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History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c7: Chapter VII. Multan Gujarat Bengal

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c7

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Chapter VII. Multan Gujarat Bengal

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After fully establishing himself at Delhi, ‘Alāuddīn addressed himself to the task of overthrowing the surviving sons of Jalāluddīn. Ruknuddīn Ibrāhīm had, after leaving Delhi, joined his elder brother Arkalī Khān at Multan. There they lived in a sate of independence in a far-off province, and could any day become a source of immeasureable danger by claiming the throne. ‘Alāuddīn, therefore, determined to put an end to this peril once for all. As he had been crowned only recently he did not consider it wise to march to Multan in person and deputed his two trusted generals Ulugh Khān and Zafar Khān to conduct the campaign. With a strong force of thirty to forty thousand they proceeded to Multan in Muharram 696 (November 1296).¹ Arriving there, they invested the town at once. Arkalī Khān had had the forebodings of the calamity and had made adequate preparations to encounter it, but the Kotvāl of the town in conjunction with other local patricians, unable to bear the hardships of a protracted siege, deserted to the other side only after about a couple of months' investment. Arkalī lost all hope of success and importuned Shaikh Ruknuddīn of Multan to intervene on his behalf. The Shaikh arranged terms of a truce between the contending parties. He took the princes to the camp of Ulugh Khān, where they were received with dignity. The news of the victory was despatched to Delhi where great rejoicings were held.

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¹ Badaonī, Ranking, Vol. I, p. 247.

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The victorious generals left for the Capital accompanied by the two captive princes, their families and nobles. At Abuhār² they were met by Nuṣrat Khān who carried express orders of the king about punishments to the various prisoners. Arkalī and Ibrāhīm, Malik Aḥmad Chap and Malik Alghū, son-in-law of Jalāluddīn, were mercilessly blinded. Their families were separated from them and their goods and slaves seized. Later on Arkalī and Ibrāhīm, together with the two sons of the former, were handed over to the kotvāl of Hānsī. He put them to death summarily.³ The Malka-i-Jahān, whom ‘Alāuddīn considered to be his arch enemy, Malik Aḥmad Chap and Malik Alghū were imprisoned by Nuṣrat Khān in his own mansion at Delhi.⁴

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² Abuhār is near Hānsī. Hānsī is now a *tehsīl* in Hisar district. It was an important military centre during the early Muslim period. A large number of inscriptions of ‘Alāuddīn have been found here, showing the importance of the town at that time. *Epi. Indo-Moslemica*, 1917-18, p. 8. *T.M.S.* p. 71.

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³ Badaonī, Ranking, Vol. I, p. 248. Ferishtah p. 102. Baranī p. 249 is not quite clear on the point.

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⁴ The fate of these wretched prisoners is not recorded in history but can easily be surmised.

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Soon after the conquest of Multan Nuṣrat Khān was appointed the Vazīr (1297). He confiscated the lands and property of the nobles of Jalāluddīn, and of those Amīrs and Maliks who had been lavishly rewarded by ‘Alāuddīn in the early days of his accession. He devised such novel methods of extorting money and seizing property, that in a surprisingly short time he was able to deposit a large amount in the Imperial treasury. About the same time ‘Alāuddīn sent for his faithful servant and adviser Malik ‘Alāulmulk, uncle of the historian Ziyā Baranī. Alāulmulk arrived at the Court with a large retinue of nobles and Amīrs, and presented to the king all the elephants and treasures which the latter had left with him at Kara. As he was excessively corpulent and was not fit for active service he was detained at Delhi as its Kotvāl while the fief of Kara was entrusted to Nuṣrat Khān, who had of late become very unpopular at Delhi because of his extortionist devices.

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The years 1297, 1298 and 1299 also witnessed two invasions of the Mughals first under Kadar and then under Deva and Saldi. They were successfully repelled. The defeat of the Mughals established the authority and augmented the prestige of the new king still further, and he became more and more ruthless. On the advice of his brother Almās Bēg he punished all those Jalāli Amīrs who just for a handful of silver had deserted the cause of their patron and joined his successor. Many of them were deprived of their eye-sight, while others were thrown into prison and their entire property was confiscated. Only three of them viz. Malik Qutbuddin ‘Alvī, Malik Naṣiruddīn and Malik Amīr Jamāl Khaljī, who had not accepted the murderer's gold or deserted to him, escaped this inquisitional maltreatment. All others were exterminated root and branch. Thus the back bone of the old Turkish aristocracy was broken. The Sultan founded his own order of nobility which was absolutely and unreservedly obedient to him. Incidently he was able to add a cror of rupees to his hoard of wealth.

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Having suppressed the so-called refractory element, ‘Alāuddīn began to think of subjugating the independent parts of the country. After the expedition to Multan he had not been able to send out any major expedition. In 1299 his armies were free to embark on a career of conquest. The fair and opulent kingdom of Gujarāt attracted his immediate attention.

The Kingdom of Gujarāt

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The kingdom of Gujarāt was one of the most fertile regions of India in the Middle Ages. In the production of agricultural wealth it stood perhaps next only to the Doab.

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In its towns brisk and lively trade flourished under peaceful conditions. Its chief port of Cambay carried on trade and commerce with northern countries like Arabia and Persia. Long before the Muslim conquerors had penetrated into northern India, Arab traders had settled in this region. About the city of Cambay Vaṣṣāf writes: "Its air is pure, its water clear and the circumjacent country beautiful and charming both in scenery and buildings."⁵ Marco Polo, the adventurous Venetian, who visited the country a century before Vaṣṣāf also speaks of Cambay as a place possessed of immense wealth and riches;⁶ and both these are corroborated by Ibn Baṭṭūṭah who writes at length about its wealthy merchants.

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⁵ *Vaṣṣāf*, Book IV, p. 447.

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⁶ Yule: *Ser Marco Polo* Vol. II, pp. 388-91.

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*Early history of Gujarāt.*

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The early history of Gujarāt is shrouded in obscurity. The Mauryas are known to have been its first rulers. The Vallabhīs ruled it from the fifth to the eighth century A.D.; then came the Chandava dynasty, which was succeeded by the Chalukyas or Solankīs. It was in the reign of Bhīm Deva I (1022—64 A.D.) that Maḥmūd of Ghazna sacked the celebrated temple of Somnath.⁷ The next important ruler of Gujarāt was Bhīm Deva II (1178—1242). He defeated Muḥammad Ghaurī in 1178, but could not effectively resist Quṭbuddīn Aibak who invaded the kingdom twice, in 1195 and 1197-98. In the later raid Quṭbuddīn plundered Anhilvaṛa (modern Patan and Nahrvala of Muslim historians), the capital, and returned with a large amount of booty.⁸

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⁷ See M. S. Commissariat: *A History of Gujarat* Vol. I, pp. lviii-lxxv. For the total destruction of Somnath by Maḥmūd of Ghazna and the erectin of another edifice of the same name see M. Nāzim: *Life and Times of Mahmūd of Ghazna*.

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⁸ Hasan Nizāmī: *Taju'l Ma'asir*, Elliot Vol. II.

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The last of the Solanki kings died without a male heir, and the kingdom passed into the hands of the Baghelas who were related to the former through matrimony. The Baghela Rajputs ruled for more than half a century (1242-1299), but were constantly troubled by Muslim invaders. It was during the reign of Rai Karan that 'Alāuddīn despatched a large force for the conquest of Gujarat.

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*Expedition to Gujarat (1299).*

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The command of the expedition was entrusted to the two redoubtable generals Ulugh Khān and Nuṣrat Khān. Nuṣrat marched from Delhi on the 20th of Jamadīul Avval, 698 (24th February, 1299).⁹ Ulugh Khān was ordered to march from Sindh,¹⁰ join the force under Nuṣrat and converge on Gujarat. Ulugh attacked Jaisalmer during his march,¹¹ and joined Nuṣrat Khān somewhere near Chittor. The joint force marched through the Chittor country, and after crossing river Banas captured the fort of Radosa.¹² This fact is corroborated by Jina Prabha Sūrī who says that the then lord of Chittakuda (Chittor), Samarsingh, protected the Mevar country by punishing the invaders, meaning obviously that a portion of the Mevar country was unsuccessfully raided by the generals of 'Alāuddīn on their march towards Gujarāt.¹³ On his arrival in Gujarāt Ulugh Khān pursued the usual course of loot and plunder. The beautiful and opulent city of Anhilvāra was thoroughly sacked. Rāja Karan Baghela,¹⁴ who had succeeded Sārang Deva only a couple of years back, was taken by surprise and fled in confusion towards Devagiri. His women and treasures including his chief queen Kamlā Devī fell into the hands of the enemy.¹⁵ One part of the army started in pursuit of the king, and the other in search of gold marched towards the temple of Somnāth. It had been rebuilt by Kumārpāla (1143-74), after the first one of the same name had fallen to the iconoclastic zeal of Mahmūd of Ghazna in 1026. The wealth of this renowned temple was seized, its idol broken and carried to Delhi where it was thrown to be trampled under the feet of the faithful.¹⁶ All the contemporary Persian writings as also the Jain account of Chandra Prabha agree on the point that the sack of Gujarat was thorough. Jina mentions that Ulugh Khan and Nuṣrat Khān destroyed hundreds of towns like Asavalli (Asaval, a village near Ahmadabad), Vanmanthali (Vanthali) and Sūrat, and looted a number of monastries, palaces and temples in Gujarat.¹⁷ Barani confirms the ravaging and looting of Nahrvala and the whole of Gujarāt,¹⁸ while ‘Iṣāmī declares that the soldiers, not satisfied with plundering what they could lay their hands upon, dug out and carried away the treasures hidden underground by the Gujarat people.¹⁹

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⁹ Muslim historians differ about the date of this expedition. Barani puts it in the beginning of the third year of 'Alāuddīn's reign, which means the early months of 1299. Amīr Khusrau (*Khazāin*, Habib Trs. p. 35) gives the above date. Jina Prabha, the author of Chandra Prabha, who was an eye witness, also gives Ullu (Ulugh) Khān's invasion in Sam. 1356, A.D. 1299 (*Ind. Ant.* 1897, pp. 194-5). Vaṣṣāf too, has Zilhijjah 698 (August 1299). It is, therefore, certain that the expedition was sent in 1299. Ferishtah and Hajiuddabīr, who date it in 1297-98 are wrong.

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¹⁰ *Tarīkh-i-M'asūmī* p. 44., *Ferishtah* p. 102.

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¹¹ *Tarīkh-i-M'asūmī* p. 44., For details see Chapter VIII.

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¹² This fact has been mentioned in the poem Kanhad de Prabandh written by one Padmanabh at Jalor in 1455. The subject matter of the poem is the siege of Jalor by 'Alāuddīn. The account seems quite trustworthy as the author wrote in a country which had suffered from the invasion and would have surely possessed many sources of information including the traditions current in that part about the raid. The Ms. was first discovered by Buhler in the 19th century. Commassariate: *Gujarat*, Vol. I, p. 12 K. M. Munshi: *Gujarat and its Litrature* pp. 102-105.

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¹³ Buhler says that Chittor had to pay a fine (or undergo punishment) while Ojha interprets that "Samar Singh the ruler of Chittakuda protected Mewar by punishing him (the invader)". The passage doubtless is defective and is liable to both the interpretations but Mr. Ojha seems more reasonable as the country was saved (obviously by defeating and driving out the raiders) and the enemy could not ravage it. *Ind. Ant.* 1897 pp. 194-95. Ojha: *Rājpūtānā kā Itihās* (Hindi) Vol. II p. 476.

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¹⁴ According to Yahya, Karan had a standing army of 30,000 horse and 80,000 foot. *T.M.S.* Text p. 76.

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¹⁵ Tradition attributes the invasion of Gujarāt to the curse of the wife of Mādhava, the Prime Minister of Karan. Mādhava had a beautiful wife Rūp Sundarī. Karan fell in love with her and taking advantage of Mādhava's absence for some time from the capital forcibly seized her. She cursed Karan that as he had separated her from her husband his queen would also be separated from him. Forbes: *Rāsmālā* p. 278. Another tradition is that Mādhava appealed to 'Alāuddīn for help and the latter invaded Gujarāt. Nainsī: *Khyāts* Vol. I, p. 213.

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¹⁶ "Somnath, known to the Jains as Chandra Prabha, occupies an elevated site on the north-western corner of the city of Patan, on the western coast of the Gujarāt Peninsula overlooking the sea and close to the walls. In its present mutilated state it may be difficult to convey and very distinct or correct idea of Somnath......the whole of the buildings are most elaborately carved and ornamented with figures single and in groups of various dimensions." J.A.S.B. 1843 p. 73. The Arab geographer Damishqi gives a description of worship in Somnath. The best account of the temple and its wealth in the time Mahmūd of Ghazna has been given by Ibn Asīr, the author of *Kāmilut Tavārīkh*. The temple, he says, was a place of pilgrimage for the Hindus who congregated in thousands on occasions of eclipse. The shrine was endowed with more than 10,000 villages. The idol was washed with the water of Ganga which was brought all the distance from the north and in the temple were amassed jewels of the most exquisite quality and incalculable value. *Damishqi*: *Arabic text* pp. 170-71. Alberuni's *India*, Vol. II p. 104. *Kāmilut Tavarīkh*. Elliot, II, pp. 468-71. After the destruction of the temple by Ulugh Khan in 1299, Chudasena king of Jūnagarh (1270-1333) again restored the edifice as is evidenced by Khegnan's Girnār inscription. *Ind. Ant.* Vol. 54, 1925 Suppl. p. 32. Also see "Somnath as noticed by Arab Geographers". *Proceedings of the Indian History Congress*, 1943.

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¹⁷ *Ind. Ant.* 1897 pp. 194-95.

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¹⁸ Barani p. 251.

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¹⁹ *Futūḥ* p. 243.

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Nuṣrat Khān marched with a contingent to plunder the beautiful and wealthy port of Cambay (Kambāyat of the Muslim chronicles). He exacted an immense booty in bullion, jewels and other valuables from the merchants (Khvajas) and other rich men of the city.²⁰ It was here that the slave Kāfūr, who later played a prominent part in the Deccan campaigns, was forcibly snatched away from his master who had bought him for a thousand dinārs.

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²⁰ Barani pp. 251-52.

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After thoroughly devastating and spoiling Gujarāt, and then leaving an army of occupation, the victorious general returned towards Delhi.²¹ The booty comprised of Kamla Devī, the beautiful queen of Rai Karan, a large number of prisoners of both sexes,²² Kāfūr Hazārdinārī, and a large amount of gold, jewels and other valuable articles. Besides, each soldier had plundered sufficient wealth for himself.

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²¹ Alp Khan was appointed governor of Gujarat and reigned there from 1300 to about 1314 A.D. when he was recalled to Delhi and killed through the machinations of Malik Kāfūr. The author of the *Mirāt-i-Ahmadī* describes in detail the beauty of the Juma‘ Masjid of Alp Khan at Patna. Also see Beyley: *Local Muhammadan Dynasties, Gujarat.*, p. 38.

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²² *Vaṣṣāf* bk. IV, p. 448.

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*Mutiny of troops near Jalor.*

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In the course of the return journey to Delhi the army halted at Sakarne, 9 *kos* from Jalor²³ where the one-fifth of the loot (Khums) of each soldier was demanded as the share of the state. Dispute arose regarding the surrender of some articles, and various kinds of brutal punishments were inflicted upon the soldiers regardless of position or rank to extort confession from them with regard to their individual gains. If the author of the *Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi* is to be believed they were put under bellows and made to drink saline water; the use of rods and fists was also not spared.²⁴ This inhuman treatment whipped a large section of the army, mostly Neo-Muslims, into open revolt. The leaders of the rebels, according to 'Iṣāmī were Muḥammad Shah Kahbru,²⁵ Yalhaq and Burrāq, and according to Yaḥya, Iljak, Kasri, Begi, Tamghān, Muḥammad Shah, Timūr Bugha, Shādi Bugha and Qutlugh Bugha.²⁶ Their names also indicate that they were all Mughal converts. They had seized a richly share in the plunder of Gujarāt, and apprehending that a large part of it shall have to be surrendered to the central treasury, they had decided to conceal their possessions. The fiendish cruelty of the royal generals gave them the necessary excuse for rebellion. One morning they murdered Malik A'izzuddīn, Amīr-i-Ḥājib (Secretary) to Ulugh Khān and brother of Nuṣrat Khān. Next, they attacked the camp of Ulugh Khān, but he had gone out for a wash, and escaped a certain death. The soldiers instead killed a nephew (sister's son) of the Sultan, mistaking him for their prey. Ulugh Khān escaped to the tent of Nuṣrat Khān and the two generals with their unfailing presence of mind ordered drums to be beaten. Loyal soldiers, who had no share in the mutiny, put on their armour under the impression that some neighbouring Hindu ruler was upon them and assembled in front of the tent of Nusrat Khan. The Mughals were overtaken by consternation and fled. The sagacity of the imperial commanders had saved the situation and the trouble was over within four days. Muḥammad Shāh and Kahbru sought shelter with Rana Hammīra of Ranthambhor, while Yalhaq and Burrāq went to Karan,²⁷ the vanquished king of Gujarat then staying in Nandurbar²⁸ as a guest of Ram Deva of Devagiri. The mutiny of the troops had proved abortive; even so it had terrified the royal generals, and they quietly proceeded towards Delhi²⁹ without demanding on the way any more of the one-fifth for the state.

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²³ *Khazāin*, vol. I, p. 153.

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²⁴ *T.M.S.* p. 76.

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²⁵ Probably Gabru of the *Hammira-Rasau*, in which he is called the brother of Muḥammad Shah. Hajjīuddabīr says that Muḥammad Shah had 3,000 horse under his command. *Zafarul Vāli* p. 790.

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²⁶ *T.M.S.* p. 76.

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²⁷ *Futūḥ* p. 245.

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²⁸ Vide chapter VIII.

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²⁹ They seem to have marched *via* Mathura where Ulugh Khan built a mosque. *Epig. Indo-Moslemica*, 1938, pp. 59-61.

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The chief conspirators in the rebellion had escaped, but a different fate awaited their families at Delhi. The moment ‘Alāuddīn heard of the outbreak he ordered the wives and children of the mutineers to be seized and imprisoned. But the heartless Vazīr Nuṣrat, not satisfied with the punishment the Sultan had already inflicted upon these innocent victims, committed other barbarous acts on his arrival at the capital. To avenge the death of his brother he seized the wives of the murderers of A‘izzuddīn, and delivered them to the embraces of the scavengers of Delhi, while their little children were ordered to be cut to pieces in the very presence of their mothers. The barbarities shocked the sentiments of the contemporary chronicler, who asserts that the seizure of “wives and children for the fault of men dates its commencement from this period” and that such punishments have “never been allowed by any code of religion.”³⁰

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³⁰ *Baranī* p. 253.

The Year 1299 A.D.

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While Ulugh Khān and Nuṣrat Khān were busy reducing Gujarat, Sultan 'Alāuddīn was confronted with a foreign invasion. Saldi a Mughal chief had invaded the north-west and occupied the fort of Sivistan. Ẓafar Khān was appointed to lead an army against him. The brave warrior defeated the Mughals and sent many of them as prisoners to Delhi. In the meantime Gujarat was conquered. Thus 1299 proved to be a very fortunate year for the Sultan. Multan had been conquered a couple of years back. Saldi, an adventurous Mughal had been defeated and the prosperous kingdom of Gujarat had been annexed. 'Alāuddīn's undertakings all turned out well, one after another, and despatches announcing victories were pouring in from all quarters. Every year two or three sons were born to him . . . the whole of his state affairs, in short, were satisfactorily managed agreeably to the utmost wish of his heart In his magazine he beheld vast treasures, . . . . numerous elephants and 70,000 horses. He also found two or three vast countries firmly bound under his rule, and the idea of any adversary or rival in the kingdom never crossed his mind.'"²¹

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²¹ *Ibid.* pp. 261-62.

The Wild Projects of 'Alāuddīn

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Intoxicated with all these incentives to pride 'Alāuddīn thought of the most extraordinary and fantastic schemes and began to "conceive of impossibilities and absurdities." One of his plans was to found a new religion, so that like the Prophet his name also might be carried down to posterity. Prophet Muḥammad had, the Sultan would argue with his boon companions, four comrades Abu Bakr, 'Umar, Usmān and 'Alī, and so had he, four equally brave and loyal generals—Alp Khān, Nuṣrat Khān, Ulugh Khān and Ẓafar Khān. He could, with the force of his arms, and those of his daring and faithful servants, establish a religion which would continue to flourish long after he had passed away from the land of the living.²²

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²² It is useless to speculate upon the nature of the religion 'Alāuddīn had in mind. Probably the Sultan himself did not think about it beyond his expressions of a wish to introduce a religion. He wanted to do something which would immortalize his name as the Prophet's had been. Beyond this wish, however, 'Alāuddīn had neither the determination nor the intuition to found a religion. But the people in general were apprehensive of his inordinate ambition, and knowing that he had repeatedly expressed a wish to found a new religion they believed that that new religion must be quite different from the Muhammadan faith, and that its enforcement would entail slaughter of a large number of Musalmans. *Barani* pp. 262-64.

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Another plan of 'Alāuddīn was to repeat the role of Alexander, and carry his conquests far and wide. As Edward Gibbon aptly remarks "So long as mankind shall continue to bestow more liberal applause on their destroyers than on their benefactors, the thirst for military glory will ever be the vice of the most exalted characters."²³ The praises of Alexander transmitted by a succession of poets and historians have kindled the imagination of many an ambitious prince, and 'Alāuddīn is only one of them. He used to consult his intimate companions on the plan of leaving a viceroy at Delhi to carry out the administration, and himself marching out and bringing to his feet both east and west as the Greek emperor had done. He even caused himself to be styled Sikandar Sāni (Alexander the Second) in his coins as well as in the public prayers.

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²³ Gibbon: *Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire*.

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Although everybody in and outside the court could see that the Sultan talked about these projects out of sheer arrogance and stupidity, yet being afraid of his bad temper they could not but express their approval. Their hypocrisy led the king to imagine that his schemes were simple and practicable. In one of the drinking parties, however, in which the Sultan used to elaborate his awry schemes, Malik ‘Alāulmulk, ‘whose bulky person could not take the trouble of visiting the Sultan more than once a month’, also happened to be present. In course of conversation he fearlessly told the Sultan that religion was a matter of revelation from God, and could not be founded on the basis of human intellect or wisdom. He argued that world conquerors like Changīz had tried hard to propagate their creed by shedding the blood of Muslims at large, but they had failed to subvert the faith of Islam. Moreover, argued the Kotvāl, if the people heard that the king was thinking of encroaching upon their religious beliefs, they would, one and all, turn away from his allegiance, and tumult and sedition would arise on every side. As to the plans about world conquest ‘Alāulmulk expressed his admiration at the idea but added that conditions were not so favourable as they had been in the time of Alexander. The kingdom of Delhi did not have such a stable foundation as the Greece of Alexander. Again the Sultan did not have counsellors and intellectuals such as Aristotle, who would manage the affairs of the state during the absence of the sovereign.³⁴

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³⁴ The whole dialogue between ‘Alāūddīn and ‘AlāulMulk shows the vague and fantastic notions Barani had about the history of Greece. *Barani* pp. 264-71.

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The Sultan listened with rapt attention to the peroration of ‘Alāulmulk. He promised not to talk in future about founding a religion. “But”, asked he, “When so much wealth and elephants and horses have come into my hands, if I make no conquests, and subdue no territories, and content myself with the kingdom of Delhi only, of what use will all these resources be to me, and how shall I acquire a reputation for wonderful achievements?”

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In answer to this, ‘Alāulmulk suggested two alternatives. Firstly, there was a vast field for conquest in Hindustan itself. The strong and independent kingdoms of Ranthambhor, Chittor, Chanderi, Malwa, Dhar, Ujjain and the provinces of Bihar and Bengal,³⁵ were still unsubdued in the north, while to the south of the Vindhyas, the field was open for innumerable enterprizes. Secondly, the Sultan could effectively check the inroads of the Mughals by strengthening the strongholds on the north-west and by appointing trustworthy commandants. And when the whole of Hindustan had been conquered and the Mughal menace ended for ever, the Sultan could, if he so wished, embark upon a policy of extra-territorial aggrandisement and send his armies abroad.

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³⁵ The text has ‘from the east bank of the Saru (Sarjū),’ which means practically the whole of Bihar and Bengal.

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The counsellor also brought home to the king's mind the necessity of refraining from drinking to excess, and from the constant pursuit of field sport. Excessive drinking, said he, caused delay and interruptions in the smooth working of administration, and it produced a very bad effect on the general public, who were surely induced to revolt if the king was negligent. ‘Alāulmulk also suggested that if he could not altogether give up drinking he should take wine in small quantities, but all alone without holding convivial parties.

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This bold and candid piece of advice impressed the Sultan; he could now clearly discern the impracticability of his grandoise schemes. ‘Alāulmulk was generously rewarded with a “garment wrought in gold with pictures of tigers, a woven belt, half *man* gold, ten thousand *tankahs*, two caparisoned horses and two villages”, and he was raised head and shoulder above the other nobles of the state.³⁶

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³⁶ Barani p. 271.

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By the irony of circumstance ‘Alāūddin received a yet more practical lesson from the invasion of Qutlugh Khvājā, which occurred about the close of the year 1299. This invasion, which was one of the greatest that occured in ‘Alāūddin’s time, would be treated in detail in another chapter, suffice it here to say that the victory of the Sultan over his enemies was as miraculous as it was glorious, and awakened him from his unpracticable dreams. He now determined to finish independent kingdoms by subjugating them and unify the country by giving it a uniform administration.

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Hereafter 'Alāūddīn embarked upon an unceasing round of conquests. Mightiest thrones tumbled before his troops, and the most powerful Rajas bowed to his authority. From 1300 to 1310 he waged incessant wars in northern India; the most bloody of them, as can well be expected, were fought in the historic land of Rajputana. He also sent a successful expedition of Malwa. But the most humiliating episode of 'Alāūddīn's life occured in Bengal, wither, in all probability, his army met with a crushing defeat.

The Expedition to Warangal via Bengal (1302-3)

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The year which witnessed Chittor campaign,³⁷ also saw the despatch of an army to Warangal under the command of Malik Jūna, son of Ghāzi Malik and Malik Jhūjhū, governor of Kara and nephew of Nusrat Khan. Choicest troops were placed at the disposal of the commanders and they were ordered to take the eastern route via Bengal and Orissa.³⁸ The sultan as a prince had himself marched into the Deccan peninsula; but he had then taken the Ellichpur route which was shorter than the one via Bengal and Orissa. "For some obscure reason", writes col. Woolseley Haig, "this expendition marched on warangal, the capital of the Kākatiya rajas, by the then unexplored eastern route, through Bengal and Orissa."³⁹ This "obscure reason"

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³⁷ Barani (p. 300) puts the invasion of Chittor, the expedition to Warangal and the invasion of the Mughals under Targhī in one and the same year. He also says that 'Alāūddin received the news of Targhī's invasion while he was on his way back from Chittor. The situation at the capital, therefore, after the king's return from Chittor was very serious and he could not have thought of sending an expedition "consisting of the choicest troops" at a time when the Mughals were preparing to attack Delhi. In all probability, therefore, the expedition was sent before 'Alāūddin marched to Chittor and Ferishtah also writes so. Amir Khusrau gives the date of the march to Chittor as Monday the 8th of Jamadi-ul-Akhir 702 (January 26th., 1303). Thus Malik Jūna must certainly have left Delhi about the beginning of 1303 or in the last months of 1302 A.D. Khazāin Allahabad University Ms. fol. 30 b.

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we find Shamsuddin Firoz establishing himself at Lakhnauti in the year 701 A.H. (1301—2 A.D.). In fact the history of Bengal of this period is shrouded in obscurity and it is difficult to know whether Ruknuddin died in 701 A.H. or was ousted by his brother Shamsuddin Firoz who established himself in Western Bengal.⁴² Not much is known even about Shamsuddin except that his coins which range from the year 701 to 722 A.H. (1302 to 1321 A.D.) indicate his possession of Lakhnauti during that period. His coins minted at Sunargaon establish his possession of the eastern provinces of Bengal also.⁴³ It is significant, however, that Shamsuddin felt strong enough to style himself as "Sultan" as is clearly manifest from his coins. It is quite probable that the outbreak of the various rebellions of Ikat Khan, Hāji Maula and 'Umar and Mangū, as also Sultan 'Alāūddīn's pre-occupation at Ranthambhor, might have induced Firoz to assume independence. This view is supported by an inscription on the Madrasa of Zafar Khan in Hugli District.⁴⁴ It is dated 713 A.H. (1313-14 A.D.) and mentions Shamsuddin Abul Muzaffar as the reigning monarch. 'Alāūddin could never have tolerated Bengal to become independent of the Delhi Sultanate. In fact he had an eye on Bengal even before he became king. On his return from Devagiri he had despatched Zafar Khan to make preparations for the occupation of Bengal in case he failed in his plans against Jalāluddīn.⁴⁵ Again, when Zafar Khan's popularity had excited the envy of the Sultan the latter had thought of giving the former a large force and ordering him to seize and govern Bengal.⁴⁶ Preoccupation with other affairs had left him no time to prosecute his designs. But when Firoz's conduct became intolerable, he made up his mind to send an army in 1302-3 A.D. Thus the object of the campaign was two-fold—to punish the recalcitrant Firoz,⁴⁷ and, if possible, to effect the conquest of Warangal.

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⁴² Thomas: *Chronicles* p. 193.

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⁴³ Many a veteran numismatist like Thomas (*J.A.S.B.* 1867 p. 45), Lanepoole (*Catalogue of Indian coins in the British Museum, Muhammadan states* p. 10) and Nelson wright determine the period of Firoz's reign from 702 to 722 A.H. But in a hoard of coins of Bengal kings recently discovered from Kalna, District Burdwan, there are four silver coins of Shamsuddin Firoz struck at Lakhnauti bearing the date 701 distinctly inscribed round the margin. See *Jour. Num. Soc. of India* vol. V, Part I, pp. 65-66.

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⁴⁴ This inscription is copied and translated by Blochmann in his "*Notes on the Arabic and Persian inscriptions in the Hoogli District*" *J.A.S.B.* 1870 pp. 280-88. The title on the inscription confirms that Firoz Shah must have been firmly established in western Bengal.

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⁴⁵ *Baranī* pp. 228-9.

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⁴⁶ *Ibid.* p. 254, has او را چند هزار سوار دهد و طرف لکھنوتی فرستد تا اقلیم لکھنوتی بگیرد و هما نجا باشد —

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⁴⁷ In 1302 A.D. when the expedition was sent, Chittor, Jalor, Sevana, Malwa, Bihar and Bengal and so many kingdoms in north India itself were out of the pale of the Muslim government. Why then did 'Alāuddīn think of the conquest of Telingana all at once while most of north India was yet unconquered? Moreover, 'Alāuddīn conquered the Deccan kingdoms from 1308 A.D. onwards, when he had subjected almost the whole of northern India. Thus the expedition of 1302 meant to accomplish the conquest of Warangal was in fact sent to Bengal as will be clear hereafter.

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No detailed account of the expedition has been give by Ziyāuddīn or Ferishtah. From their narratives it is not even clear if the army ever reached Warangal. Ferishtah, while describing the second expedition to Warangal under Malik Naib Kāfūr, says that on a previous occasion an expedition had been sent to Warangal through Bengal but since it had come back confused and shattered without accomplishing anything, a second expedition was sent to that country under Malik Kāfūr.⁴⁸ He does not say where the catastrophe befell the imperial army. Barani, however, says that the army reached Arangal (Warangal) but as rains had set in nothing could be accomplished.⁴⁹ Barani's meagre information about this expedition may be due to the reason that the unpleasant affairs of Bengal might have been kept secret by ‘Alāūddīn. As early as in 700-701 A.H. (1300-02 A.D.) the sultan had to face a number of revolts. He was much upset. While at Ranthambhor, he made a secret of the rebellion of Hājī Maula. Under such circumstances and in keeping with his habit he should have kept secret any risings or reverses, and hence the silence of Barani. Moreover, Ziyā Barani was ignorant of the local history of Bengal. He all along thought that Bengal was peaceful under the rule of Nāṣiruddīn Maḥmūd, son of Balban, throughout the reigns of ‘Alāūddīn and his successors, until the time of Ghiyāsuddīn Tughlaq, who, on his march towards Bengal found Nāṣiruddīn in Tirhut and reinstated him.⁵⁰ The historian has clearly confused Nāṣiruddīn son of Shamsuddīn Fīroz with his grandfather of the same name. He would thus have us believe that the same Nāṣiruddīn ruled for forty three years. Such a contention is untenable against overwhelming numismatical and epigraphical evidence. Had Barani been a little more informed about the contemporary events in Bengal some further information about the expedition, which was, in fact, directed mainly against Bengal and only incidently against Warangal, would have been given by him.

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⁴⁸ Ferishtah p. 118.

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⁴⁹ Barani p. 300.

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⁵⁰ Ibid. p. 451.

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In short the enterprize failed altogether and Malik Jūna and Malik Jhūjhū returned with their shattered forces to join the Sultan at the capital, but were stopped in the vicinity of Badaon as Qutlugh Khvājā was investing Delhi. In Bengal Shamsuddīn Fīroz remained firmly secure as ever and wielded authority until 722 A.H. (1321 A.D.) while Warangal does not seem to have been affected at all by the expedition.

Cites (7)