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Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champa; Vol. II: Suvarnadvipa) v1.c7.s14: Chapter XIV. The King

Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champā; Vol. II: Suvarṇadvīpa) v1.c7.s14

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Contents

Chapter XIV. The King

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The king of Champā was not only the head but also the centre of administration, and it is therefore necessary to discuss his position and status at some length. Fortunately, our materials for the study of this subject are fuller and more reliable than those for the administrative system.

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In theory the king was regarded as of divine origin, the colonists following in this respect the view of the orthodox Brahmanical schools of India. Indeed the whole conception of the status and position of the king seems to be dominated by the Brahmanical views such as those propounded in Manusaṁhitā.

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Reference to the divine nature of kings is found in Po Nagar Ins. (No.29A., v.2). In Dong Duong Ins. (No.31A, v.8) kings are referred to as "the gods dwelling upon earth". Lastly he is said to have the vigraha or body of Chandra, Indra, Agni, Yama and Kuvera (No.23, v.3). Now no body can possibly ignore the striking resemblance between these views and those propounded at the beginning of Chapter VII in Manusaṁhitā. We read there that the king "is a great deity in human form" (v.8) and that the Lord created him "taking for that purpose eternal particles of Indra, of the Wind, of Yama, of the Sun, of Fire, of Varuna, of the Moon, and of the Lord of Wealth (Kubera)".¹

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¹ Laws of Manu' Transl. by Buhler, pp 216-217.

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To what extent this theory of divine origin modified the status of king in practice it is not possible to say. In one respect, however, it was carried to its logical conclusion, in a manner which would have been regarded as horribly scandalous in India. In Po Nagar Ins. (No.30) we read that king's feet were worshipped, even by Brāhmaṇas and priests. This would be quite in keeping with the divine origin of kings, but in India the Brāhmaṇas were careful enough to safeguard their own position, and thus the first and foremost duty of the "divine kings" was to worship the Brāhmaṇas.¹ The kings in Champā were not apparently dominated by the influence of the Brāhmaṇas, at least to the same extent as in India.

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¹ cf. Manusamhita, Ch. VII, vv, 37 ff

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But although theoretically the king appears to be vested with absolute authority, there might have been limitations to his power in actual practice. Unfortunately our knowledge in this matter is very vague. The Vo-Chanh inscription (No. 1) refers to an "assembly", but we do not know any thing about its power and functions.

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Maspero supposes that the crown-prince could not ascend the throne without the approval of the nobility. He admits that this rule was violated when the king was powerful enough, but holds that it was the normal rule. Unfortunately the evidence in support of his view is slender in the extreme. The modern practice of Cambodge to which he refers can hardly be taken as a sure guide for practice in ancient Champā. The passages of Dong Duong Ins.² on which he relies, as translated by me, do not support the contention in any way. On the other hand such boasting expression as is used by Indravarman viz. that he "gained the kingdom by the special merit of his austerities, and by virtue of his pure intelligence, and not from his grand-father or father" seems to indicate that hereditary succession was the normal rule. It is quite true that in troublesome times, or probably for some special reasons such as the absence of a legal or suitable heir, the king was sometimes elected by the people. Thus when Jaya Rudravarman died at Pāṇḍuraṅga in 1147 A. D.

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² No. 31 B vv. VI, IX and XI

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the people of that town invited his son Harivarmā to be the king of Champā (Ins. No. 75). According to Myson Ins. = (No. 12) the kingdom was bestowed on Prakāśadharma by holy men. When Harivarman abdicated, the people offered the authority to his son (No. 62).

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In connection with the hereditary succession it is necessary to note the importance of the females. Kings are succeeded not only by their sister's son, but also by their sister's husband and even wife's sister's son.¹ This has been attributed to the system of matriarchy supposed to be prevalent in those parts of the country.

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¹ Cf. the genealogy of kings referred to in Ch. V and also the case of Jaya Simhavarmadeva (Nc. 36).

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After his accession to the throne the new king performed his coronation ceremony with great pomp and splendour. Sometimes a long interval elapsed between the accession of a king and his coronation. Thus Harivarman ascended the throne in 1147 A. D., but was "consecrated to the throne with due ceremonials" only in 1149 A. D. King Vīra Bhadravarmadeva was consecrated 32 years after his accession.

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There seems also to have been a fairly general practice among kings of Champā to take a new name called *Abhisekanāma* (No. 7) at the time of the coronation. Thus Pra'astadharma, son of Rudravarman, took the name Śrī Śambhuvarman at the time of his coronation (No. 7). Several other instances of this kind are shown in a tabular form below.

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| Ordinary Name. | Coronation Name. |
| 1. Prakāśadharma. | Śrī Vikrāntavarman (No. 12) |
| 2. Pu lyan Śrī Rājadvāra. | Śrī Jaya Indravarmadeva (No. 62) |
| 3. Prince Nauk Glaun | |

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Vijaya or Vīra Bhadra-- Śrī Bṛsu Indravarman. varma-deva

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Whether the assumption of new names at the time of coronation was a universal practice we cannot say, but there is no doubt that it was a fairly common practice.

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After his accession to the throne the new king was confronted with a heavy list of duties. Numerous references to personal qualities of the king enable us to form a general idea of what the kings were expected to be, if not what they actually were. A general picture of these ideal qualities of a king would throw light not only on the ideal of kingship in those days, but also, to a certain extent, on the ideals of human life at Champā. An analysis of these ideal qualities as culled from different inscriptions¹ is given below.

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¹ The figures within brackets in the succeeding paragraphs refer to the number of inscriptions.

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I. Physical charm.

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The king "had all the marks of a Mahārāja, according to the canon of Rājacakravartin" (No. 65). He had the 32 signs (33 according to No 94) as well as grace and beauty, youth and ability (Nos. 62, 65.). His beauty was like that of Cupid and yet his appearance was terrible like that of Garuḍa (No. 24).

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II. Strength and Valour.

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The king was skilled in all the weapons and was heroic and energetic (62, 65.). He was possessed of innate courage and of great strength. He took part in numerous battles and cut off the heads of kings, generals and other men of the hostile party (62,65,72,81).

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III. Administrative capacity.

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The king knew and practised the four expedients viz. *sāma, dāna, bheda* and *daṇḍa* (or *upapradāna*) (62,65.). He maintained the eighteen titles of law laid down by Manu, and the uniformity of procedure (Nos. 62,65). He knew the true import of the sixfold measures of royal policy. He was strictly impartial in discharging his duties (65), and never transgressed the eternal rules of conduct (12). He dutifully protected his subjects (No. 12) and destroyed all the thieves (24). He was constantly devoted to his duty and faithful to law like Dharmarāja (24). Embraced by the goddess of sovereignty he was "without equal in respect of royal glory, knowledge, wisdom, splendour, fame, sacred learning, polity, renown and conduct" (31).

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IV. Learning and culture.

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The king had the knowledge of 64 Kalās (arts) (62,72). He was wise, eloquent, and profoundly intelligent. (65,74). He was versed in all the different branches of knowledge¹ (32,94).

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¹ King Bhadravarman was versed in the four Vedas (No. 4). King Indravarman knew the six systems of Philosophy, including Mimamsa and Buddhist Philosophy, the grammar of Panini with Kasika commentary, and the Akhyana and the Uttarakalpa of the Saivas (No. 45). King Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva was versed in Grammar, Astrology, Philosophical doctrines like Mahayana and Dharmasutras, notably the Naradiya and the Bharggaviya (No. 81).

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V. Moral qualities.

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The king had the knowledge of the good and the bad (62 65) and possessed a sense of duty, patience, forbearance, calm of heart, liberality, truthfulness and compassion towards all beings (65,41). He impartially pursued the three objects—wealth, virtue and pleasure—without showing preference to any (65). He controlled the six passions viz. kāma (sensual passion), krodha (anger), lobha (covetousness), moha (infatuation), mada (pride) and mātsarya (malice) (65).

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VI. Religious qualities.

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The king knew the supreme truth and the absolute reality without egotism (65). He installed gods and temples and endowed them liberally¹ (94,110). Realising that the body and its pleasures are ephemeral, he performed *yoga*, *dhyāna* and *samādhi* and practised virtue constantly and thoroughly (65). He was the foremost among those who regarded sacrifices as their principal treasures (23). He made pious works such as digging tanks, building roads, making religious endowments (110) and gave gifts day and night (62), particularly to *munis*, ascetics and learned Brāhmaṇas (24).

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The king was not only of a religious temperament but was also, in a manner, the defender of faith and protector of religion. It was his duty to maintain intact the castes and Āśramas in society, and we also hear of his zeal in protecting Dharma (No. 23). In this respect he followed the traditional role of kings in India.

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We also get some account of the royal life in Champā from the Chinese accounts and epigraphic evidences. The following description of King Harivarman by his ambassador to the Imperial Court (1076 A. D.) is recorded in a Chinese Text.

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“The King is 36 years of age. He is dressed in rich embroidered silks,² and a long tunic held by seven chains of gold. He wears a golden crown³ adorned by seven kinds of precious gems, and puts on sandals of copper. When he goes

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1. For a detailed account, see later.
2. Sometimes the silk was of black or green colour with flowers in gold embroidered upon it.
3. The crown was of elegant design and very richly decorated. We can have a fair idea of it from actual specimens included among the “royal treasures of Champa” (B. E. F. Vol, V. P. 40 ff).

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out he is attended by fifty men and ten women, who carry betel and nuts on golden plates and play on musical instruments”.

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The Po Nagar Ins. (30) says with reference to king Vikrāntavarman, that a big white umbrella was raised over his head and his “body was decorated with diadem, waistband, necklace, and earrings made of gold, ruby and other jewels.” The Glai Lomov Ins. (No. 24) says of Indravarman that his hands and breast were made white by the application of an abundance of perfumed sandal and musk.

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We possess other incidental allusions to the royal dress and habits. The undergarment of the king was made of very fine white cotton, probably muslin, bordered by lace or furnished with golden fringe. He put on this dress alone, even in court, except on ceremonial occasions, when he wore the silk tunic as noted before and put on, round his waist, a rich belt of gold decorated with pearls and jewels. Even his shoes were decorated with precious stones.¹

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¹ T'oung Pao, 1910, pp. 193—94.

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Attired in his gorgeous robe the king entered the Hall of Audience where he held his court. The immediate entourage of the king consisted, among others, of nobles, eminent Brāhmaṇas, Purohita, Paṇḍits, astrologers and masters of ceremonies.

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Strangely enough, the sons, brothers, and more important officials of the king had no immediate access to his person. This was apparently due to fear of being assassinated by them. The daily life of the king was regulated by a fixed routine. Every day at midday he gave audience to his people in an open Durbar. The king sat cross-legged on a high throne. Those who were presented to him saluted him in Indian fashion, bowing down their heads very low, while placing the arms across their breast. This was again repeated when the audience was finished.

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On leaving the Durbar, the king mounted an elephant, to the accompaniment of the sounds of drums and conchshells, and a cotton umbrella was raised over his head. Close behind him marched an official with a plate of betelnut. Then followed the royal guard of more than 1000 soldiers, armed with spear, sword, shield, bow and arrow. On less formal occasions the king went in a chariot, escorted by 30 women carrying betels and a shield. Sometimes the king went in a palanquin carried by four men.

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After the arduous toils and anxieties of administrative work the king sought for relaxation in his very big harem. There were a large number of queens of various ranks, concubines, dancing girls and a large retinue of servants. According to Marco Polo, "no woman in the kingdom of Champā was allowed to marry until the king had seen her. If the woman pleased him then he took her to wife; if not, he gave her a dowry to get a husband." When Marco Polo visited Champā, about 1285 A. D., "the king had, between sons and daughters, 326 children, of whom at least 150 were men fit to carry arms."

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Odoric de Pordenone who visited Champā about 40 years later also remarks that the king of the country had about 200 children, for he had many wives and a large number of concubines.¹

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¹ Marco Polo-Ed. Yule, Vol II, pp. 249-250 and the footnotes.

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On the death of a king, the more favourite among his women, particularly the queens, burnt themselves on the funeral pyre according to the "Satī rite" prevalent in India. The rest remained faithful to their dead lord, and passed their lives in good deeds and religious ceremonies; unless, as it happened in some cases, they entered into the harem of the next king, either willingly or under compulsion.¹

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¹ Fan Wen starved to death those women of Fan Yi who refused to obey him.

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It would be unfair to conclude, however, that the kings of Champā were as a rule devoted to luxury and sensual pleasures. Some of them were of religious bent of mind. We even hear of some kings abdicating the throne in order to spend the last days of their lives in religious practices. The cases of Gaṅgārāja and Harivarman may be cited as examples. In this respect, too, the colonists followed some of the best traditions of India.

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The first of these, the *Gospel of the Hebrews*, was used by the Jewish Christians of Palestine, and was probably a version of the Gospel of Matthew, though it contained some traditions not found in our canonical books. The *Gospel of the Egyptians* was used by the ascetic sects of Egypt, and was marked by a strong tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. The *Gospel of Peter* was used by the Docetists, and taught that Christ did not really suffer, but only appeared to do so.

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These gospels, and others like them, were not accepted by the Church as a whole, and were gradually lost or suppressed. The Church, however, felt the need for a standard collection of writings that would serve as a guide for faith and practice. This led to the formation of the New Testament canon, a process that took several centuries to complete.

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The first step in this process was the collection of the letters of Paul, which were widely circulated among the churches. Then came the four Gospels, which were accepted as the authoritative accounts of the life and teachings of Jesus. The Acts of the Apostles and the other epistles were gradually added, and finally the Book of Revelation.

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By the end of the second century, the core of the New Testament was generally accepted by the Church. The process of canonization was not a formal act of a council, but rather a gradual recognition by the churches of the writings that were most valuable for their life and worship. It was only in the fourth century that the canon was formally closed by the councils of the Church.

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The formation of the New Testament canon was a crucial event in the history of the Church. It provided a standard of faith and practice that helped to unify the Church and to protect it from the influence of heretical sects. It also ensured that the teachings of Jesus and the apostles would be preserved for future generations.

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THE CULTURE AND CIVILISATION OF CHAMPA

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Religious Evolution in Champa

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Religion has been one of the most important factors in the building up of Indian civilisation. It is no wonder, therefore, that the Indian colonists who founded a new kingdom in Champā transplanted to their land of adoption the religious ideas with which they were imbued at home. Indeed, it is a matter of common knowledge that no other feature of Indian civilisation left such a profound impress upon these colonial kingdoms, and even now, when the political supremacy of the Indians in those far-off lands is merely a dream of the past, they contain unmistakable traces of the Indian religion and its handmaid, art and architecture.

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Several circumstances make the study of Indian religion, as developed in these countries, one of profound interest. In the first place, although it is a familiar story how Buddhism made extensive conquests in foreign lands, Hinduism had never been known to make its influence felt outside the boundaries of India. Yet it is precisely the conservative form of Brāhmanical religion that became predominant in the new colony, and dominated the entire development of Hindu civilisation. Secondly, the religious ideas of India were confronted there by a system of primitive beliefs and superstitions, and we find here a repetition, on a smaller scale, of what took place in Northern India, when the Aryans swept away the whole country and imposed their own religion upon the primitive people.

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Thirdly, the study of Indian religion in ancient Champā not only affords an interesting insight into the vigour and vitality of the Brāhmanical religion, but also shows the completeness with which the foreigners had absorbed the Hindu civilisation. Nothing demonstrates more strikingly the absolute hold which the Indian civilisation had over the native mind.

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It is not only a story of a great triumph, but of a triumph against enormous odds. It has been already related in the previous pages that the political power of the Indian colonists in Champā was never very secure. Threatened by the Chinese, the Annamites and the Cambodians they had always to lead an insecure life. Repeated incursions of these powers almost destroyed the solidarity of their political fabric. Yet, amid all these vicissitudes of political fortune, Hinduism never ceased to make headway and inspire its million devotees to place their wealth and energy at its service. The triumph was all the greater because Hinduism had to reckon in this distant land with the all-powerful civilisation of China. As a matter of fact China was first in the field, and was already master of the greater part of the country when the Indian colonists made their influence felt. Further, throughout the course of history the Chinese empire which reached the borders of the new Indian colony exercised political influence of both direct and indirect character. The Hindu kings of Champā had often to acknowledge the nominal suzerainty of the Chinese emperor and send him regular tributes and presents; now and then the Chinese army even occupied and devastated the whole country. Yet, inspite of all these natural advantages, the Chinese civilisation had to give way before the onward march of the Indian in a distant land practically cut off from the mainland of India.

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The superiority of the Indian civilisation was once more demonstrated, and it was apparent that Brāhmaṇical religion was not probably much behind Buddhism in respect of missionary zeal and proselytising activity.

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The Brāhmaṇical religion that flourished in Champā was not the Vedic religion of old but the neo-Brāhmaṇical religion that was evolved in India almost at the same time as Buddhism and Jainism. The essential characteristic of this new religion was its sectarian character, the chief God being recognised as either Brahmā, Viṣṇu or Śiva. The belief in a multiplicity of gods which prevailed in Vedic times was replaced by absolute faith and devotion to one supreme God. Gradually the new faith inspired a new literature, the Purāṇas, and ushered in elaborate rituals and ceremonies. We find an echo of the pomp and grandeur of Buddhism in the magnificent temples erected to Viṣṇu, Śiva and the hosts of gods associated with them. These gods formed the centre of new philosophical speculations and hosts of myths and legends, and on them was lavished the wealth and luxury of an opulent people.

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In course of time the sectarian Brāhmaṇical religion triumphed over Buddhism which had hitherto played a dominant part in India. But although worsted in the struggle Buddhism maintained its existence for centuries to come. Thus the religious history of India during the first thousand years of the Christian era presented a new spectacle, the gradual rise of the new sects and the corresponding decline of the once triumphant Buddhist religion.

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All these characteristic features can be traced in minute detail in the religious history of Champā. Fortunately, materials for the study of this history are abundantly supplied by the large number of inscriptions and images of deities that are still to be found in that far-off land.

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Of the two Brāhmaṇical sects that flourished in Champā, Śaivism was by far the more influential and exercised a profound influence on the whole course of religious development. The hold of the Viṣṇuites and the Buddhists was poor in comparison. But there is no trace of any religious struggle. On the other hand we have abundant traces of mutual good will and attempts at reconciliation between the different sects.

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The conception of Siva.

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Of the three members of the Hindu Trinity Śiva occupied an unquestioned position of supremacy in the Hindu colony of Champā. The causes as well as the process of gradual elevation of one of the gods above his rivals are but imperfectly known to us, but there can be no doubt about the fact. Of the 130 inscriptions discovered in Champā and published in this volume, about 21 do not refer to any religious sect in particular. Of the rest, 92 refer to Śiva and the gods associated with him, 3 to Viṣṇu, 5 to Brahmā under the name Svayamutpanna and 7 to Buddha, while two refer to both Śiva and Viṣṇu.¹ This analysis of the known inscriptions is an eloquent testimony to the predominance of the god Śiva. The same conclusion is forced upon us when we remember that the two principal groups of temples in ancient Champā, Viz. those of Myson, and Po-Nagar are dedicated to Śivaite gods. Further, the preeminence of Śiva is clearly indicated by the fact that the god was regarded as the tutelary deity of both the city and the kingdom of Champā. Thus according to the Ins. No. 41, the city was created by the rays issuing from the pair of feet of Śrīśanabhadreśa', while in the Ins. No. 94, the same god is referred to as 'the origin of the kingdom of Champā. These brief allusions are fully explained in the Ins. No. 31 which describes how Uroja, sent to the earth by Śiva, established the kingdom of Champā, having at first placed a *linga* of that God as the protector of the city. In the Ins. No. 42 we are told that the god Śrī Īśāneśvara lives here triumphantly together with his multitude of servants for the sake of the prosperity of Champā’.

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¹ In this calculation, account has been taken only of the principal God mentioned in the inscriptions. In several cases, although Siva is the principal God, Visnu and other gods have been mentioned as subsidiary gods.

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The god Śiva was known by various names. These may be roughly classified as follows:—

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(a) Names denoting his position of supremacy over other gods¹:— Maheśvara (4) Mahādeva (6) Mahādeveśvara (29) Amareśa (10) Adhīśa (31) Devadeva (34) Īśvaradevatā (59) Īśvaradevādideva (32) Vṛddheśvara (35) Parameśvara (36)

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¹ Figures within brackets after each name indicate the serial number of the Inscription where it occurs. Although one reference only is given to each, sometimes a name occurs in several inscriptions.

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(b) Names denoting general greatness, mastery etc:— Īśāna (20) Īśānadeva (21) Īśāneśvara (12) Īśāna-nātha (16) Īśāneśvaranātha (17).

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(c) Names denoting the beneficent nature of the god:— Śambhu (22) Śaṅkara (28) Śaṅkareśa (38) Bhāgyakā-nteśvara (33) Dharmeśvara (39).

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(d) Names denoting the destructive or fierce character of the god:— Śarva (79) Bhīma (17) Ugra (24) Rudra (24) Rudra-madhyeśvara (35) Rudrakoṭīśvara (39) Mahārudra-deva (39).

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(e) Names arising out of mythological attributes or characteristics:—

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Śūli (7), Bhava (17), Paśupati (17), Vāmeśvara (19), Vāma-bhūteśvara (20), Yogīśvara (59), Guheśvara (74), Jayaguheśvara (35), Vijayasiṃheśvara (61), Bhūmivijaya (107), Indralokeśvara (65), Suvarṇāksa (18), Saṇḍhaka (26).

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(f) Names connected with *liṅga*.

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Devaliṅgeśvara (43)

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Mahāliṅgadeva (32)

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Śivaliṅgeśvara (35)

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Śivaliṅgadeva (35)

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Mahāśivaliṅgeśvara (39)

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Dharmaliṅgeśvara (41)

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The various names attributed to Śiva would convey a fair idea of the conception of the god in the mind of his devotees at Campā. Fortunately we are not dependent upon such a slender means alone for our knowledge in this respect. The inscriptions contain hymns and praises addressed to Śiva, as well as a large number of incidental allusions, and these enable us to enter more fully into this subject.

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Śiva is expressly referred to as ‘the chief of the Trinity’ and the ‘supreme god of gods’ in quite a large number of inscriptions. This Śiva is said to have ‘obtained the position of the head of the gods by means of his extraordinary power and fame’ (No. 31 A. v. 15). He is the preceptor of gods (No. 39, v. 13), He is the supreme deity extolled and revered by all the gods beginning with Brahmā or Indra (No. 16, v. 1; No. 21, v. 1; No. 32, v. 1; No. 46, v. 1) The gods as a class, derive their strength from Śiva (No. 31, v. 13). Brahmā and Viṣṇu bow down to Him, saying ‘Thou great god, of gods; please grant a boon to us’ (No. 39, v. 10). Lastly, the brilliant picture of the assembly of gods, drawn in No. 42, sets the final seal of supremacy to the god Śiva. ‘With Indra in front, Brahmā to the right, the Moon and the Sun at the back, and the god Nārāyaṇa to the left, Śiva sits in the middle, glowing with splendid rays, while those and other gods bow down before him and sing a chorus of praise and thanksgiving beginning with ‘om’ and ending with ‘Svadhā-svāhā’.¹

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¹ For a similar presentation of Mahadeva, cf Mahabharata Anusasanaparvan Ch. X I V.

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Quite in keeping with this position of unique supremacy among the gods, Śiva is endowed with a number of the highest divine attributes. He controls the creation, maintenance and dissolution of this world, while he himself has neither beginning nor end.’ He is not only the creator but also the preceptor of the three worlds, *bhūḥ*, *bhuvaḥ* and *svaḥ*; he is the knower of all things and the fixed cause of the universe (No. 7). He is ‘the primaeval being’ (No. 32, v. 1), calm, pure supreme and sublime (No. 16, v. 1). He is possessed of *animā* and other divine faculties (No. 17); he cannot be cut or pierced (No. 16, v. 10); he is without cause (No. 17, v. 6) and without atoms (No. 21 v. 1); his body is imperceptible (No. 95. v. 1); he permeates everything (No. 73, v. 1), and embodies the entire world in himself (No.73, v. 1). There is none in the world who knows Śiva in his true aspects, for his true nature is beyond the domain of thought and speech (No. 17, v. 1).² He is the supreme energy (No. 23, v. 1) and the source of the supreme end of life (No. 17). His image, identical with the universe, is manifested by his forms,—earth, water, fire, air, sky, sun, moon and sacrificer. He is constantly devoted to the welfare of all beings (No. 12, v. 28). He is the one lord of the world and grants supremacy to gods and men (No. 17). From him are born all creatures and to him they ultimately resort (No. 23, V. 1).

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² Also cf the prose portion on p. 35.

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Śiva has dual aspects. He is the destroyer (No. 73, v. 1), and burnt all forms including gods (No. 7). On the other hand, he removes the sin of the world (No. 7) and delivers men from the ocean of existence by destroying the seeds of *karma* which lead to successive re-births (No. 12).

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He is the object of meditation of the ascetics (No. 32, v. 1) and even thoughts of him alone are capable of yielding infinite bliss (No. 12, v. 30).

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But Śiva is not conceived in the abstract alone. He appears as a concrete divine figure with familiar myths and legends clustering round him. The old popular god of Indian masses reappears in a foreign land with his well-known features. He has matted hair (No. 24), three eyes (No. 24), five (No. 79) or six (No. 84) faces, and holds the trident in his hand (12). He originated from the nether world (No. 23) and is a resident of heaven. But sometimes he lives in the Himālaya (No. 24) or Malaya mountains (No. 31 B, v. 2), and sometimes sports in the Mānasa lake with his Śaktis (No. 95 v. 1). Besmearing his body with ashes (No. 23) he rides on a bull (No. 17) and dances in cemetery (No. 12, v. 28). He married Gaurī, the daughter of Himālaya, (No. 17) but maintains the Ganges on his head (No. 23). He is not, however, a frivolous god. He is learned (No. 62 v. 3) and intelligent (No. 74, v. 13). He practises austerities without desiring any reward therefrom (No. 17). Indeed, he has no desire of his own (No. 12, v. 39). His body is purified by means of miracles, *yoga*, *japa*, *huṅkāra* etc. (No. 24b). He is attended and worshipped by men and gods as well as the semi-divine beings like *siddhas*, *cāraṇas*, *yakṣas* etc.

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Some of the great achievements of Indian Śiva were quite familiar in Champā. The famous episode of burning the Cupid to ashes is again and again referred to. (Nos. 17, 21, 24, 36, 41, 74). Being struck with the arrow named *Sammohana* by Cupid (No. 41, v. 2), he reduced the latter to ashes by means of burning fire proceeding from his eyes (No. 17), but later on again restored him to life (No. 36, v. 1). This well-known allegorical myth, depicting Śiva's absolute control over sensual passions, is a favourite theme of Sanskrit poets, and has been immortalised by Kālidāsa in his famous poem Kumāra-Sambhava. Apparently this aspect of Śiva's character made a deep impression upon his devotees at Champā.

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The second memorable achievement of Śiva, stressed in the inscriptions of Champā, is the destruction of the demon Tripura (Nos. 17, 24, 32) and his three cities in the sky. As has already been noted, the details of this event agree closely with those given in the Mahābhārata.¹

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¹ Cf. Ins. No. 17 V. 4 and the footnote.

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The third mythological incident about Śiva is the story of Upamanyu (No. 17). This has been narrated at great length in the Anuśāsanaparvan of Mahābhārata (Ch. XIV) which agrees with the inscriptions of Champā in extolling Mahādeva in the most extravagant terms and placing him above all other gods including Brahmā and Viṣṇu.

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Liṅgapurāṇa, an extremist Śaiva book of the same type, is probably the source of another story in the inscription of Champā (No. 39). It is said that on one occasion there was a contest for supremacy between Brahmā and Viṣṇu when a luminous Liṅga appeared before them. The two combatants agreed to trace the source of the Liṅga. Brahmā took the form of a swan and went upwards, while Viṣṇu in the form of a boar went downwards. For a thousand years they tried but could not reach the end of the Liṅga one way or the other. Mahādeva then appeared before the discomfited gods and received homage from them, and they promised eternal devotion for him.²

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² For the story cf. Liṅgapurāṇa I, 17, 5-52. Vayupurana, ch. 55.

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The Hoa-Que Inscription from which we learn the above story contains an elaborate praise of the *Linga* form which virtually credits the *Linga* with the same attributes as those given to Śiva himself. The *Linga* is primaeval, having no beginning or end, and revered by gods and men. The *Linga* assumes various forms for the sake of prosperity of this world, and those who even once bow down to these *Lingas* realise their desires.

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In Champā, Śiva was represented both as a human figure as well as in his *linga* form. The latter occurs more frequently, as in India, than the image of Śiva.

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The ordinary *lingas* are placed on a pedestal (*Snāna-droṇī*) which is usually square and sometimes richly ornamented with human figures or other decorative designs. In a few instances the pedestal is round and the *Yoni* is represented therein. Very often several *lingas*, sometimes as many as seven, are found on the same pedestal.

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The *lingas* are of the usual cylindrical shape. Sometimes a head is sculptured on this *linga*. This is undoubtedly the *Mukhalinga* so frequently mentioned in the inscriptions of Champā. M. Finot supposes that this head represents that of the king who founded the *linga* and identified himself with Śiva. But M. Aymonier seems to be right in his view that the head represents Śiva himself. For, according to the Ins. No. 39, after Brahmā and Viṣṇu had bowed down before the *linga* of Śiva, the latter "showed them his face, issued from the middle part of the *linga*." But it is quite probable that the face was deliberately made to resemble that of the king. In support of this view we can quote the Ins. No. 39 in which we are told that three brothers erected images of Śrī Mahā-Rudradeva and Bhagavatī out of devotion to, and in imitation of the features of their father and mother. In India we meet with similar Mukhalingas, sometimes with four faces.

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As a human figure Śiva is represented in a variety of forms.

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I. Ordinary human figure with two hands.

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Two mutilated early Śiva figures of this type found at Tra-kieu are given in Ars Asiatica Vol. IV. Pl. XXII. The god is represented as a strongly built figure standing in a defiant attitude.

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The head is covered with rich curls of matted hair magnificently arranged in conical shape. A richly decorated diadem surrounds it at the base, while a brilliant *mukuṭa* (crown) covers the upper part. Stray locks of hairs fall on the breast.

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The *nāgas* or serpents serve as the ornaments of the ears and also take the place of the sacred thread. This last is attached to the lower of the two necklaces around the neck. Belts of pearls etc, surround the waist and the upper part of the abdomen. The upper part of a dagger is seen from above the belt.

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The figures being mutilated, the position of hands and feet cannot be ascertained. One arm shows trace of a bracelet made of serpents. In the face, the eyebrows and moustache are very prominent. There are crosses and circles in the diadem which might represent the sun and the moon but the third eye is not represented on the forehead.

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The images of Śiva found at Myson are less decorated and much simpler in design.¹ The god is represented as standing. The upper part of the body is nude, while two garments fixed by a belt round the waist cover the lower part. The lower garment reaches almost upto the ankle, but the upper one stops at the knee. There is a rosary round the wrist of the right hand while the left hand holds a vase. The hair is arranged in three stages on the head. The god has a smiling face with fine moustache and the third eye is represented on the forehead.

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¹ Parm. I. C., vol. I Fig 78, p. 362 and Fig. 79, p. 363.

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Very often Śiva is represented as seated, in an attitude of meditation.² Sometimes there is a beautifully decorated halo behind the head.³

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² Ibid vol. II, Figs. 108, 109, pp. 404-5.

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³ Ibid Fig. 71. p. 290.

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In a few instances even the normal human figure of Śiva has got an uncanny appearance. The Śiva found at Yan Mum¹ may be cited as an instance. The god is represented as seated, with a trident in one hand and an elephant's goad in the other. He has three eyes and the sacred thread. But he is attired like a king and the expression of his face is almost ghostly. Sometimes, as at Draṅ Lai, Śiva is represented as seated on Nandin, very much in the same style as one sits in a chair².

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¹ Ibid, Fig 77, p. 309

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² Ibid, Fig. 105, p. 401

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2. Śiva is sometimes represented as a human figure with extra hands in various attitudes. The following varieties may be noted.

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(i) Standing,—six arms, the two upper joined behind the head, others holding a Triśūla, lotus, sword and a cup (?).

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(ii) Standing on Nandin, in an attitude of attack; holding a lance in two hands;—has 24 or 28 arms; attributes:—Aṅkuśa (Elephant-goad), nāgī, bell, pitcher, bag and bow.

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(iii) Dancing the Tāṇḍava—sometimes surrounded by Nāgīs playing on harp and drum.

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(iv) Seated—holding a rosary in one hand and trident in another.

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3. In decorative designs, specially on the Tympanum, Śiva is represented as dvārapāla (gate-keeper of temples). In these cases he has mostly a terrible appearance with projecting eyes and long teeth. He is armed with a club, and wears a crown, ear-drops of skulls, upavīta and bracelets of serpents.

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Sometimes the dvārapāla is represented as standing on a bull and brandishing a sort of wedge-shaped iron instrument, while a small figure on the head of the animal and turned towards the main figure holds a sword in the right and a buckler in the left hand.

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The images of Śiva at Champā are too numerous to be treated in minute details. The following summary of Parmentier would give a fair idea of the general position.

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"As an idol, Śiva is more frequently represented as a liṅga which, on the other hand, seldom figures in decorative designs. As to the figure of Śiva, it is more often represented as a normal human being, rather than of monstrous appearance. The figure is usually seated, but, in rare cases, standing. In the earlier period he is represented with a corpulent body; in the later period, as an ascetic. It is only in the form of dvārapāla that he takes a terrible appearance. But this form of sculpture gradually disappeared. It is in the decoration of tympanum again in the earlier period, that the god is represented as fighting or victorious. It is specially in these cases that the god has monstrous forms. This is only partly caused by the multiplication of hands which vary from four to thirty. It is only in exceptional cases again that the god is represented with a multiplicity of heads. On the other hand he has very often the third eye on the fore-head. His usual vāhana (vehicle) is Nandin, and he has the Brāhmaṇical sacred thread as his distinctive sign. He is sometimes covered by serpents in the shape of ornaments. The usual attributes of the god are the sword, the rosary, the lotus-stem, the triśūla, and the vajra. Among other attributes, less generally found, may be mentioned discus, lance, bow, arrow, pen, purse, wallet, comb, cup, bowl, horn, bell, and elephant-goad. Sometimes the Oṃkāra is marked on the head-dress"¹

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¹ Ibid, pp. 411-12

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One of the oldest *liṅgas* of Śiva came to be regarded as the national deity and maintained this position throughout the course of history. The *liṅga* was established by king Bhadravarman towards the close of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth century A. D. and was named Bhadreśvara, for it was customary to designate the god by a term composed of the first part of the donor's name and the word Īśvara. This *liṅga* named Bhadreśvara or Bhadreśvarasvāmī was placed in a temple at Myson which soon became a national sanctuary and the centre of a group of magnificent temples. The king endowed the temple with lands whose boundaries are described in three inscriptions (Nos. 4, 5, and 7). This temple was burnt sometime between 478 and 578 A. D. but restored by king Śambhuvarman who confirmed the endowments previously given by Bhadravarman. Following the custom set on foot by the latter he associated his own name with that of the god, and called him Śambhu-Bhadreśvara. Successive kings, such as Prakāśadharma (No. 17) and Indravarman II (No. 31) and many others vied with one another in richly endowing this ‘god of gods’, and composing hymns of praise in his honours¹. In course of time a mythical origin was attributed to the *Liṅga*. It is said in an inscription, dated 875 A. D., that Śiva himself gave it to Bhṛgu, and Uroja having got it from the latter established it in Champā. We are told that Śambhu-Bhadreśvara, the greatest of gods, and the only one fit to be worshipped, was the guardian deity of Champā, all the kings of which have become famous in the world through his grace and favour.

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¹ cf Ins. No. 17, p. 35.

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From the middle of the eleventh century A. D. Śrī-āna-Bhadreśvara came to occupy the position of national god. It appears extremely likely that we find here the old god Śambhu-Bhadreśvara under a new name, for the god Śrī-āna- Bhadreśvara is also said to be installed by Uroja (No. 73, v. 3). Henceforth king after king declares himself to be an incarnation of Uroja, and restores or endows the temple of Śrīśānabhadreśvara which Uroja had formerly established on the Vugvan mountain (cf. pp. 93, 99 ff above). The temple suffered much in the hands of the enemies, particularly the Cambodgians, and was therefore repaired and endowed by a succession of kings,¹ sometimes with the booty taken from the Cambodgians themselves. An idea of the wealth and grandeur of the god and its surroundings may be formed from the numerous lists of articles granted to the god by the kings of Champā in perpetual endowments. In 1088 A. D. Śrī Jaya Indravarman gave him a "golden Kośa of six faces ornamented with serpents and decorated with coloured jewels fixed at sharp points in the diadem". The Kośa, which was a frequent gift to Śiva lingas in Champā, appears to be an outer covering for the same. The one given by Jaya Indravarman V had six faces, and also an Ūrdhvakośa or the Adhāra Ūrdhva-mukha.

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¹ cf. Ins. Nos. 59 61, 62, 68-73, 79, 81, 84 87, 94, 101, 109, 117.

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As the weights of the Kośa and of these last two items are all given separately, it appears that both the faces and the Ūrdhvakośa were detachable elements fixed on to the Kośa. This Kośa of Jaya Indravarman, when complete, contained a large number of costly gems and gold weighing about 43lbs Troy. About eighty years later, another king of the same name, Jaya Indravarman VII, gave still richer endowments to the same god (1163-1170 A. D.). He gave a golden Kośa, decorated with costly jewels, constructed an antargṛha (inner chamber) of sandalwood with silver and gold decorations, and offered vessels, pitchers and various other objects of gold and silver. He also decorated the temple of Śrīśānabhadreśvara with silver and coated all the pinnacles of the temple with gold.

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The total amount of gold required for the above purposes was nearly 75 lbs. Troy in weight, and the amount of silver nearly 35,000 lbs. Troy.¹ Besides, the king gave large elephants, male and female slaves etc. Among the various objects which we find dedicated to the god by a succession of pious kings may be mentioned, diadem decorated with jewel, necklaces and other ornaments, pitchers and other utensils of gold and silver, variety of articles made of gold, silver and sandalwood, the exact nature of which cannot be ascertained, male and female servants, and other women including dancers and musicians, fields, grain stores, oxen, buffaloes, and elephants. (cf. also the lists of articles in Nos 23, 24, 29.)

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¹ According to the Measures of weight given by Maspero (T'oung Pao, 1910, p. 210).

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It is thus absolutely clear that Śambhubhadreśvara or Śrīśānabhadreśvara was regarded as the national deity of Campā from beginning to end, and most elaborate arrangements compatible with the wealth and resources of the kingdom were made for his worship. There were apparently the system of 'Devadāsīs',—'female dancers', who dedicated their lives to the service of the god—which forms so characteristic a feature of Indian temples even to-day. The enormous wealth of the temples of Campā would also remind one of the temples of India, the wealth and grandeur of which have been so vividly described by Sultan Maḥmud and the writers of his time.

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In addition to the Śiva-liṅga which attained the position of the national deity there were many others though of less importance. The most remarkable among these was a Mukha-liṅga of Śambhu in Po-Nagar. We learn from an inscription of the 8th century A. D. (No. 22) that this Mukha-liṅga was established by a king named Vicitrasagara Two inscriptions (Nos, 29, 71) even profess to give the exact date of this event. It was established, we are told, in the year 5911 of the Dvāpara Yuga, about 1, 780, 500 years ago. How this date was arrived at, it is impossible to say, the main idea, no doubt, being to refer it to a hoary antiquity. This *linga* was destroyed in 774 A. D. by savage races coming by way of sea, but king Satyavarman (see pp : 50 ff) restored it and called it Satyamukhalinga. We find reference to this *linga* as late as the 12th century A. D. but it never acquired the status of a national deity like Śambhu-Bhadreśvara or Śrīśāna-Bhadreśvara.

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The kings of Champā seem to have regarded it as a pious duty not only to maintain and endow the famous *lingas* of olden times but also to establish new ones. In such cases the almost universal practice was to associate his own name with the new image. Below is given a list of kings and the names of gods established by them.

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| NAMES OF KINGS. | NAMES OF GODS. | NUMBER OF INS. |
| 1. Bhadravarman | Bhadreśvara. | 2 |
| 2. Śambhuvarman | Śambhu-Bhadreśvara. | 7 |
| 3 Indravarman. | Indra-Bhadreśvara. | 23 |
| Do. | Indra-Bhogeśvara } | 24 |
| | Indra-Parameśvara. | |
| 4 Vikrānta-Varman | Vikrānta-Rudra. | 30 |
| Do. | Śri Vikrānta-Rudreśvara. | Do. |
| Do. | Śri Vikrāntadevādhibhaveś- | Do. |
| | vara. | |
| 5. Jayasiṃha- | Jaya Guheśvara. | 39 |
| varmadeva | | |
| 6. Bhadravarmadeva. | Prakā'a-Bhadreśvara } | 39 |
| | Bhadra-Malayeśvara | |
| | Bhadra-Champeśvara | |
| | Bhadra-Mandaleśvara | |
| | Bhadra-Pureśvara | |

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| 7. Indravarman. | Indra-Kānteśa. | 44 |
| 8. Harivarman. | Harivarmeśvara. | 74 |
| 9. Jaya Harivarman. | Jaya-Hariliṅgeśvara. | 75 |
| 10. Jaya Indravar-man. | Jaya-Indra-Lokeśvara. Śrī-Jaya-Indreśvara Śrī-Indra-Gaurīśvarī | 81 |
| 11. Indravarman | Indravarman Śivaliṅgeśvara. | 108 |
| 12. Jayasiṃhavar-madeva | Jayasiṃhavarmaliṅgeśvara. | 112 116 |

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In addition to these instances where the kings associated their own names with the gods established by themselves, there are other cases on record where kings and nobles associated the names of their beloved relations with the gods founded by them. Thus king Jayasiṃhavarmadeva installed the goddess Horomā for increasing the religious merit of his mother's younger sister, queen Haradevī. The latter installed Indra-Parameśvara for the sake of religious merit of her husband Indravarman (No. 36). She also installed Rudra-Parameśvara and Rudromā for increasing the religious merit of her father and mother. These names are also probably to be explained in the same way, though nothing definite can be laid down as we are ignorant of the names of her parents. The Ins. No. 38 records the consecration of a liṅga, called Indradeva, in honour of king Indravarman, by a dignitary of the realm. Again, Īśvaradeva, brother of a minister, installed the god Īśvaradevādideva (No. 32). The Ins. No. 12 mentions two gods Īśāneśvara and Prabhāseśvara, and it is extremely likely that these two gods are associated with the kings named Īśanavarman, and Prabhāsadharma referred to in that inscription. There are similarly other cases, where the names of gods are apparently derived from some kings, though we are unable either to identify the king or to decide whether the king himself founded the image or somebody else installed it in his honour. Two conclusions however stand out prominently from the above analysis. In the first place, the kings of Champā vied with one another in installing images of Śiva as it was regarded pious to do so, and secondly, they identified or associated themselves with the gods by adding their name to that of the god, and also at times by making the image of the god resemble their own.

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The practice of associating the name of the king with that of the god founded by him was certainly not unknown to India. Thus the Chandella king Pṛthvīdeva installed an image of Śiva named Pṛthvīdeveśvara¹. Two queens of the Cālukya king Vikramāditya II, named Lokamahādevī and Trailokyamahādevī installed two images of Śiva called respectively Lokeśvara and Trailokyeśvara.² The Rājatarangiṇī furnishes numerous examples from the history of Kashmīr. Thus we are told "that Śūra founded the temple of Viṣṇu Śūravarmasvāmin. Two sons of a younger brother of Śūra called Dhīra and Viṇṇapa built under their own names temples.........

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¹ Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 38.

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² Bom. Gaz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 190.

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"Mahoday, who was the chief door-keeper of Śūra, consecrated the (shrine of Viṣṇu) Mahodayasvāmin.......

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"The illustrious Prabhākaravarman, the king's minister, built a temple of Viṣṇu called Prabhākarasvāmin."³

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³ Rajatarangini, Bk. V, vv. 23 ff.

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A number of deities came to be associated with Śiva. The most prominent among them was of course the ‘Śakti’ of Śiva, known variously as Umā (Nos, 4, 22), Gaurī (26), Bhagavatī (26, 80), Mahābhagavatī (26), Devī (39) and Mahādevī (32). She was also called Mātrliṅgeśvarī (97) and Bhūmīśvarī (50). She was the daughter of Himālaya and the incomparable and loving spouse of Śiva, worthy of being adored with joy by that god (13).

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The cult of Śakti worship seems to have been most prevalent in the southern region known as Kauthāra. Here was established the goddess Yāpu Nagara or Bhagavatī Kauthāreśvarī, in the temple of Po-Nagara which became a national sanctuary of the Chams comparable to that of Śambhu-Bhadreśvara or Śrīśānabhadreśvara.

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We learn from an inscription of king Harivarman (No. 26) that ‘an old image of Bhagavatī in Kauthāra, famous all over the world, remained empty for a long time’. In other words the image was carried away by savage tribes or destroyed by enemy troops, and the temple remained empty for a long time. Then in 817 A. D. king Harivarman made a new stone image of the goddess, adorned with a variety of ornaments, and offered her gold, silver, jewels, clothes of variegated colour and other articles. He further dedicated to the goddess fields in the Kauthāra country together with male and female slaves, buffaloes etc. Within half a century the stone image was coated over with a plate of gold, and ornaments with costly jewels were added to the head and ears of the image. (No. 29). In the year 918 A. D. king Indravarman established a golden image of the goddess (No. 45). This was unfortunately carried away by the Cambodians sometime between 944 and 947 A. D.

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