would they run away and hide themselves in the jungle and all the treasure that he is bringing would be lost. We should (only) keep a force in readiness, and until we find anybody refractory it is not justified to march against him. But the month of Ramzān is approaching and melons as (sweet as) sugar-candy have arrived in Delhi. It appears right to me that Your Majesty should return to Delhi with your army and pass the month of Ramzān there."⁶

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⁶ Barani pp. 226-227. The language of this passage is defective but a literal translation has been given. The last two sentences of Fakhruddīn Kūchī specially stand out as a proof of his cunning.

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Malik Ahmad Chap who was loyal and sincere to a fault could no longer stand the hypocrisy of Fakhruddin and addressed him in very harsh words. But the Sultan silenced him by saying: "I have brought him ('Alāūddin) up in my lap, and he is so much indebted to me that even if my sons go against me he cannot." Nothing could prevent Jalāluddin from adopting a course of action which his love for his nephew dictated. He left Gwalior for Delhi and arrived at Kilughari soon after.

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Meanwhile 'Alāūddin, after a long but quick march was back in Kara on the 28th of Rajjab 695 (2nd June 1296).⁷

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⁷ Khazāin. Habib Trans. p. 5., Elliot Vol. III, p. 69. There is some difference in the narratives of contemporary historians about the time which 'Alāūddin spent on his expedition to Devagiri. Barani at one place (refering to a letter of apology 'Alāūddin sent to his uncle) says that the prince wrote that he had been away on the expedition for more than a year. Barani writing long after the occurrence of the event, probably means a long period of time and not definitely a period of more than one whole year. Following upon Barani, Ferishtah tries to explain how the alleged period of one year was spent by 'Alāūddin (Ferishtah pp. 96-97). Other contemporary evidence, however, shows that the expedition was so planned as to be completed within a short period of two or three months. *Firstly*, 'Iṣāmī clearly says that 'Alāūddin had planned to return within a couple of months *Futūh* p. 222. As has been discussed above 'Alāūddin in no case could afford to spend much time in the Deccan. *Secondly*, Barani says (p. 222) that 'Alāūddin had secured the roads to Devagiri during his raid on Bhilsa. He went by forced marches straight to Devagiri without giving rest to his troops or disturbing petty chieftains on the way. *Thirdly*, the rumours which sultan Jalāluddin received at Gwalior in quick succession were to the effect that 'Alāūddin had arrived in Devagiri, had raided it and was on his way back. It appears, therefore, that 'Alāūddin did not spend much time in Devagiri. Ferishtah says he stayed there only for 25 days.

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Ever since he had left Kara about three and a half months back there had been no correspondence between him and the Sultan. He was naturally afraid that those who knew of his designs would surely have poisoned the ears of the King in his absence. Not a few barons at the court had learnt of his ambitious schemes. Ahmad Chap alone had clearly stated his suspicions and had been rebuked for his frankness. According to Yahya, however, some treachery of ‘Alāuddīn had leaked out and had made him very cautious in dealing with the old king.∗ As soon, therefore, as he arrived in Kara he addressed an epistle to his uncle professing therein his love

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∗ *T.M.S.* p. 68.

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*Fourthly*, during his return from Devagiri ‘Alāuddīn was also in a great hurry, (1) because he had to avoid any skirmishes with the Hindu kingdoms which lay on the way (except that he attacked the fortress of Asīrgarh) and which were probably invited by Ram Deva to help him. (2) Because he was afraid of his enemies conspiring at the court against him. (3) Because the rainy season was fast approaching.

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*Fifthly*, when Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah invaded Devagiri in 1317-18, he arrived on the borders of the kingdom in two months’ time (Khusrau: *Nūh Sipehr* Elliot Vol. III, p. 557). It is, therefore, not surprising that ‘Alāuddīn’s march to Devagiri took him less than a couple of months.

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And *lastly* we have the authority of the contemporary Amir Khusrau who gives definite dates of departure from Kara (26th Feb., 1296) and that of arrival back at Kara (2nd June, 1296). From Khusrau’s dates it is evident that ‘Alāuddīn started just after the inconvenient winter season was over and returned just before the rains started. No doubt the time for the expedition had been excellently chosen.

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The casual remark of Barani that ‘Alāuddīn spent one whole year on the expedition does not seem to be correct and lacks corroboration in other contemporary writings. Discussing the siege of Ranthambhor Barani again writes that the siege of the fort lasted for one year (p. 279) while Khusrau gives definite dates. Barani’s dates are generally faulty.

c5.21

and loyalty and begging pardon for undertaking an expedition without the latter's permission. In this letter the exhibited his fears about the plot of his enemies against him during his absence in a remote country. In the end he promised to make over to the Sultan all the treasures and elephants he had brought from Devagiri if the latter just sent him an assurance, under his own signature, to the effect that he had pardoned his nephew for all his faults. Even while 'Alāuddīn was writing this treacherous communication, he was planning to fly with all his treasures towards Lakhnauti⁹ in case Jalāluddīn marched with an army towards Kara. In anticipation of such an emergency he had despatched Zafar Khān towards the east to arrange for a large flotilla for crossing the Saru (Sarju).

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⁹ Barani p. 228. 'Alāuddīn could move only eastward. On the west was the sultan and in the south were a number of powerful Hindu Rajas.

c5.23

Jalāluddīn received 'Alāuddīn's letter only a few days after his arrival at Kilugharī. Most of the nobles and other prominent men of Delhi had come to know that Alāuddīn was playing a treacherous game. They had learnt of Alāuddīn's scheme of establishing himself independently in Bengal, but they were avers to apprising the foolish sultan of the true state of affairs for fear of receiving an unjust treatment at his hands. Jalāluddīn wrote a very sweet and comforting reply to his nephew granting pardon for his imperfections and repeating his unbounded love for him. He then entrusted the conveyance of the despatch to two of his most confidential and trusted servants Malik 'Imādulmulk and Malik Ziyāuddīn.¹⁰ When these two nobles arrived in the camp of 'Alāuddīn they were stunned to see how their innocent master was being befooled by his seditious and ungrateful nephew. In vain did they try to send a warning to the Sultan for 'Alāuddīn had put them under strict guard.

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¹⁰ *T.M.S.* pp. 65-66.

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Meanwhile 'rains began to descend from the heavens.' 'Alāuddīn sent another deceitful letter, this time to his brother Almās Beg who held the post of Akhūrbeg at the court. In that he wrote that he had been disobedient and disloyal to the king and was so mortified at his action that he might put an end to his life any moment. He also said that his fears could only be allayed if the Sultan himself came to Kara alone and fetched him to the court. Almās Beg at once handed over the letter to the Sultan, who was overcome with grief at the unnecessary fears of his nephew and son-in-law.¹¹ Jalāluddīn immediately despatched Almās Beg to Kara to comfort 'Alāuddīn and promised to follow him soon. Almās Beg reached Kara in a week's time and on his arrival 'Alāuddīn ordered drums of joy to be beaten.¹²

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¹¹ Barani says that 'Alāuddīn and his associates were doing all this to beguile the Sultan. They knew how simple-minded and greedy he was.

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¹² See last footnote of the Chapter.

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Within a short time of ordering Almas Beg to Kara the king started with some of his trusted nobles and a thousand horsemen to meet his nephew. At Damhai¹³ he took boats for himself and a few of his companions, while Ahmad Chap was ordered to march at the head of the army by land. At a time when rivers were in spate everywhere, and rain poured in torrents, writes Ziyāuddīn, death was "dragging Jalāluddīn by the hair" and taking him to his assassin.¹⁴

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¹³ Damhai is modern Dubhai lying 60 miles south-east of Delhi. It is now in Anūpshahr tehsil, District Bulandshahr. *Imperial Gazetteer* Vol. XI, p. 341.

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¹⁴ *Baranī* p. 231.

c5.31

It was on the 17th of Ramzān 695 (Friday July 20th 1296) that the boats were sighted at Kara. 'Alāuddīn with his treasures and elephants had left Kara, crossed the Ganga for the other side, and had established his headquarters at Manikpur. Thus he had avoided that part of the Imperial army which was marching by land, and which could not easily cross the river from Kara to Manikpur. As the canopy of the Sultan came in sight 'Alāūddīn sent his brother Almās Bég to persuade Jalāluddīn to leave behind even the small retinue accompanying him.¹⁵ Almās Beg took a boat to meet the Sultan and as they met, he used a thousand delusive arts to disarm him completely. He induced Jalāluddīn to order the party to stay behind while he himself was rowed across to the other bank. There were only two boats now, carrying the sultan and some of his selected nobles such as Khurram the Vakil-i-dar, Malik Fakhruddīn Kūchī, Malik Amajī Akhūrbeg, Malik Jamāluddīn (Baranī has Kamāluddīn) Abul Ma'ālī, Malik Nasīruddīn Kuhrāmī, Malik Ikhtiyāruddīn, the deputy Vakil-i-dar and Turmati the tashtdar.¹⁶ The traitor Almās made yet another request: "(Your Majesty) may please order that the few nobles and select followers who are sitting in the boats should take off their arms, lest it should happen that when they reach the bank my brother's eyes may fall upon them and he may get scared." Even this senseless request did not arouse the suspicions of the foolish Sultan, as his love for his nephew as well as the greed for gold had completely blinded him.¹⁷ He ordered the nobles to lay down their arms and they obeyed. When, however, the boats came near the bank Sultan Jalāluddīn and his companions could hardly believe their eyes. They saw the forces of ‘Alāuddīn arrayed, armed to the teeth. The elephants and horses were in full harness and formations of soldiers were stationed at various places. Jalaluddīn’s party clearly saw that Almās Bēg had entrapped the Sultan by his winning and plausible tongue. Malik Khurram, the Vakīl-i-dar, however, refused to take things passively and asked Almās Bēg how it was that he had made all of them throw down their arms while the forces of ‘Alāuddīn were ‘encased’ in armour and seemed to be ready for battle. To this the traitor replied that his brother wanted to accord a royal reception to the Sultan, and that the gorgeous wealth brought from Devagiri would be laid at his feet in all ceremony. To the various questions that were asked by the frightened and nervous nobles and the over-credulous Sultan, Almās Bēg gave evasive replies.

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¹⁵ Baranī says that the Sultan took with him some followers and a thousand soldiers when he marched to Kara. At Damhai the army of one thousand was left under Ahmad Chap to march by land. The Sultan travelled by boat with a few followers only, but Baranī says that when he reached Kara he had, besides some of his nobles a thousand soldiers coming by boat. There is some confusion is Baranī's *Tarikh* about the number of troops that went to Kara with Sultan Jalāluddīn.

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¹⁶ This list is given in *T.M.S.* p. 69. Baranī does not give the names.

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¹⁷ *Baranī* p. 230.

c5.35

The unsophisticated Sultan bent his head over the Qur’ān and continued his journey “as a father goes to his son’s house without any fear or suspicion in his mind.”¹⁸ But the nobles clearly saw danger before them and in utter despondency, began to read the Sūrā-i-Yāsīn.¹⁹ And so the melancholy party proceeded to meet their doom.

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¹⁸ *Baranī* p. 253.

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¹⁹ Sūrā-i-Yāsīn is recited at the time of difficulties, distress and death.

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At last the bank was reached. To all appearance ‘Alāuddīn was happy to receive his uncle. As the boat touched the bank ‘Alāuddīn came forward with his nobles and fell at the feet of the Sultan. Jalāluddīn raised him up and addressed him in very affectionate terms, “ . . . I have brought you up from infancy” the Sultan reminded ‘Alāuddīn, so that now you look grown up. Have I brought you up and raised you from post to post only to assassinate you? You have always been to me dearer than my own sons, and are so even now. The world may change but not my relationship with you, and my love for you cannot grow less." Having addressed his nephew thus, Sultan Jalāluddīn took 'Alāuddīn's hand in his own and led him towards his boats. Just then Nusrat Khān gave the fatal signal. Mahmūd Sālim of Samanah assaulted the Sultan with his sword, but the blow fell short and cut his own hand. Writhing with pain he struck another blow and wounded the old king. Perplexed and pained at the sudden assault the Sultan ran towards his boat crying. "Oh 'Alā, what hast thou done." Ikhtiyāruddīn Hūd, another hired assassin ran after the Sultan, threw him on the ground, severed his head from the body and brought it to his ungrateful and treacherous nephew. Needless to say that except Malik Fakhruddīn all those who accompanied the sultan were either drowned or put to the sword.

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²⁰ *Barani* p. 234.

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²¹ *Ibid.* p. 236.

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²² Ferishtah and Nizāmuddīn Ahmad say that when the Sultan was on his way to Kara 'Alāuddīn went to the hermitage of Hazrat Karak a renowned saint of Kara, and paid his respects to him. The hermit raised his head and replied

c5.42

هر کس که باتو کند جنگ - تن در کشتی سردر گنگ

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i.e. anybody who opposes you in your enterprise will die. The prophecy came true shortly afterwards. Shaikh Karak is buried at Kara and his tomb is still held sacred by Musalmans.
Also see Beale: *Oriental Biographical Dictionary* p. 364.

c5.44

²³ Fakhruddīn Kūchī was raised to the position of Dādbēg-i-Hazrat at the accession of 'Alāuddīn. Barani p. 248, Ferishtah p. 102.

c5.45

There is no reason to accept Badaoni's statement that "Malik Fakhruddīn Kūchī fell into their hands alive and was murdered." Ranking Vol. I, p. 243.

c5.46

This heinous crime was committed on 17th Ramzān 695 (Friday, July 20, 1296).²⁴

c5.47

²⁴ When did the idea of murdering the sultan enter 'Alāuddīn's mind? It is certain that after his return from Devagiri he never thought of making an attempt on the king's life, although his instructions to Ram Chandra to send tribute to Kara instead of Delhi hint at a contemplated revolt. But his letters to the sultan do betray his fears from an inmical section of the nobility at court. He had, therefore, made full preparations to fly to Bengal in case men like Ahmad Chap could impress upon the king the need for firm action. But when he saw the Sultan coming to Kara "unattended" he decided to murder him, for he told Almās:

c5.48

ترك عزم لكهنوتى گيرم اعنى سلطان جلال الدين از طمع مال و پيل كورو كر گشته و خود ... خواهد آمد

c5.49

(Baranī p. 230). The author of Ma'āsir-i-Rahīmī (p. 320) puts this idea in clearer terms: He writes:

c5.50

باز بخاطر اورساند كه سلطان جلال الدين بطمع اسپ و فيل و مال جريده پيش ما خواهد آمد - كار او بسازيم و بملك گجره بروازيم - چه لازم كه لكهنوتى بايد رفت -

c5.51

Thus the resolve of murder was an eleventh hour decision. But once the crime was commited 'Alāuddīn never regretted having done it. It may be said to his credit that he never justified his action against his uncle as shamelessly as Aurangzeb did against his father. He simply wanted the people to forget it. Baranī openly condemns the act; Khusrau does not dilate upon it.

Cites (3)