Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

The Vakataka–Gupta Age (circa 200–550 A.D.) c16: Chapter XV

The Vākāṭaka–Gupta Age (circa 200–550 A.D.) c16

Language
English

Contents

Chapter XV

c16.1

In this chapter we shall consider the coinage current in our age. Owing to want of space, it is not possible to describe in detail all the coin-types issued by the different rulers of our period. We can only refer to the main types issued by each dynasty, the different metals used for them, the weight standards followed, and the relative value of the different denominations. The question of the origin and development of the different types with special reference to foreign influence, if any, will engage our special attention, and brief reference will also be made to the light thrown by important types on the contemporary history.

1. The Coinage of the Punjab and Afghanistan

c16.s1.1

In the Punjab the Later Great Kushāṇa rulers, Kanishka III and Vāsudeva II, continued to issue gold coins (Pl. I, 1 & 2), closely resembling some of the earlier Kushāṇa types. On the obverse, there is the king offering oblation at the altar, with a legend in Greek, which becomes progressively more and more degenerate. Brāhmī letters are introduced in the field, the probable significance of which has been already discussed (ante, pp. 14-16). The reverse has two types; in one there is Śiva standing by his bull (Pl. I, 2), as on the coins of Vāsudeva I, and in the other there is Ardoksho seated on the throne, as on the coins of Huvishka (Pl. I, 1). The first type was common in the Kabul valley and the second in the Western Punjab.

c16.s1.2

When the Later Kushāṇas lost Afghanistan to the Sassanians, the latter introduced a new series of coinage in that province, which is known as Scytho-Sassanian. The coins of the new series are thin and large; they bear on the obverse the figure of the standing king, and on the reverse, that of Śiva standing by his bull. The Greek legend on the obverse and the Pahlavī legend on the reverse are both corrupt. (Pl. I, 3). The weight of these pieces is about 120 grains.

c16.s1.3

The Scythian successors of the Later Great Kushāṇas continued their Ardoksho type in the Central and Western Punjab with the same weight standard (Pl. I, 4). The Greek legend on their coins became too corrupt and degenerate to be intelligible. The names of the kings, therefore, began to be written in Brāhmī characters under their left arm. A number of Brāhmī letters make their appearance in the field, the significance of which has been described already in Chapter I. The weight standard of the later Kushāṇa and Scythian coins is the same as that of the earlier Imperial Kushāṇas. They weigh 120 grains on the average, but are often debased.

c16.s1.4

The currency of the Kidāra Kushāṇas or the Little Kushāṇas, who rose to power in c. 350 A. D., is entirely Sassanian in its type. There is the bust of the king on the obverse, usually supporting the globe on his crown. On the reverse there is Fire-altar with an attendant on either side. The legends are in Pahlavī characters (Pl. I, 5).

2. The Coinage of the Western Kshatrapas

c16.s2.1

The Śaka Kshatrapas of Western India continued their earlier coin-type during this period. Two revolutions took place, one in 304 A.D. and the other about forty years later, which put rival Śaka chiefs on the throne, but they brought no change in the coin-type. The Ābhīra ruler Īśvara-datta, who got a temporary hold of the Kshatrapa kingdom for about two years, is also seen issuing coins in substantial agreement with the established type. The same was the case with the Guptas, who supplanted the Kshatrapas in c. 400 A.D.

c16.s2.2

The Śaka silver coins have the bust of the king on the obverse. In the earlier period, the bust is a portrait of the ruler, showing on different coins even the changes of features produced by age (Pl. II, 3 & 4). Later on it became stereotyped. The obverse has meaningless traces of the circular Greek legend, borrowed from the Indo-Bactrian prototype. Kshatrapa rulers possessed a remarkable historic sense. The circular Brāhmī legend on the reverse of their coins carefully mentions the name and the title, not only of the ruler but also of his father. But this is not all. From the reign of Jīva-dāman (c. 175 A.D.)¹ each coin issued from the mint began to bear the date of its issue, given behind the bust of the king. This has enabled the modern historian to determine very accurately the reign-periods of most of the Kshatrapa rulers. It may be observed here that no other dynasty in ancient India, Indian or foreign, has issued such a long series of dated coins.

c16.s2.3

¹ For coins of Jīva-dāman see pl. II, 3 & 4.

c16.s2.4

The crescented three-arched Hill with the Sun and the Moon on either side is the reverse symbol on the Kshatrapa coins. In course of time the Hill in the centre dominated the other two, which dwindled almost into insignificance. The average weight of the silver coins of the Western Kshatrapas is about 35 grains. They are obviously hemidrachms of the Persian weight standard. The Gupta and the Hūṇa silver coins, based upon the Kshatrapa prototype, are of the same weight. The purchasing power of these silver pieces was equal to that of two rupees in 1930.

c16.s2.5

A few Kshatrapa rulers issued copper coins also, but they are usually anonymous. Generally they have Elephant on the obverse and the three-arched Hill on the reverse, with the Sun and the Moon on either side and the date of issue below. The latter enables us to attribute these coins to the Śaka Kshatrapas.

3. The Coinage of the Republics

c16.s3.1

The later Kushāṇa and Scythian rulers of the Punjab issued no copper coins. The money market had been so over-flooded by the copious copper currency of the Great Kushāṇa rulers, that there was no necessity to issue any fresh coins. Many of the Indian republics, which overthrew the Kushāṇa overlordship and regained their independence, resumed their coinage by c. 200 A.D. Among these the Yaudheyas were the most powerful and prominent, and their coinage is most wide-spread and abundant. As may be expected, the Yaudheya copper coins bear a close resemblance to those of the Kushāṇas both in weight and fabric. The figures on the obverse and reverse bear a general resemblance to those on the Kushāṇa coins, but the standing king on the prototype is replaced by Kārtikeya, who was the tutelary deity of the Yaudheyas. The figure on the reverse recalls no doubt that of Helios or Mao on the Kushāṇa coinage, but the accompanying symbols of Kalaśa and Conch make it clear that it is intended to stand for Lakshmī (Pl. I, 6). The new Yaudheya coinage discards the foreign Greek and Kharoshṭhī alphabets and introduces the indigenous Brāhmī one. The legend on the obverse, Yaudheya-gaṇasya jayaḥ, undoubtedly refers to the victory of the issuers over their erstwhile overlords.

c16.s3.2

The coinage of the Kuṇinda republic, resumed in c. 200 A.D., also bears a general resemblance to the Kushāṇa coinage in weight and fabric. The standing king on the obverse is, however, replaced by the figure of Śiva, holding the trident in his hand. The reverse shows most of the symbols that we find in the pre-Kushāṇa Kuṇinda coinage, e. g., the Deer, six-arched Hill, Tree-in-railing, Banner, Serpentine line, etc. The Brāhmī script replaces the Kharoshṭhī and the Greek.

c16.s3.3

The average weight of the copper coins of the Yaudheyas and the Kuṇindas is about 160 grains.

c16.s3.4

The Mālavas of Central Rajputana continued their coinage during our period down to c. 400 A.D. As before, they issued only copper coins, and they are surprisingly small and tiny. The heaviest of them do not exceed 40 grains in weight, and the lightest are as light as 1·7 grains. The average weight is about 10 grains, which is less than half the weight of the modren silver two anna piece. On the earlier coins, the old legend Mālavānāṃ jayaḥ continues to make its appearance (Pl. I, 7) and on some pieces it appears reversed owing to the mistake of the die-cutter. Later Mālava coins of our period have mysterious legends like, Majupa, Mapojaya, Magajaśa, etc. which have not yet been satisfactorily explained. It cannot be argued that these are the names of the kings of foreign extraction, because the contemporary inscriptions show that the Mālava stock was at this time regarded as equally respectable with the Ikshvākus.¹

c16.s3.5

¹ The view that these words are abbreviations of Mālava-gaṇasya jayaḥ, initial letters alone being taken, can explain some legends like Magaja, but not others like Mapojaya, Bhapamyana or Mapaya. The mystery can be solved only by future discoveries.

c16.s3.6

The Madraka republic of the Punjab very probably issued coins like its neighbours the Yaudheya and the Kuṇinda republics, but they have not yet come to light. The Arjunāyana coinage of our period has also not been discovered. The Kākas and the Saṅkānikas of Central India probably issued no coins, as coinage was not common in their territory.

4. The Coins of Virasena and Achyuta

c16.s4.1

In northern U. P. the coins of a king named Virasena have been found, having Tree-in-railing on the obverse and a rude figure of Lakshmi with king's name on the reverse. (Pl. II, 1). At Ahichchhatra in Bareily district, king Achyuta was ruling by the middle of the 4th century A.D. He issued a copious copper currency, with the letters Achyu on one side and a wheel on the other (Pl. II, 2).

c16.s4.2

On some of his rare coins, there is his bust in the centre and the letters a and chyu on either side. This king was overthrown by Samudragupta in *c.* 350 A.D.

5. The Nāga Coinage

c16.s5.1

The Nāga rulers of Padmāvati², who are the Bhāraśivas of the inscriptions, have left an interesting series of copper coins, which are small in size and light in weight like those of the Mālavas. On the obverse of these coins there is a legend giving the name of the king, and on the reverse there are various symbols, like the Peacock, Trident, recumbent Bull and Wheel, which are mostly Śaivite (cf. coin of Bhava-nāga, Pl. I, 8). The coinage of Gaṇapati, the last Nāga king who was overthrown by Samudra-gupta, was very extensive; even now hundreds of his coins can be seen with the coin dealers of Mathura. The weight of the Nāga coins varies from 18 to 36 grains.

c16.s5.2

² Padmāvati is modern Padam-Pawāyā, about 130 miles south of Mathurā.

6. The Coinage of the Maghas

c16.s6.1

The Maghas of Kauśāmbī issued a copper currency which is crude and inartistic. The coins are irregular in size and their symbols badly executed. The weight varies from 45 to 60 grains. As may be expected, the symbols on these coins are borrowed from those on the earlier Kauśāmbī currency. They are the Bull, three-arched Hill and Tree-within-railing. The coins of Bhadra-magha, Śiva-magha, Vaiśravana, Bhima-Varman, Vijaya-magha and Śata-magha have been discovered so far.

7. No Vākāṭaka Coinage

c16.s7.1

The Vākāṭakas succeeded the Sātavāhanas in the sovereignty of the Deccan, but did not continue their tradition of coinage. No coins of the Vākāṭakas have been discovered so far.¹

c16.s7.2

¹ The view of Dr. Jayaswal that the coins attributed to Virasena are really the coins of Pravara-sena I is quite untenable. The letter *Pra* does not at all occur in the lower left hand corner of these coins, as alleged by Jayaswal. Several specimens make it quite clear that the reading of the legend at the top is Virasena and not Varasena. (Cf. Pl. II, 1). Similarly Jayaswal's attribution of the Lankey Bull type to Rudra-sena I is untenable. What he read as Rudra is really part of the Triratna symbol, as is made quite clear by better preserved specimens (cf. pl. II, 5). Further it is worth noting that the coins of Virasena are found only near Mathura and those of the Lankey Bull type only at Kauśāmbī; they are never found anywhere within the boundaries of the Vākāṭaka kingdom. This circumstance is quite fatal to their attribution to any Vākāṭaka rulers. The contention that the coins so long attributed to Pavata should be regarded as the issues of Prithvi-shena I, is equally untenable. Letters *pa*, *va*, and *ta*, are quite clear and cannot be read as Prithvi-shena (cf. Pl. II, 6). For further discussion see *JNSI*. V, 130-4.

8. The Coinage of the Imperial Guptas

c16.s8.1

We now procceed to consider the coinage of the Guptas. With the assumption of the imperial title *Mahārājādhirāja*, Chandra-gupta I started his gold coinage. The view of Allan¹ that the coins bearing the figures of Chandra-gupta and his queen Kumāradevī on the obverse are commemorative medals struck by his son Samudra-gupta is untenable. Chandra-gupta I owed his imperial status, to a considerable extent, to the valuable assistance that he had received from the Lichchhavi relations of his wife; it was, therefore, but natural for him to issue throughout his reign a joint coinage, whose type would be acknowledging the Lichchhavi help in a suitable manner. Had Samudra-gupta issued these coins as commemorative medals, the name of the commemorator would naturally have appeared somewhere upon them, as it does on the admittedly commemorative issues of Agathokles and Eukratides. As it is, Samudra-gupta's own name is conspicuous by its absence on these coins.²

c16.s8.2

¹ *CGD.* pp. lxiv-lxviii.

c16.s8.3

² For a detailed discussion of this controversy see Altekar in *Num. Suppl.* XLVII, 105-111.

c16.s8.4

On the obverse of the coins of Chandra-gupta I, we see the king and his queen Kumāradevī standing and facing each other; the king is probably giving the marriage ring to his consort. The names of both are engraved by their sides. On the reverse there is Durgā seated on a lion (Pl. II, 7). The legend is *Lichchhavayaḥ*, which is probably in acknowledgement of the help the Guptas had received from their Lichchhavi relations.³

c16.s8.5

³ See *ante*, pp. 118-19.

c16.s8.6

In the realm of numismatics, conservatism was a very strong force in ancient times; the early gold issues of the Guptas, therefore, closely resembled those of the later Kushāṇas to whose imperial position they succeeded in the north. The obverse of the Kushāṇa prototype, the king standing and offering incense at the altar, is very common in the earlier stages of the Gupta coinage. The Hindu king is also to be seen wearing the Kushāṇa overcoat and trousers. His name is written perpendicularly under the arm, as on the Kushāṇa prototype. The reverse is again a close copy of the Kushāṇa type, which has Ardoksho seated on a high-backed throne. The Kushāṇa monograms also reappear with only slight variations (cf. Kācha-type, Pl. II, 8)

c16.s8.7

There was, however, a definite move to Hinduise the type soon afterwards. The Greek legend on the Kushāṇa prototype was replaced by the Brāhmi one from the very outset. The peaked Kushāṇa cap was never put upon the head of the Gupta emperor. Ardoksho on the reverse was hinduised usually by transforming her into the goddess Lakshmī and seating her on a lotus. Lakshmī, that was thus introduced on the reverse, was destined to figure on the gold coinage for more than a millennium we find her not only on the coins of the Chedis and Gāhaḍavālas, but also on some coins of Muhammad bin Sam (Pl. II, 9).

c16.s8.8

The Kushāṇa prototype, king offering incense at the altar, lingered on for a few decades, but side by side with it, the Gupta mint-masters introduced a number of original artistic types. Samudra-gupta's new types were the Archer type, the Battle-axe type, the Couch type, the Tiger-slayer type and the Aśvamedha (Horse sacrifice) type (Pl. III, 1). Chandra-gupta II added the Lion-slayer (Pl. III, 2), the Horseman and the Chhatra (Royal umbrella) types. The coins of most of these types are quite original in their conception and show no foreign influence whatsoever. Their execution is generally very fine, and the high-water mark of Hindu numismatic art may be seen in the Aśvamedha type of Samudra-gupta and the Lion-slayer type of Chandra-gupta II (Pl. III, 1 & 2), which are by far the best specimens of coins struck in ancient India. The art, however, began to decline in the reign of Kumāra-gupta I. The latter no doubt introduced two new types, the Peacock type and the Elephant-rider type, but his coins show a definite artistic deterioration, which was later accentuated by the declining fortunes of the empire. Skanda-gupta was content to issue coins of two types only, the King and Lakshmī type and the Archer type. His gold coins are heavily debased, a natural consequence of the depleted condition of the imperial treasury due to prolonged wars. The successors of Skanda-gupta were usually content to issue gold coins only of one type, the Archer type being the favourite one.

c16.s8.9

The Gupta gold coins at first followed the Kushāṇa weight standard of 120 grains, but in the reign of Chandra-gupta II it was raised to 124 gr. Some types of Kumāra-gupta I weigh as much as 132 gr. Skanda-gupta raised the weight to 144 grains and thus transformed his gold coins into *suvarṇas* of the traditional Indian standard of eighty *ratis*. Later Gupta rulers usually followed this standard.

c16.s8.10

The poetic renaissance, which was gathering strength in the Gupta age, is seen reflected in the coin legends, the majority of which are metrical and possess considerable poetic merit. One of them, introduced by Kumāra-gupta I, viz. ‘*Vijitāvaniravanipatiḥ Kumāragupto divaṃ jayati*’ was destined to have a long life of more than two centuries. It was copied with the necessary change of the proper name not only by later Gupta kings, like Skanda-gupta and Budha-gupta, but also by the Hūṇa invader Toramāṇa and the Maukhari kings, like Īśāna-varman and Avanti-varman. Even king Harsha requisitioned the same line for his coin-legend.

c16.s8.11

Silver coinage was started by the Guptas towards the end of the reign of Chandra-gupta II, when they came into contact with the silver currency of the Western Kshatrapas. The size, weight and fabric of these coins are closely similar to those of the Kshatrapa ones; and no wonder, for they were originally intended to circulate only in those provinces which were once included in the Kshatrapa kingdom. They, therefore, bear the Kshatrapa bust on the obverse, as also the meaningless traces of the once significant Greek legend. The year of issue is however given in the Gupta era and the *Garuda*, the emblem of the conquering dynasty, replaces the three-arched-Hill on the reverse (Pl. III, 3).

c16.s8.12

In the reign of Kumāra-gupta I, silver coinage was started also for the home provinces of the Gupta empire, and a new type was introduced which was naturally free from all foreign influences. The meaningless traces of Greek letters were discarded and the Kshatrapa bust was discontinued. The *Garuda* on the reverse was replaced by the peacock (Pl. III, 4), which is the mount (*vāhana*) of god Kumāra, after whom Kumāra-gupta himself was named. Towards the middle of the 5th century financial stringency compelled the Guptas to issue silver-plated coins; they have the Trident on the reverse. Among the later Gupta rulers only Skanda-gupta and Budha-gupta continued the silver coinage of the Peacock variety, but both its type and legend were continued by the Hūṇas, the Maukharis and the Puṣyabhūtis, as observed above already.

9. The Coinage of the Hūṇas

c16.s9.1

The Hūṇas issued several coin types in silver and copper, but none of them is original. Their earliest coins, intended for currency in the conquered provinces of the Sassanian empire, closely imitate the Sassanian prototype. They are thin and large and have the Sassanian bust on the obverse and the Altar and Fire-attendants on the reverse. When the Hūṇas annexed Afghanistan and entered the Punjab, this type was gradually Indianised by the introduction of Hindu symbols like the conch, wheel, and trident; the legend was written in Brāhmī, instead of Pahlavī. (Pl. III, 5).

c16.s9.2

When the Hūṇas conquered the Punjab and Kashmir, they issued a copper currency closely imitating the Kuṣāṇa prototype with the standing king on the obverse and the seated goddess on the reverse. This type continued to prevail in Kashmir in a progressive deteriorating form till the end of the Hindu period. With the conquest of Central India, the Hūṇas came into contact with the Gupta coinage. They issued no gold coins, but were content to issue silver and copper pieces only, closely imitating those of the Guptas. The silver coins have the bust of the king on the obverse and the Peacock on the reverse, the legend being the same as that on the coins of Budha-gupta, with the proper name changed (cf. coin of Toramāṇa, Pl. III, 6). The copper coins have the bust of the king on the obverse, the reverse showing a symbol in the upper half and the name of the king in the lower (Pl. III, 7).

c16.s9.3

The thin broad pieces of the Sassanian type, which have the legend *Śāhi Javula*, are usually attributed to Tormāṇa (Pl. III, 8). Mihirakula, the successor of Tormāṇa, did not issue any coins imitating the Gupta coinage, a clear evidence that he did not retain a hold on the Gupta provinces for a long time. The reverse of his copper coins testifies to his faith in Saivism; they have Bull in the upper half and the legend '*Jayatu Vṛishaḥ*' in the lower (Pl. III, 9).

10. Coinage in South India

c16.s10.1

Among south Indian States, coinage was practically unknown during our period. The Sātavāhanas of the earlier age had issued some coins, which were current in their territory; the Roman coins, which frequently came as Roman imports, were also known. It seems that some of the Roman traders, who had settled down in the country, used to issue inferior imitations of the original Roman coins¹. The southern States of our age however did not care to issue any coinage. We have so far come across no coins issued by the Pallavas, the Gaṅgas, the Ikshvākus or the Kadambas. The only exception in this connection is the petty Śālaṅkāyana dynasty, which ruled over a district or two in Andhradeśa. Six copper coins of only one of its rulers, Chandra-varman, have so far come to light.²

c16.s10.2

¹ *JRAS*., 1904, pp. 609-614.

c16.s10.3

² D. R. Bhandarkar Volume, pp. 213-6.

c16.s10.4

The apathy of south Indian states to issue its own coinage need not however cause any surprise. For coins were not very necessary for ordinary daily transactions and did not figure much even in the markets of northern India, the States in which used to have their own coinage. During our age things were about eight times cheaper than what they were in 1930. The Gupta gold coins, weighing about two-thirds of a *tolā*, were therefore naturally twice as rare in the market as a hundred rupee note in modern times. Silver pieces (weighing about 35 grains) and copper coins could be used in daily transactions, but even the states in northern India did not care to issue them in abundant quantity. The copper coins of the Guptas are rarer than their gold issues.

c16.s10.5

The absence of small coins or change did not inconvenience the public, because ordinary daily trade transactions were carried by barter in villages and *cowries* in towns and cities¹. Things being extremely cheap, a handful of *cowries* was quite sufficient for making purchases for the daily needs of life. They were the only currency of daily market transactions among all but the richest people down to the 16th century. Coins as a matter of fact figure in our records only in large transactions like the purchase of land or the creation of permanent endowments.

11. Relative Values of Different Coins

c16.s11.1

Let us now consider the question of the relative value of the different denominations of coins in different metals. The problem is very difficult to deal with, firstly because the data are meagre, and secondly because no fixed weight standard was followed, especially in the copper currency.

c16.s11.2

The average gold and silver coins of our period weighed 120 and 30 grains respectively. Towards the middle of the 5th century, the weight of the gold coins was raised to about 148 grains by the Guptas, and a record belonging to this period suggests that 16 silver pieces were equal in value to one gold coin.² This would show that the ratio between the prices of gold and silver was as high as 7:2. The Gupta coins of 148 grains were however heavily adulterated and contained only about 50 per cent of gold. The real ratio between the prices of the two metal³ seems to have been 7:¹ which is somewhat higher that in the Sātavāhana age, which was 9:1.

c16.s11.3

¹ Fa-hien, p. 43.

c16.s11.4

² EI. XXI, 81-82.

c16.s11.5

³ See *JNSI*. II, 1-15 for a detailed discussion of this subject.

c16.s11.6

Some Smṛitis of our period state that 16 copper *paṇas*, weighing 144 grains, were equal in value to 16 silver *kārṣāpaṇas* weighing 56 grains. In our period however the normal silver coins issued by the Kshatrapas and the Guptas weighed only 30 grains, and they may have been equal to 16 copper *paṇas*, which weighed about 80 grains. The Guptas however have issued copper coins, apparently intended to weigh 100, 90, 75, 60, 50, 40, 30, 20 and 10 grains. The copper coins of the Nāgas vary from 20 to 40 grains, and those of the Mālavas from 2 to 40 grains. The coins of the Yaudheyas were on the other hand as heavy as 160 grains. It is not possible to state at present how many copper coins of these different denominations were equal to the silver coin of 30 grains. The ratio between the prices of silver and copper varied between 50:1 and 70:1.

c16.s11.7

CHAPTER XVI.

c16.s11.8

COLONIAL AND CULTURAL EXPANSION.

I. Colonial Expansion in Insul-India

1. Hindu Colonial Kingdoms

c16.s12.t1.1

The early centuries of the Christian era are marked by an outburst of maritime and colonial enterprise in India, specially in the direction of the East Indies. Its beginnings may be traced to a much earlier period, but between 200 and 550 A.D., with which this volume deals, we have positive evidence of its scope and nature, and are in a position, for the first time, to trace its course with definiteness and in some detail.

c16.s12.t1.2

Indian literature, particularly the stories narrated in the Buddhist and Jaina books for purposes of edification, contain frequent references to merchants sailing to the east for purposes of trade.¹ The various islands and other localities mentioned in them cannot be always identified, but the stories leave the general impression that the eastern coast of Bay of Bengal and the islands in the East Indies were regarded in ancient India as the veritable *El dorado* which constantly allured enterprising traders by promising immense riches to them. This idea is also reflected in the name Suvarṇadvīpa or Suvarṇabhūmi (Land of Gold) which was used as a general designation for this vast region.²

c16.s12.t1.3

¹ *Champā*, pp. xi ff. *Suvarṇadvīpa*, I, 37 ff. Similar stories are also found in Jaina works of later date, *e. g.*, in *Samarāichcha-kahā* by Haribhadra (*c.* 750 A. D.).

c16.s12.t1.4

² *Suvarṇadvīpa*, I, 37 ff.

c16.s12.t1.5

By the end of the second century A.D. this commercial intercourse had not only led to the settlement of Indians in various parts of Suvarṇadvīpa, but also to the establishment of political authority by them in some regions. For the Chinese Annals and epigraphic evidence refer to states in Malay Peninsula, Java, Cambodia and Annam, with rulers bearing Indian names, as having existed in the second century A.D.

c16.s12.t1.6

We may get a more definite idea of the nature of Hindu colonisation in this region by dealing with one or two specific kingdoms which have left behind positive memorials of Hindu culture and civilisation.

2. Fu-nan

c16.s12.t2.1

¹ Kambuja-deśa, pp. 26 ff.

c16.s12.t2.2

One of the oldest Hindu kingdoms in this region was situated in Cambodia, and comprised nearly the whole of it along with Cochin-China. The Chinese call it Fu-nan and have preserved many details of its early history. According to the Chinese accounts the primitive people of this country hardly possessed any elements of civilisation, as both men and women went about naked. Civilisation was first introduced among them by Huen-tien (Kauṇḍinya), a follower of the Brahmanical religion. In particular he made the women wear clothes.

c16.s12.t2.3

Huen-tien's descendants ruled for nearly a century when the throne passed to a new dynasty founded by Fan-Che-man, the general of the last king. The original form of this royal name cannot be restored, though Fan probably stands for *Varman*. Fan-Che-man laid the foundations of the greatness of Fu-nan. He built a powerful navy and conquered ten neighbouring kingdoms. Nearly the whole of Siam and parts of Laos and Malay Peninsula were brought under the supremacy of the kingdom of Fu-nan, which may thus be regarded as the first Hindu colonial empire in this region.

c16.s12.t2.4

Fu-nan established diplomatic relations both with India and China. Towards the end of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth century A.D., a Brahmin named Kauṇḍinya went from India to Fu-nan and was elected king by the people. This second stream of colonists, coming direct from India, completed the Brahmanical culture which was introduced more than three hundred years before.

c16.s12.t2.5

Jaya-varman, a successor of Kauṇḍinya, sent Nāga-varman as ambassador to China in A.D. 484. It appears from the report of this ambassador, preserved in Chinese chronicles, that the dominant religious cult in Fu-nan was Śaivism, but Buddhism was also followed by many. During the reign of Jaya-varman two Buddhist monks of Fu-nan settled in China and translated canonical texts.

c16.s12.t2.6

Jaya-varman's chief queen was Kulaprabhāvatī. Both she and her son have left Sanskrit inscriptions, which show how thoroughly Indian culture and civilisation were implanted in this far-off colony. In addition to Śaivism and Buddhism the inscriptions refer to the prevalence of Vaiṣṇava cult.

c16.s12.t2.7

Jaya-varman was succeeded by his elder son Rudra-varman. Of him also we possess a Sanskrit inscription. He sent several embassies to China between 517 and 539 A.D. and is the last king of Fu-nan referred to in the Chinese texts. During or shortly after his reign Fu-nan was invaded by the rulers of Kambuja, which was originally a vassal state in Northern Cambodia, but had grown very powerful under able rulers and had thrown off the yoke of Fu-nan. Before the end of the sixth century A.D. Fu-nan was conquered by Kambuja which now took its place as the dominant power.

3. Champā

c16.s12.t3.1

¹ Champā, Chs. I-III.

c16.s12.t3.2

Another powerful Hindu kingdom was established in the country immediately to the east of Cambodia. The Hindus called it Champā, and the country was known by this name until the nineteenth century when the Annamites finally drove away the king of Champā from his last stronghold in the south, and the whole country was called after them Annam.

c16.s12.t3.3

The first historical Hindu king of Champā, so far known, is Śrī-Māra, who is mentioned in a Sanskrit inscription, and probably reigned in the second century A.D. The Chinese empire at this time extended up to Tonkin immediately to the north of Champā. The early Hindu kings of Champā made naval raids against the Chinese province and grandually extended the northen boundry of the kingdom at the expense of Tonkin.

c16.s12.t3.4

A constant struggle with the imperial Chinese authority in Tonkin marks the first century of Hindu rule in Champā, and although we are wholly dependent upon the Chinese chronicles for an account of the struggle, it reflects great credit upon the brave sons of India. In 340 A.D. the king of Champā, called Fan-Wen by the Chinese, sent an envoy to the Chinese emperor, demanding that the Hoan Sonh mountains be recognised the frontier between the two States. As this meant the cession of the district of Nhut-Nam, a vast extent of fertile territory, the Chinese emperor refused. But in 347 A.D. Fan-Wen led an expedition and conquered Nhut-Nam. In A.D. 349 he again defeated a vast Chinese army. Although he was himself wounded in the fight and died the same year, he had the satisfaction, before his death, of carrying the northern boundary of Champā to its furthest limits in the north.

c16.s12.t3.5

During the reigns of the next two kings, Fan-Wen's son Fan-Fo (349-380) and grandson Fan-Hu-Ta (380-413), there was a continual war with the Chinese. The latter scored some success at first and recovered Nhut-Nam, but Fan-Hu-Ta not only reconquered it, but even carried his arms further to the north, as far as Than Hoa. This king is almost certainly identical with the king of Champā whose full name is given as Dharma-Mahārāja Śrī-Bhadra-varman in his Sanskrit inscriptions. He was a great scholar and was versed in the Vedas. He erected a temple of Śiva and called the image Bhadreśvarasvāmin, after his own name, following a well-known Indian practice. This Śiva temple, at Myson, became the national sanctuary of the Chams (the name by which the people of Champā are known).

c16.s12.t3.6

Bhadra-varman's death was followed by a period of troubles which ended in the overthrow of the dynasty about 420 A.D. During this period a king Gaṅgārāja abdicated the throne in order to spend his last days on the Ganges.

c16.s12.t3.7

The new dynasty continued the raids against Chinese territory. At last the Chinese emperor decided to send an expedition on a large scale. The preparations took three years, and in 446 A.D. the Chinese army invaded Champā. The Chams opposed a brave resistance and scored some successs at first, but the vast Chinese army bore down all opposition, and at last the capital city Champā-puri fell into their hands.

c16.s12.t3.8

The Chinese returned with a rich booty. The king of Champā now pursued a policy of peace, and sent embassies to the Chinese emperor with rich presents which the latter regarded as tribute.

c16.s12.t3.9

In spite of some internal troubles Champā remained at peace with China for the next century. The last two kings Vijaya-varman (527 A.D.) and Rudra-varman (534 A.D.) sent regular embassies with tributes.

4. Other Kingdoms

c16.s12.t4.1

In addition to the two kingdoms in Annam and Cambodia, there were many other Hindu kingdoms in Indo-Chinese peninsula during the first five centuries of the Christian era. Unfortunately their political history for this early period is not known with definite details, and we can only refer to them in a general way.

c16.s12.t4.2

Beginning from the north-west, Burmese traditions refer to the establishment of kingdoms by Hindu immigrants, both in Upper and Lower Burma, long before the beginning of the Christian era. Although we have no positive evidence in support of this, archaeological and other evidences leave no doubt that there were important Hindu settlements in various parts of the country during the early centuries of the Christian era. The kingdom of Śrikshetra, with its capital near modern Prome, was an important Hindu kingdom, and is referred to in Chinese Annals as early as 3rd century A.D. The Hindu kingdom of Dvāravatī in Siam was also a powerful one, and served as the centre from which Hindu culture penetrated into the interior of the peninsula. It did not come into prominence till after the fall of Fu-nan, to which it was subject, but probably existed from an earlier date.¹

c16.s12.t4.3

¹ R. C. Majumdar, *Hindu Colonies in the Far East*, p. 222.

c16.s12.t4.4

Further south, in the Malay Peninsula, we have definite references to several Hindu States. One of these, founded in the second century A.D., is called by the Chinese Lang-kia-su. According to the Chinese chronicles a prince or a member of the royal family, having incurred the displeasure of the king, fled to India and was there married to the daughter of a king. When the king of Lang-kia-su died all of a sudden, the great officers of the state called back the prince and made him king. He died after a reign of 20 years and was succeeded by his son Bhagdato (Bhagadatta) who sent an envoy named Āditya to China in 515 A.D.²

c16.s12.t4.5

² *Suvarṇadvīpa*, I, 73.

c16.s12.t4.6

Hindu kingdoms were also established in various islands in the East Indies during the first centuries of the Christian era.

c16.s12.t4.7

In Java³ the local tradition refers the first Hindu colony to the first century A.D. But there is no doubt that a Hindu kingdom was established by the beginning of the second century A.D.; for we learn from Chinese chronicles that king Deva-varman of Java sent an embassy to China in 132 A.D. Four Sanskrit inscriptions, found in West Java, refer to a king Pūrṇa-varman and his two ancestors. The inscriptions are not dated, but may be referred, on palaeographical grounds, to the sixth century A.D., though some would refer them to the fourth. We have thus got evidence for the existence of a thoroughly Hinduised kingdom in Western Java. Fa-hien, who stayed in Java for five months in 414-415 A.D. during his return journey from India, has also described the country as a stronghold of Brahmanical religion.

c16.s12.t4.8

³ *Ibid.* Ch. VI, pp. 91 ff.

c16.s12.t4.9

The neighbouring island of Bali¹ was also a rich Hindu kingdom, and one of its kings sent an envoy to China in 518 A.D.

c16.s12.t4.10

¹ Ibid. Ch. IX, pp. 132 ff.

c16.s12.t4.11

The Hindu kingdom of Srīvijaya² was founded in Sumatra in or before the fourth century A.D. It rose to great power and eminence in the seventh century A.D. as will be related later, but not much is known of its early history. Even in the island of Borneo³, the home of the head-hunting Dayaks, Hindus established a kingdom as early as the fourth century A.D., if not before. Four Sanskrit inscriptions, which may be dated about 400 A.D., record the rich donations and sacrifices of king Mūla-varman, son of Aśva-varman and grandson of king Kuṇḍunga (Kauṇḍinya). The stone pillars on which the inscriptions are engraved were the Yūpas (sacrificial pillars) set up by Brāhmaṇas to commemorate the great sacrifice called Bahu-suvarṇakam (large quantity of gold) performed by king Mūla-varman and his gift of 20,000 cows to the Brāhmaṇas in the holy field of Vaprakeśvara.

c16.s12.t4.12

² Ibid. Ch. VII, pp. 116 ff.

c16.s12.t4.13

³ Ibid. Ch. VIII, pp. 125 ff.

c16.s12.t4.14

The establishment of kingdoms by Hindus in different parts of the East Indies and the Indo-Chinese Peninsula may not be regarded as the deliberate expansion of political authority by any Indian State or States. There is nothing to suggest that an Indian monarch planned or equipped any expedition to effect any conquest in these far-off lands. They seem to have been the result of individual enterprise,—successful efforts of men of superior ability, by virtue of their higher culture and military skill, to impose their authority upon primitive peoples. There is nothing to indicate that the Indian States derived any political advantage from this extensive colonisation. It is even doubtful whether the colonial powers maintained any regular contact with the political powers in India, though the claims of Samudra-gupta that he exercised suzerainty over all the islands might have reference to some of them. But the most outstanding effect of the establishment of these Hindu colonies was the spread of Hindu culture and civilisation in these regions.

5. Hindu Civilisation in Suvarṇadvīpa

c16.s12.t5.1

¹ The facts relating to any particular colony, as stated below, will be found in the chapter in Champā or Suvarṇadvīpa dealing with its history to which reference has been given above; cf. also Suvarṇadvīpa, I, 138 ff.

c16.s12.t5.2

It seems almost to be a universal law, that when an inferior civilisation comes into contact with a superior one, it gradually tends to be merged into the latter, the rate and the extent of this process being determined solely by the capacity of the one to assimilate, and of the other to absorb. When the Hindus first appeared in Malayasia, and came into close association with her peoples, this process immediately set in, and produced the inevitable result.

c16.s12.t5.3

The inscriptions discovered at Borneo, Java, Annam, Cambodia and Malay Peninsula lead inevitably to the conclusion that the language, literature, religion, and political and social institutions of India made a thorough conquest of these far-off lands, and, to a great extent, eliminated or absorbed the native elements in these respects.

c16.s12.t5.4

The inscriptions of Fu-nan and Champā show a thorough acquaintance with the Puranic religion and mythology. The inscriptions of Mūla-varman hold out before us a court and a society thoroughly saturated with Brahmanical culture. The inscriptions discovered in Western Java also present before us a strongly Brahmanized society and court. We have reference to Hindu gods like Viṣṇu and Indra, and Airāvata, the elephant of Indra. The Indian months and attendant astronomical details, and Indian system of measurement of distance are quite familiar to the soil. Besides, in the river-names Chandrabhāgā and Gomatī we have the beginnings of that familiar practice of transplanting Indian geographical names to the new colonies.

c16.s12.t5.5

The images of various gods and goddesses discovered in Borneo and Malay Peninsula corroborate the evidence of the inscriptions. Images of Viṣṇu, Brahmā, Śiva, Gaṇeśa, Nandi, Skanda and Mahākāla have been found in Borneo, and those of Durgā, Gaṇeśa, Nandi and Yoni in the Malay Peninsula. The thorough preponderance of the Puranic form of the Hindu religion is also proved by the remains at Tuk Mas in Java. Here we get the usual attributes of Viṣṇu and Śiva,—the Śaṅkha (conch-shell), Chakra (wheel), Gadā (mace), and Padma (lotus) of the former, and the Triśula (trident) of the latter. Besides, the inscription refers to the sanctity of the Ganges.

c16.s12.t5.6

The images and inscriptions prove that in addition to the Brahmanical religion Buddhism had also made its influence felt in these regions. Taken collectively, the inscriptions prove that the Sanskrit language and literature were highly cultivated. Most of the records are written in good and almost flawless Sanskrit. Indian scripts were adopted everywhere. The images show the thorough-going influence of Indian Art.

c16.s12.t5.7

The archaeological evidence is corroborated and supplemented by the writings of the Chinese. First of all, we have the express statement of Fa-hien that Brahmanism was flourishing in Yava-dvīpa, and that there was very little trace of Buddhism. The 200 merchants who boarded the vessel along with Fa-hien were all followers of the Brahmanical religion. This statement may be taken to imply that trade and commerce were still the chief stimulus to Indian colonisation. As the merchants belonged mostly to the Brahmanical religion, we get an explanation of its preponderance over Buddhism in the Archipelago.

c16.s12.t5.8

But that Buddhism soon made its influence felt in Java appears clearly from the story of Guṇa-varman, preserved in a Chinese work compiled in 519 A.D. Guṇa-varman, a prince of Kashmir (Ki-pin), was of a religious mood from his boyhood. When he was thirty years old, the king of Kashmir died without issue and the throne was offered to him. But he rejected the offer and went to Ceylon. Later he proceeded to Java and converted the Queen-mother to Buddhism. Gradually the king, too, was persuaded by his mother to adopt the same faith. At this time Java was attacked by hostile troops, and the king asked Guṇa-varman whether it would be contrary to the Buddhist law if he fought against his enemy. Guṇa-varman replied that it was the duty of everybody to punish robbers. The king then went to fight and obtained a great victory. Gradually the Buddhist religion was spread throughout the country. The king now wished to take to the life of a monk, but was dissuaded from this course by his ministers, on the express condition, that henceforth no living creatures should be killed throughout the length and breadth of the kingdom.

c16.s12.t5.9

The name and fame of Guṇa-varman had now spread in all directions. In 424 A.D. the Chinese monks requested their emperor to invite Guṇa-varman to China. Accordingly, the Chinese emperor sent messengers to Guṇa-varman and the king of Java. Guṇa-varman embarked on a vessel, owned by the Hindu merchant Nandin, and reached Nanking in A.D. 431. A few months later he died at the age of sixty-five.

c16.s12.t5.10

In addition to religion, the influence of Hindu civilisation is also clearly marked in the political and social ideas and the system of administration. We may refer in this connection to a State called Tan-Tan, the exact location of which it is difficult to determine. This kingdom sent ambassadors to China in 530, 535, and 666 A.D. We get the following account in the Chinese annals : "The family name of its king was Kchsatriya (Kshatriya) and his personal name Silingkia (Śṛiṅga). He daily attends to business and has eight great ministers, called the 'Eight Seats', all chosen from among the Brāhmaṇas. The king rubs his body with perfumes, wears a very high hat, and necklace of different kinds of jewels. He is clothed in muslin and shod with leather slippers. For short distances he rides in a carriage, but for long distances he mounts an elephant. In war they always blow conches and beat drums."

c16.s12.t5.11

The following customs of Ka-la, referred to by the Chinese, are also Indian in origin. "When they marry they give no other presents than areca-nuts, sometimes as many as two hundred trays. The wife enters the family of her husband. Their musical instruments are a kind of guitar, a transversal flute, copper cymbals, and iron drums. Their dead are burned, the ashes put into a golden jar and sunk into the sea."

c16.s12.t5.12

Two of the three inscriptions of Fu-nan,¹ referred to above, are fairly long compositions and indicate, more than anything else, the dominance of Indian literary style and Indian social and religious ideas in these colonies. They refer to large settlements of Brahmins, versed in the Vedas, the Upavedas and Vedāngas and also to the Kshatriyas and their high ideals. They faithfully reflect the Indian outlook on life and society and may be regarded as undying memorials of the triumph of Hindu civilisation in these far-off colonies.

c16.s12.t5.13

¹ These inscriptions have been edited by Coedès; the first two in BEFEO. XXXI, 1 ff and the third in JGIS. IV, 117.

6. The Malay Peninsula

c16.s12.t6.1

² Suvarnadvipa, I, Ch. V, pp. 65 ff.

c16.s12.t6.2

From a very early period, the Malay Peninsula played a very important part in the maritime and colonising activity described above. Indeed, its geographical position made it the centre of the carrying trade between China and the western world. It must have been known to India from very early times, probably long before the Christian era.

c16.s12.t6.3

Actual remains of early Hindu civilisation in the Malay Peninsula, though scanty, are not altogether lacking. There are the remains of a Hindu temple and a few stone images at Sungai Batu Estate at the foot of Gunong Jerai (Keddah Peak). The remains of a brick-built Buddhist shrine, discovered in its neighbourhood, at Keddah, may be dated approximately in the fourth or fifth century A.D. on the strength of a Sanskrit inscription found in it. Similarly remnants of pillars, which once adorned some Buddhist temples, have been found in the northern part of Province Wellesley. These also may be dated in the fourth or fifth century A.D. on the strength of inscriptions engraved on them. A gold ornament, bearing the figure of Vishnu on his Garuda, was unearthed at Selinsing (Perak), and also, in a hole left by the roots of a fallen tree, a Cornelian seal engraved with the name of a Hindu prince Sri Viṣṇu-varman, in characters of the fifth century A.D.

c16.s12.t6.4

Ruins of shrines exist in the region round Takua Pa, which has been identified with Ptolemy's Takkola. Opposite Takua Pa, on the eastern coast, round the Bay of Bandon, are the remains of early settlements, specially in the three well-known sites Caiya, Nakhon Sri Dhammarat, and Vieng Sra. The temples and images of these places may be of somewhat later date, but the inscriptions found at Ligor and Takua Pa, and the Sanskrit inscription on a pillar at Caiya show that these settlements could not be later than the fourth or fifth century A.D.

c16.s12.t6.5

A large number of inscriptions have been discovered in different parts of the country. They are written in Sanskrit and in Indian alphabets of about the fourth or fifth century A.D. Two of them reproduce a well-known formula of the Buddhist creed, and this proves the spread of Buddhism in that region. These inscriptions clearly testify to the fact that the Indians had established colonies in the northern, western and the eastern sides of the Malay Peninsula by at least fourth and fifth centuries A.D., and that the colonists belonged to both northern and southern India.

c16.s12.t6.6

One of these inscriptions refers to "the captain (Mahānāvika, the great sailor) Buddhagupta, an inhabitant of Rakta-mṛttikā". Rakta-mṛttikā, which means 'red clay', has been indentified with a place still called Rāṅgāmāṭi (red clay) 12 miles south of Murshidabad.

c16.s12.t6.7

The archaeological remains in the Malay Peninsula confirm what might have been deduced on general grounds from literary evidence. Takkola (modern Takua Pa) was the first landing stage of the Indian traders and colonists. From this port some crossed the mountain range over to the rich wide plain on the opposite coast round the Bay of Bandon. From this centre they could proceed by land or sea to Siam, Cambodia, Annam, and even further east. This trans-peninsular route, marked by the remains of Indian settlements, was followed by many who wanted to avoid the long and risky voyage through the Straits of Malacca. That this second route was also very popular and largely used is indicated by the archaeological remains in the Province Wellesley. This all-sea route was naturally preferred by many traders who wanted to avoid transhipment, and offered a shorter passage to Java and southern Sumatra. On the whole the Malay Peninsula may be regarded as the main gate of the Indian colonial empire in the Far East. The report of the Archaeological Mission in the Malay Peninsula contains interesting observations regarding Hindu colonisation in this land which may be summed up as follows:—

c16.s12.t6.8

“The colonies were large in number and situated in widely remote centres, such as Chumphon, Caiya, the Valley of the river Bandon, Nakhon Sri Dhammarat (Ligor), Yale (near Patani), and Selensing (in Pahang ) on the eastern coast; and Malacca, Province Wellesley, Takua Pa, and the common delta of the rivers Lanya and Tenasserim, on the western. The most important of these was unquestionably that of Nakhon Sri Dhammarat (Ligor). It was an essentially Buddhist colony which probably built the great *stūpa* of Nakhon Sri Dhammarat and part of the fifty temples which surrounded it. A little to the north was the colony of Caiya, which appears to have been at first Brahmanical, and then Buddhist. These two groups of colonies were mainly agriculturists. The others which occupied Selensing, Panga, Puket, and Takua Pa, prospered by the exploitation of tin and gold-mines.

c16.s12.t6.9

“The available evidence justifies the assumption that the region around the Bay of Bandon was a cradle of Further Eastern culture, inspired by waves of Indian influence spreading across the route from Takua Pa. There is a strong persistent local tradition in favour of an early migration of Indians across the route from the west. At the same time persons of an Indian cast of features are common on the west coast near Takua Pa, while colonies of Brahmans of Indian descent survive at Nakhon Sri Dhammarat and Patalung, and trace the arrival of their ancestors from India by an overland route across the Malay Peninsula”.

First 109 of 176 passages. Read on

Cites (10)