The Legacy of Muslim Rule in India c7.s2: Second Invasion
The Legacy of Muslim Rule in India c7.s2
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Second Invasion
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A more terrifying wave of Islamic invasion came with Mahmud of Ghazni, three hundred years after the Arab invasion of Sind. During this period Islam was spreading in various regions outside India with varying degrees of success. Furthermore, the newly converted Turks, the slave protectors of the pious Caliphs, had carved out their own kingdoms at the expense of the Caliphs empire. But to ensure their legitimacy as rulers they kept up a relationship of formal loyalty towards the Caliph. Such were the slave rulers Alaptigin and Subuktigin.
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Amir Subuktigin (977-997 C.E.) made frequent expeditions into Hindustan, or more precisely into the Hindu Shahiya Brahman kingdom of Punjab which extended up to Kabul, in the prosecution of holy wars, and there he conquered forts upon lofty hills, in order to seize the treasures they contained. When Jayapal, the ruling prince of the dynasty, had ascertained from reports of travellers about the activities of Subuktigin, he hastened with a large army and huge elephants to wreak vengeance upon Subuktigin, by treading the field of Islam under his feet.³⁰ After he had passed Lamghan, Subuktigin advanced from Ghazni with his son Mahmud. The armies fought successively against one another. Jayapal, with soldiers as impetuous as a torrent, was difficult to defeat, and so Subuktigin threw animal flesh (beef?) into the fountain which supplied water to the Hindu army.³¹ In consequence, Jayapal sued for peace. But for greater gains, Subuktigin delayed negotiations, and Jayapals envoys were sent back. Jayapal again requested for cessation of hostilities and sent ambassadors, observing: You have seen the impetuosity of the Hindus and their indifference to death, whenever any calamity befalls them, as at this moment. If, therefore, you refuse to grant peace in the hope of obtaining plunder, tribute, elephants and prisoners, then there is no alternative for us but to mount the horse of stern determination, destroy our property, take out the eyes of our elephants, cast our children into the fire, and rush on each other with sword and spear, so that all that will be left to you, is stones and dirt, dead bodies, and scattered bones.³²
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Jayapals spirited declaration convinced Subuktigin that religion and the views of the faithful would be best consulted by peace. He fixed a tribute of cash and elephants on the Shahiya king and nominated officers to collect them. But Jayapal, having reflected on the ruse played by the adversaries in contaminating the water-supply leading to his discomfiture, refused to pay anything, and imprisoned the Amirs officers. At this Subuktigin marched out towards Lamghan and conquered it. He set fire to the places in its vicinity, demolished idol temples, marched and captured other cities and established Islam in them. At last Jayapal decided to fight once more, and satisfy his revenge. He collected troops to the number of more than one hundred thousand, which resembled scattered ants and locusts. Subuktigin on his part made bodies of five hundred attack the enemy with their maces in hand, and relieve each other when one party became tired, so that fresh men and horses were constantly engaged The dust which arose prevented the eyes from seeing It was only when the dust was allayed that it was found that Jayapal had been defeated and his troops had fled leaving behind them their property, utensils, arms, provisions, elephants, and horses.³³ Subuktigin levied tribute and obtained immense booty, besides two hundred elephants of war. He also increased his army by enrolling those Afghans and Khaljis who submitted to him and thereafter expended their lives in his service.
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Subuktigins son Mahmud ascended the throne at Ghazni in C.E. 998 and in 1000 he delivered his first attack against India in continuation of the work of his ancestor. During the three hundred years between Muhammad bin Qasim and Mahmud Ghaznavi, Islamic Shariat had got a definite and permanent shape in the four well-defined schools of Muslim jurisprudence-Hanafi, Shafii, Hanbali and Malaki. The Quran and the six orthodox collections of Hadis were also now widely known. Mahmud himself was well-versed in the Quran and was considered its eminent interpreter.³⁴ He drew around himself, by means of lavish generosity, a galaxy of eminent theologians, scholars, and divines so that on his investiture, when he vowed to the Caliph of Baghdad to undertake every year a campaign against the idolaters of India, he knew that *jihad* was central to Islam and that one campaign at least must be undertaken against the unbelievers every year. Mahmud could launch forth seventeen expeditions during the course of the next thirty years and thereby fulfilled his promise to the Caliph both in letter and in spirit of Islamic theology. For this he has been eulogized sky-high by Muslim poets and Muslim historians. He on his part was always careful to include the Caliphs name on his coins, depict himself in his *Fateh-namas* as a warrior for the faith, and to send to Baghdad presents from the plunder of his Indian campaign.³⁵ The Caliph Al-Qadir Billah in turn praised the talents and exploits of Mahmud, conferred upon him the titles of *Amin-ul-millah* and *Yamin-ud-daula* (the Right hand) after which his house is known as Yamini Dynasty.
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Let us very briefly recapitulate the achievements of Sultan Mahmud in the usual fields of Islamic expansionism, conversions of non-Muslims to Islam, destruction of temples and acquisition of wealth in order to appreciate the encomiums bestowed upon him as being one of the greatest Muslim conquerors of medieval India. In his first attack of frontier towns in C.E. 1000 Mahmud appointed his own governors and converted some inhabitants. In his attack on Waihind (Peshawar) in 1001-3, Mahmud is reported to have captured the Hindu Shahiya King Jayapal and fifteen of his principal chiefs and relations some of whom like Sukhpal, were made Musalmans. At Bhera all the inhabitants, except those who embraced Islam, were put to the sword. At Multan too conversions took place in large numbers, for writing about the campaign against Nawasa Shah (converted Sukhpal), Utbi says that this and the previous victory (at Multan) were witnesses to his exalted state of proselytism.³⁶ In his campaign in the Kashmir Valley (1015) Mahmud converted many infidels to Muhammadanism, and having spread Islam in that country, returned to Ghazni. In the later campaign in Mathura, Baran and Kanauj, again, many conversions took place. While describing the conquest of Kanauj, Utbi sums up the situation thus: The Sultan levelled to the ground every fort and the inhabitants of them either accepted Islam, or took up arms against him. In short, those who submitted were also converted to Islam. In Baran (Bulandshahr) alone 10,000 persons were converted including the Raja. During his fourteenth invasion in 1023 C.E. Kirat, Nur, Lohkot and Lahore were attacked. The chief of Kirat accepted Islam, and many people followed his example. According to Nizamuddin Ahmad, Islam spread in this part of the country by the consent of the people and the influence of force. According to all contemporary and later chroniclers like Qazwini, Utbi, Farishtah etc., conversion of Hindus to Islam was one of the objectives of Mahmud. Wherever he went, he insisted on the people to convert to Islam. Such was the insistence on the conversion of the vanquished Hindu princes that many rulers just fled before Mahmud even without giving a battle. The object of Bhimpal in recommending the flight of Chand Rai was that the Rai should not fall into the net of the Sultan, and thus be made a Musalman, as had happened to Bhimpals uncles and relations, when they demanded quarter in their distress.³⁷
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Mahmud broke temples and desecrated idols wherever he went. The number of temples destroyed by him during his campaigns is so large that a detailed list is neither possible nor necessary. However, he concentrated more on razing renowned temples to bring glory to Islam rather than waste time on small ones. Some famous temples destroyed by him may be noted here. At Thaneshwar, the temple of *Chakraswamin* was sacked and its bronze image of Vishnu was taken to Ghazni to be thrown into the hippodrome of the city. Similarly, the magnificent central temple of Mathura was destroyed and its idols broken. At Mathura there was no armed resistance; the people had fled, and Mahmud had been greatly impressed with the beauty and grandeur of the shrines.³⁸ And yet the temples in the city were thoroughly sacked. Kanauj had a large number of temples (Utbis ten thousand merely signifies a large number), some of great antiquity. Their destruction was made easy by the flight of those who were not prepared either to die or embrace Islam. Somnath shared the fate of *Chakraswamin*.³⁹
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The sack of Somnath in particular came to be considered a specially pious exploit because of its analogy with the destruction of idol of Al Manat in Arabia by the Prophet. This explains the idolization of Mahmud by Nizam-ul-Mulk Tusi,⁴⁰ and the ideal treatment he has received from early Sufi poets like Sanai and Attar, not to mention such collectors of anecdotes as Awfi.⁴¹ It is indeed noticeable that after the Somnath expedition (417H./ 1026 C.E.), a deed which had fired the imagination of the Islamic world, Caliph al-Qadir Billah himself celebrated the victory with great eclat. He sent Mahmud a very complimentary letter giving him the title of Kahf-ud-daula wa al-Islam, and formally recognizing him as the ruler of Hindustan.⁴² It is also significant that Mahmud for the first time issued his coins from Lahore only after his second commendation from the Caliph.
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Mahmud Ghaznavi collected lot of wealth from regions of his visitations. A few facts and figures may be given as illustrations. In his war against Jayapal (1001-02 C.E.) the latter had to pay a ransom of 2,50,000 *dinars* for securing release from captivity. Even the necklace of which he was relieved was estimated at 2,00,000 *dinars* (gold coin) and twice that value was obtained from the necks of those of his relatives who were taken prisoners or slain⁴³ A couple of years later, all the wealth of Bhera, which was as wealthy as imagination can conceive, was captured by the conqueror (1004-05 C.E.). In 1005-06 the people of Multan were forced to pay an indemnity of the value of 20,000,000 (royal) *dirhams* (silver coin). When Nawasa Shah, who had reconverted to Hinduism, was ousted (1007-08), the Sultan took possession of his treasures amounting to 400,000 *dirhams*. Shortly after, from the fort of Bhimnagar in Kangra, Mahmud seized coins of the value of 70,000,000 (Hindu Shahiya) *dirhams*, and gold and silver ingots weighing some hundred maunds, jewellery and precious stones. There was also a collapsible house of silver, thirty yards in length and fifteen yards in breadth, and a canopy (*mandapika*) supported by two golden and two silver poles.⁴⁴ Such was the wealth obtained that it could not be shifted immediately, and Mahmud had to leave two of his most confidential chamberlains, Altuntash and Asightin, to look after its gradual transportation.⁴⁵ In the succeeding expeditions (1015-20) more and more wealth was drained out of the Punjab and other parts of India. Besides the treasures collected by Mahmud, his soldiers also looted independently. From Baran Mahmud obtained, 1,000,000 *dirhams* and from Mahaban a large booty. In the sack of Mathura five idols alone yielded 98,300 *misqals* (about 10 maunds) of gold.⁴⁶ The idols of silver numbered two hundred. Kanauj, Munj, Asni, Sharva and some other places yielded another 3,000,000 *dirhams*. We may skip over many other details and only mention that at Somnath his gains amounted to 20,000,000 *dinars*.⁴⁷ These figures are more or less authentic as Abu Nasr Muhammad Utbi, who mentions them, was the Secretary to Sultan Mahmud, so that he enjoyed excellent opportunities of becoming fully conversant with the operations and gains of the conqueror. He clearly notes the amount when collected in Hindu Shahiya coinage or in some other currency, and also gives the value of all acquisitions in the royal (Mahmuds) coins. A little error here or there does in no way minimise the colossal loss suffered by north India in general and the Punjab in particular during Mahmuds invasions.
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The extent of this loss can be gauged from the fact that no coins (*dramma*) of Jayapal, Anandpal or Trilochanpal have been found.⁴⁸ The economic effects of the loss of precious metals to India had a number of facets. The flow of bullion outside India resulted in stablizing Ghaznavid currency⁴⁹ and in the same proportion debasing Indian. Consequently, the gold content of north Indian coins in the eleventh and twelfth centuries went down from 120 to 60 grams.⁵⁰ Similarly, the weight and content of the silver coin was also reduced. Because of debasement of coinage Indian merchants lost their credit with foreign merchants.⁵¹
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Outflow of bullion adversely affected Indias balance of trade in another way. India had always been a seller of raw and finished goods against precious metals. She had swallowed up precious metals, both from the mineral resources of Tibet and Central Asia and from trade with the Islamic world⁵² Now this favourable position was lost. Indian merchants were even unable to ply their trade because of disturbed political conditions. One reason which had prompted Anandpal to send an embassy to Mahmud at Ghazni with favourable terms to the Sultan (C. 1012) was to try to normalize trade facilities, and after an agreement caravans (again) travelled in full security between Khurasan and Hind.⁵³ But the balance of trade for many years went on tilting in favour of the lands west of the Indus.
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Besides, the Ghaznavids collected in loot and tribute valuable articles of trade like indigo, fine muslins, embroidered silk, and cotton stuffs, and things prepared from the famous Indian steel, which have received praise at the hands of Utbi, Hasan Nizami, Alberuni and many others. For example, one valuable commodity taken from India was indigo. From Baihaqi, who writes the correct Indian word *nil* for the dyestuff, it appears that 20,000 *mans* (about 500 maunds) of indigo was taken to Ghazna every year. According to Baihaqi, Sultan Masud once sent 25,000 *mans* (about 600 maunds) of indigo to the Caliph at Baghdad, for the Sultans often reserved part of this (valuable commodity) for their own usage, and often sent it as part of presents for the Caliph or for other rulers.⁵⁴
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Mahmuds *jihad*, or the *jihad* of any invader or ruler for that matter, was accompanied by extreme cruelty. The description of the attack on Thanesar (Kurukshetra) is detailed. The chief of Thanesar was obstinate in his infidelity and denial of Allah, so the Sultan marched against him with his valiant warriors, for the purpose of planting the standards of Islam and extirpating idolatry The blood of the infidels flowed so copiously that the stream was discoloured, and people were unable to drink it Praise be to Allah for the honour he bestows upon Islam and Musalmans.⁵⁵ Similarly, in the slaughter at Sirsawa near Saharanpur, The Sultan summoned the most religiously disposed of his followers, and ordered them to attack the enemy immediately. Many infidels were consequently slain or taken prisoners in this sudden attack, and the Musalmans paid no regard to the booty till they had satiated themselves with the slaughter of the infidels The friends of Allah searched the bodies of the slain for three whole days, in order to obtain booty⁵⁶ With such achievements to his credit, there is little wonder that Mahmud of Ghazni has remained the ideal, the model, of Muslims-medieval and modern.
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Mahmud Ghaznavi had destroyed the Hindu Shahiya dynasty of Punjab. Alberuni, who witnessed its extinction says about its kings that in all their grandeur, they never slackened in their ardent desire of doing that which is right, they were men of noble sentiments and noble bearing⁵⁷ On the other hand, the Ghaznavid rule in the Punjab was essentially militarist and imperialist in character, whose sole business was to wage war against the Thakurs and Rajas (whereby) Mahmud sought to make the plunder of Hindustan a permanent affair.⁵⁸ The susceptibilities of the Indians were naturally wounded by an inopportune display of religious bigotry, and indulgence in women and wine.⁵⁹ In such a situation, "Hindu sciences retired away from those parts of the country conquered by us, and fled to Kashmir, Benaras and other places.⁶⁰
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Sultan Mahmuds acts of Islamic piety like iconoclasm and proselytization were continued by future Muslim invaders and rulers and became a legacy of Muslim rule in India.
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Mahmud was present with Subuktigin when the latter received the letter of Jayapal, cited above, emphasising the impetuosity of the Hindu soldiers and their indifference to death, and the Ghaznavids were convinced of their bravery and spirit of sacrifice. Years later Hasan Nizami, the author of *Taj-ul-Maasir* wrote about them like this: The Hindus in the rapidity of their movements exceeded the wild ass and the deer, you might say they were demons in human form.⁶¹ Mahmud Ghaznavi therefore employed Hindu soldiers and sent them, along with Turks, Khaljis, Afghans and Ghaznavids against Ilak Khan when the latter intruded into his dominions.⁶² We learn from Baihaqis *Tarikh-i-Subuktigin* and from other histories that even only fifty days after the death of Mahmud, his son dispatched Sewand Rai, a Hindu chief, with a numerous body of Hindu cavalry, in pursuit of the nobles who had espoused the cause of his brother. In a few days a conflict took place, in which Sewand Rai, and the greatest part of his troops were killed; but not till after they had inflicted a heavy loss upon their opponents. Five years afterwards we read of Tilak, son of Jai Sen, commander of all the Indian troops in the service of the Ghaznavid monarch, being employed to attack the rebel chief, Ahmad Niyaltigin. He pursued the enemy so closely that many thousands fell into his hands. Ahmad himself was slain while attempting to escape across a river, by a force of Hindu Jats, whom Tilak had raised against him. This is the same Tilak whose name is written in the *Tabqat-i-Akbari*, as Malik bin Jai Sen, which if correct, would convey the opinion of the author of that work, that this chief was a Hindu convert. Five years after that event we find that Masud, unable to withstand the power of the Seljuq Turkomans, retreated to India, and remained there for the purpose of raising a body of troops sufficient to make another effort to retrieve his affairs. It is reasonable therefore to presume that the greater part of these troops consisted of Hindus. Bijai Rai, a general of the Hindus had done much service even in the time of Mahmud.⁶³ Thus, employment of Hindu contingents in Muslim armies, was a heritage acquired by the Muslim rulers in India.
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Another inheritance was acquisition of wealth from Indian towns and cities whenever it suited the convenience or needs of Muslim conquerors, raiders or rulers. It happened, writes Utbi, that 20,000 men from Mawaraun nahr and its neighbourhood, who were with the Sultan (Mahmud), were anxious to be employed on some holy expedition in which they might obtain martyrdom. The Sultan determined to march with them to Kanauj⁶⁴ In other words, the Ghazis, to whom the loot from India had become an irresistible temptation, insisted on Mahmud to lead them to India for fresh adventures in plunder and spoliation. Even when Muslim Sultanate had been established, Muhammad Ghauri determined on prosecuting a holy war in Hind in 602 H. (1205 C.E.), in order to repair the fortunes of his servants and armies; for within the last few years, Khurasan, on account of the disasters it had sustained, yielded neither men nor money. When he arrived in Hind, God gave him such a victory that his treasures were replenished, and his armies renewed.⁶⁵
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In brief, Mahmud was a religious and political imperialist through and through.⁶⁶ It took him more than twenty years to extend his dominions into Punjab. But he was keenly interested in acquiring territory in India,⁶⁷ and he succeeded in his aim. It is another matter that the peace and prosperity of Punjab was gone as suggested by Alberunis encomiums of the Hindu Shahiya kings,⁶⁸ and it was superseded by despotism and exploitation.⁶⁹ Later chroniclers write with a tinge of pride that fourteen Ghaznavids ruled at Lahore and its environs for nearly two hundred years.⁷⁰ But there was progressive deterioration in their administration. However, the importance of his occupation of most part of the Punjab lies in the fact that Muslims had come to stay in India. And these Muslims helped in the third wave of Muslim onrush which swept northern India under Muhammad Ghauri.