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The History of Bengal (Vol. I: Hindu Period; Vol. II: Muslim Period 1200–1757) v2.c40: Chapter XIV

The History of Bengal (Vol. I: Hindu Period; Vol. II: Muslim Period 1200–1757) v2.c40

Language
English

Contents

Chapter XIV

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CONQUESTS OF ISLĀM KHAN, 1608-1613.

I. Islām Khan's Preparations and Plans

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Shaikh ’Ala-ud-din, entitled Islām Khan, the grandson of the famous saint Shaikh Salim Chishti, was appointed governor of Bengal as soon as the report of the death of Jahāngir Quli Khan reached Jahāngir. He had grown up with the Emperor since his childhood, was about the same age, and was especially honoured with the title of son.

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Though young and without much experience, the new governor possessed certain traits of character wich fitted him pre-eminently for his office. He was personally brave and temperate in his habits, and showed great vigour, resoluteness, and sincere devotion to duty. His tenacity of purpose, coolness of judgement, and resourcefulness in moments of crisis, were particularly laudable. What characterised Islām Khan most was his imperious manners, autocratic bearing, and overpowering ambition. He made a firm resolve to put down the Bengal zamindars and impose Mughal authority over the whole province; and, during his five years’ rule, succeeded in realising this aim in a remarkable degree. Uninterrupted success only added to his natural insolence and haughtiness, and he gave himself royal airs and often defied even the orders of the Emperor.¹

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¹ Tuzuk R & B. I. 82-83, 142, 208), Iqbalnamah, 24, History Jahangir, 105. 106, 152, 201, 207.

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The details of the Mughal campaigns in Bengal are available in the contemporary narrative of Mirzā Nathan, named the Bahāristān-i-Ghaibi, which deals exclusively with the history of Bengal. It greatly supplements the meagre account of the activities of Islām Khan and of his successors previously available in the official chronicles of Jahāngir’s reign, particularly, the Tuzuk and the Iqbalnamāh, and throws much light on the administration, court life, and the social and economic condition of Mughal Bengal. It is mainly because of the abundance of material and minute details available in the Baharistan, that the history of Bengal during the age of Jahāngir attains a fullness, unity, continuity, and interest, unknown before.

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The Baharistan is divided into four daftars or books, the first of which deals with the events of Islām Khan’s viceroyalty, and has been named, after the governor, the Islāmnāmah; the second treats of the viceroyalty of Qāsim Khan, the third that of Ibrāhim Khan Fath-jang (titled Ibrāhimnāmah), while the fourth treats of the usurpation of the Bengal government by the rebel prince Shāh Jahān (named Wāqiat-i-Jahān Shāh or the Chronicles of Shah Jahan).

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From Bihar, the new governor proceeded to Rājmahal, and assumed charge of his office early in June, 1608. All the incompetent and dishonest officers were sent away, and the Afghan chiefs of doubtful loyalty, such as, the sons of Ma‘sum Khan Kābuli, and Lachin Khan Qāqshāl (the Qāqshāls of Ghorāghāt being noted for their disaffection and disloyalty since the time of Akbar) were sent away to court. Attempts were also made to recover the forces and war-equipments, particularly, the guns, heavy artillery, and war-boats, that had been removed from the province by the previous viceroys.

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At Rājmahal, Islām Khan awaited the arrival of the new diwān, and particularly, of the new admiral (mirbahr), Ihtimām Khan, who proceeded slowly down the Ganges and joined Islām Khan only at the end of the rains. During the stay of Islām Khan at Rājmahal, two important events occurred. The first was a surprise attack on the imperial thānah of Ālapsingh (the seat of a big pargana along the right bank of the Brahmaputra in Mymensingh, in Rennell’s *Bengal Atlas*, No. VI) by Kwāja ‘Usmān of Bokāinagar who, captured it and killed the unsuspecting thānahdār Sazāwal Khan Niyāzi, and occupied the entire region. Islām Khan took prompt action. He sent a strong force under the command of his brother Shaikh Ghiyāsuddin, (later created ‘Ināyet Khan), and recovered the thānah.

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The other event was the submission of Raja Pratāpāditya of Jessore, who sent his envoy Shaikh Badi and his youngest son Sangrāmāditya with suitable gifts to the governor. The prince was left behind as a hostage on the agreement that Pratāpāditya would personally attend on the Bengal governor at Ālāipur with sufficient war equipments and aid him in his war with Musā Khan¹. At Rājmahal Islām Khan settled his political programme as well as his plan of military operations. He realised that his foremost enemy was Musā Khan, the acknowledged leader of the Twelve Bhuiyās and that these lesser chiefs would never submit so long as their leader was not finally disarmed. From Rājmahal to Sonārgāon, the capital of Musā Khan, was a far cry, and the way lay through the territories of hostile zamindars, who must either be subdued by force or cajoled into submission, The necessity of maintaining communication with the headquarters, protection of the rear and flank against surprise attack, and of the establishment of safe and convenient bases for encampment, particularly, in the rains, during the long and tedious journey through the heart of Bengal, made almost continuous compaigning inevitable. Judged from this standpoint, the numerous expeditions sent out by Islām Khan in the course of his advance from Rājmahal towards Dacca seem to be not haphazard raids, but regular and systematic campaigns, well planned and well-executed, with due regard to time, place and circumstances.

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¹ This is the earliest mention of Pratāpāditya in Mughal history—the *Akbarnamah*, the *Ain-i-Akbari*, the *Tuzuk*, all maintaining complete silence about him. The fanciful achievements of Pratāpāditya, and the halo of romance, valour, and glory that gathered round him as a great national hero, and the confusion regarding his career, particularly, his fall from power, have been fairly cleared by Sir Jadunath Sarkar (articles in *Prabasi* 1326, 1327, 1328) and Dr. N. K. Bhattashali (*Bengal Chiefs’ Struggle*, in *Bengal, Past & Present*, 1928), and need not be repeated here. It may noted in passing that Professor Satish Chandra Mitra’s treatment of Pratapaditya (*History of Jessore and Khulna*, B. S. 1328) has been too sympathetic and biassed.

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When the rains ended, Islām Khan started for the Bhāti region, with a large army and an adequate fleet which numbered 295, including 70 transport boats at Rājmahal, and then marched cautiously on land closely followed by the artillery and war-boats in charge of the admiral Ihtimām Khan. At Tituliā, in the Māldah District Ihtimām Khan got disquieting news from the revenue-collector of the pargana of Chilā Juwār (forming part of the pargana of Bhāturiābāzu, stretching over the Pābna and Rajshahi Districts) that the neighbouring pargana of Sonābāzu, (both the parganas being, among others, granted to Ihtimām Khan as jāgir,) had been seized, the local agents killed, and Chātmahar (19 miles north of Pābna town), the seat of the agents captured by three zamindars who had so long been holding sway over that pargana—Mirzā Mumin, Dariyā Khan, and Madhu Ray. Ihtimām Khan at first sent a small force of his own against the rebels, but when this proved ineffective, he appealed for help to Islām Khan.

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As soon as Ihtimām Khan joined Islām Khan at Tipurā, the latter marched forward and encamped at a place in the pargana of Gaur (Māldah), whence he sent a force of 2000 cavalry and 4000 musketeers, under the command of Shaikh Kamāl, to subdue Bir Hamir, Shams Khan, and Salim Khan, the zamindars of Birbhum, Pachet, and Hijli respectively. Bir Hamir not only submitted without resistance but led the Mughal commander into the territory of his neighbour, Shams Khan of Pachet, and tried to persuade him to follow suit. Shams Khan, however, fought hard for a fortnight, but was at last forced to submit when the Mughals occupied the skirts of the Darni hill and threatened to storm his fortified post on its top. Next came the turn of Salim Khan, who accepted the imperial vassalage without fighting.

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Islām Khan continued his march till he reached the pargana of Goāsh in Naurangābād (Goās in Rennell's Bengal Atlas, VI, stands south of the Ganges, midway between the towns of Murshidabad and Jellinghy in the Murshidabad District), on the bank of the Ganges, early in January, 1609. Marching by way of Goāsh, Islām Khan crossed the Ganges (Padmā) and reached Ālāipur (on the Ganges, 12 miles south-east of Putiā in Rajshahi), Ihtimām Khan, with the fleet, joining him afterwards. The Bengal governor encamped at Ālāipur and halted there for about two months.

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During this long stay a strong force was despatched under the command of Iftikhār Khan against Rāja Satrajit, zamindar of Bhushnā. His father Mukunda had treacherously murdered the sons of Murād Khan (Akbarnamah, III, 469), and had, for a time, extended his sway over Fathabad. Mukunda appears to have tendered a nominal submissoin when Rāja Mān Singh sent a force against him under his son Himmat Singh (Akbarnamah, III, 1023), and continued to exercise independent power, with Bhushnā for his capital, which was strongly fortified. Satrajit apparently had to give up his hold on Fathabad, but he kept his authority intact over Bhushnā, and determined to offer a tough resistance. At the approach of the invading army, he gathered a strong force, proceeded to the bank of the Ātā Khāl (at present known as Māluār Khāl, branching off from the Chitrā river and falling into the Bhairab, about a mile east of the subdivisional town of Nārāil, in District Jessore), and built a strong fort thereon, and attempted to prevent the crossing of that Khāl by the enemy. But when the Mughal force, with the help of spies, succeeded in crossing the Khāl by a convenient ford, the Raja submitted to the Mughal commander, Iftikhār Khan and was enlisted by Islām Khan in the imperial service, with the restoration of his lands.

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At Ālāipur the zamindars of Birbhum, Pachet, and Hijli arrived in the company of Shaikh Kamāl, and tendered personal submission to Islām Khan, who dealt with them very leniently, allowed them to hold their own territories as jāgirs, and exempted them from personal service.¹

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¹ According to Abdul Latif, Prabasi, p. 553, this event took place not at Alaipur but at Rana Tandapur. Abdul Latif also confuses the names of the zamindars, making Indra Narayan zamindar of Pachet, and omitting the name of the zamindar of Birbhum altogether. Dr. Borah (Baharistan, II, 800-01) quoting approvingly Abdul Latif, and, relying on what appears to be a mistaken reference of Mirza Nathan, makes Bir Hamir zamindar of Pachet, and Shams Khan, zamindar of Hijli. According to local chronicles and traditions, Bir Hamir was a well-known figure in Bankura and Vishnupur, and there need not be any doubt or confusion about his seat of power. Mirza Nathan definitely names the zamindars and their territories in his headlines of Dāstān four, and though he does not repeat the same in the course of his actual narrative of the invasion, his description, particularly, regarding the order of attack, leaves little doubt as to the individual zamindars and their territories,—first the

II. Halts at Ālāipur and Ghorāghāt; First Military and Diplomatic Moves

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From Ālāipur. Islām Khan in response to the appeals for help from Ihtimām Khan for recovering the jagir pargana of Sonābāzu from the hands of the rebel zamindars. sent Mirzā Nathan with an adequate force to deal with the situation. The latter first marched to Chilā and then proceeded towards Chātmahar, which he recovered without any figting, the enemy having already vacated it for a more convenient base near the confluence of the river Ātrāi and the Karatoyā. Thinking it unsafe to stay at Chātmahar, Mirzā Nathan proceeded towards the southwest and encamped at Shahpur (Rennell's *Bengal Atlas*, VI. shows Shawpur, about 10 miles south-west of Pabna town), on the bank of the Ātrāi, made three forts, and waited for further reinforcements from Islām Khan. The latter sent Iftikhār Khan and Rāja Satrajit with a second force to make a joint effort to dislodge the enemy from the new stronghold near Ekdanta (on the bank of the Ichhāmati, 7 miles north-east of Pābnā town). The reinforcing troops first marched from Ālāipur to Nāzirpur (a pargana in the Faridpur thanah of the Pābnā District)¹ and thence proceeded to Ekdantā where Mirzā Nathan soon joined them from Shāhpur. The imperialists, however, found that the enemy had already given up the new stronghold as well, and sought shelter with Musā Khan at Sonārgāon.

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¹ Some confusion based obviously on Abdul Latif’s casual remarks, gathered regarding the location of this place. (see *Prabasi*, Bhadra, 1329, p. 639 foot note: Dr. Borah, II, 803). The text of the *Baharistan* shows that Nāzirpur was situated in a central position, very close to Ālāipur on the one side, and Chilā, Chātmahar, Ekdantā, and Shāhpur on the other side, and this can only be some place in the Nāzirpur pargana of the Pābnā District. According to the *Akbarnamah* II, 1240. Raja Mān Singh in May 1604, spent the rains at Nāzirpur, ‘which was a choice spot, and centrally situated in Bengal’.

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On the bank of the Ātrāi, opposite the thānah of Shāhpur, Rāja Pratāpāditya came to tender personal submission to Islām Khan. It was arranged that immediately after his return to his kingdom. Pratāpāditya should send 400 war-boats with his youngest son Sangrāmāditya to join the imperial fleet under Ihtimām Khan, and that he himself should, at the end of the rains, proceed along the river Āriākhan (in Faridpur District), with 20.000 pāiks, 1000 cavalry, and 100 war-boats, to attack Musā Khān’s prossessions in

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territory of Bir Hamir was attacked—next that of Shams Khan (Pachet with its hills and hill fort), next that of Salim Khan It is easy to note that geographically, Birbhum comes first, then the hilly tract of Pachet to its southwest, and lastly Hijli, to the south-east of Pachet.

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Sripur and Vikrampur (on the east), at the same time that Islām Khan would march (from the west) towards the Bhāti region from Ghorāghāt.

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At the approach of the rains, Islām Khan had to make necessary arrangements for holding the territories already subjugated and for maintaining his army and the fleet. He himself, with the land forces, proceeded to Ghorāghāt, which was reached on the 2nd June, 1609. A large number of thatched huts were constructed in which the governor with his forces lived during the rains.

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Inspite of all precautions, some of the Mughal officers were reduced to great straits in their jagirs by the local zamindars. Tuqmāq Khan, who had withdrawn from the thānah of Alapsingh to his jagir in Shāhzādpur on the bank of the Karatoyā, about 20 miles east of Chatmahar and about 26 miles north-east of Pābnā town) was suddenly attacked by the local zamindar Rāja Rāy with a large number of war-boats and closely besieged in the fort of Shāhzādpur for three days, but he drove away the enemy. Another officer, Mirak Bahādur Jala‘ir, had to face a more severe and organized attack on his jagir of Chāndpratāp (a big pargana stretching over both banks of the Dhaleswari in the northern part of the Mānikganj subdivision of the Dacca District) made by the local zamindar, Binod Ray, a close follower of Musā Khan, aided by three other petty chiefs Mirza Mumin, Dariyā Khan, and Madhu Ray (all of whom, on being dislodged from the pargana of Sonābāzu, had taken shelter with their leader at Sonārgāon). The rebel zamindars, with a large force of cavalry, infantry, and a large number of war-boats, fell upon the fort of Chāndpratāp. Reinforcements coming from Shāhzādpur, forced the zamindars to hastily withdraw. (Baharistan, 10b-11a).

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There was a long-standing hostility between the two branches of the Kuch royal house, Lakshmi Nārāyan the Rāja of Kuch Bihar and his nephew Parikshit Nārāyan the Rāja of Kāmrup (called by the Mughals Kuch Hajo). The former now sent as his envoy to Islām Khan, Rāja Raghunāth of Shushang (who had already accepted vassalage,) and stated that he would gladly help in the Mughal conquest of Kāmrup by attacking it from his side. Islām Khan at once despatched a large force under the command of ‘Abdu-l-Wāhid against Kāmrup; but that worthless general was easily defeated by Parikshit Nārāyan. From Ghorāghāt Islām Khan sent a force under his brother, Shaikh Habibullah, against Majlis Qutb, zamindar of Fathābād (Faridpur), who was a powerful ally of Musā Khan. He directed Raja Satrajit to aid the imperial army by making a simultaneous attack on Fathābād from the side of Bhushnā. The imperial force, proceeding southwards along the Karatoyā laid siege to the fortified capital city of Fathābād. In great distress, Majlis Quth appealed for help to Musā Khan, who readily responded, and sent Mirzā Mumin, with a large force and 200 war-boats, to his relief. A tough fight followed. Mirzā Mumin made three daring attempts to capture the fortified post of Habibullah. and, particularly, that of Raja Satrajit (across the river Māthābhāngā, near its confluence with the Āriāl Khān), but was finally repulsed and compelled to flee across the Ganges (Padmā) to Musā Khan.

III. Campaigns Against Musā Khan and the Rāja of Bhuluā

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About the end of October, 1609. Islām Khan struck his camp at Ghorāghāt and marched southwards along the Karatoyā to Shāhzādpur, whence he proceeded to Balia¹. Here he settled the details of his campaign against Musā Khan. He himself, with the main army and the fleet, would attack Musā Khan, moving by the Jātrāpur route from the west, while an advance force was to be sent straight towards the imperial thānah of Dacca, situated close to Musā Khan’s capital and other fortified posts, so as to distract the attention of Musā Khan and weaken his defence by compelling him to fight on two fronts at the same time. So Shaikh Kamāl, Tuqmāq Khan, and Mirak Bahādur Jalā’ir (the last two possessing intimate knowledge of local conditions) were sent to Dacca with 20 war-boats, 2,000 musketeers, 50 pieces of artillery, 100 maunds of gun powder. and 100 maunds of lead etc., with instructions to repair the old fortifications and build a new fort, and get ready for war. They reached Dacca in six marches and finished their work.

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¹ This has been identified with Bowleah (Rennell’s Bengal Atlas, VI) six miles south-west of Shahzadpur. From the context, this identification does not seem to be satisfactory (see Borah, II, 811) and it appears that Boaleea (Survey of India. 1"—4 miles Map, sheet No. 78 H), about 10 miles south-east of Shahzadpur, is probably the place meant.

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From Balia Islām Khan marched in two stages to a strategic point near the confluence of the three rivers, the Ganges (Padmā), the Ichhāmati, and the Dhaleswari, which the Baharistan calls ‘the mouth of Katasgarh’ and which may be roughly identified with the great confluence of rivers at Jafarganj, (Rennell’s Bengal Atlas, XVI), and entrenched on the bank of the Padmā. Ihtimām Khan with the fleet and the artillery closely followed him, after making three forts at a similar strategic place in the vicinity—‘Trimohani Khāl Jogini' (probably represented by the confluence near Singrāsan, Rennell's *Bengal Atlas*, XVI).

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The immediate objective of the imperialists was the capture of the almost impregnable stronghold of Musā Khan, situated on the Ichhāmati, 'upon the entry of the great channel' (of the Ganges the Ichhāmati, and the Dhaleswari) at Jātrāpur¹ (about 25 miles west of Dacca), a little down the imperial entrenchments at Katasgarh.

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¹ Jatrapur in Van den Brouck's Map, 1660, and in Tavernier's *Travels*, is located near the confluence of the three great channels, unlike its position pretty far to the east in Rennell's *Bengal Atlas*, XVI. See N. K. B. in *Bengal P & P.* Vol. LI. Part 1-54-59.

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Islām Khan decided to advance with the land army from Katasgarh towards the enemy fort by making block-houses all along the route, while the fleet was to move down the Ichhāmati under cover of these block-houses and the protection of the land army, and make a combined assault on Jātrāpur.

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Musā Khan had sent three of his ablest lieutenants, Mirzā Mumin, Dariyā Khan, and Madhu Rāy, to defend the fort of Jātrāpur. Mirzā Mumin continued to hold it along with Madhu Ray. Hearing that Dariyā Khan had been murdered by Mumin, Musā Khan, with his faithful vassals,² 700 war-boats, hastened (along the Ichhāmati) to meet the enemy, and launched an immediate attack on the imperialist entrenchments at Katasgarh.

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² The zamindars named (*Baharistan-19b*) are:—'Alau-l-Khan (cousin of Musā Khan), 'Abdullah Khan and Mahmud Khan (younger brothers of Musā Khan), Bahādur Ghāzi (of Chaurā), Sunā Ghāzi (zamindar of Sarāil), Anwār Ghāzi (zamindar of Baniāchang, Sylhet), Shaikh Pir, son of Hāji Bhakul (unidentified), Mirzā Mumin, Madhu Rāy of Khalsi, Binod Rāy of Chāndpratāp, Pahlwān, zamindar of Matang, and Hāji Shams-ud-din Baghdādi (chief officer of Musā Khan).

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At the end of a day's fight, Musā Khan thought it necessary to strengthen his position by making a big fort at a strategic point on the bank of the Padmā, not far from the enemy camp, named Dākcharā (*Dhakjera*, three miles northwest of Jātrāpur, is probably meant). In one night, a high mud fort was raised with a deep moat around, and with bamboo spikes fixed into the ground all round the moat, from which next morning, Musā Khan resumed his assault on the imperialists with renewed vigour. In the beginning, Musā Khan's artillery wrought great havoc on the imperialists. Islām Khan was then taking his meal; the first shot destroyed all the utensils and the crockery, and killed 20 to 30 of his table-boys, while the second one struck his standard-bearer. The imperialists soon rallied, and began a vigorous counter-attack, killing among others a son of Madhu Rāy and a brother of Binod Rāy and wounding a good many men on the enemy’s war-boats, and sinking a few of them. Next morning the fighting was more severe and long-continued and proved more decisive. Madhu Rāy and Binod Rāy fought desperately. Repeated attempts were made to break into the imperialist entrenchments and a severe hand to hand fight ensued. At the time of the third assault, the imperialists gained the upper hand with the result that a large number of the enemy were either drowned or trampled to death by the war elephants. Musā Khan was forced to withdraw to his strongholds of Dākcharā and Jātrāpur.

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Islām Khan’s next move, to take Dākcharā by assault, failed, and so a naval attack was planned by digging a dried-up canal near the imperial entrenchments. Musā Khan, at this stage, made overtures for peace, obviously for the purpose of gaining time in order to make better preparations for war. He visited Islām Khan’s camp and carried on negotiations for three days. The peace move soon broke down as Islām Khan saw through the designs of Musā Khan and did not take him seriously.

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Islām Khan now seems to have changed his plan of war, and made a night attack on Jātrāpur while holding Musā Khan in play at Dākcharā. This sudden attack was completely successful. In obedience to the orders of Islām Khan, Shaikh Kamāl remained in charge of the fortified thānah of Dacca and sent Tuqmāq Khan to guard the mouth of the Kudāliyā (identification doubtful. Is it Kudaliya, 2½ miles S. W of Nārāyanganj, or Char Kudaliya, on the northern bank of the Dhaleswari, north of Pātharghātā and south of Dacca ?) At the same time the commandant at Dacca sent Mirak Bahādur with 20 war boats to the mouth of the Kuthāruiyā, (apparently the confluence of the Kuthāruiyā, with the Ichhamati, Kuthāruiyā being the old name of the Kirtināshā, or that portion of the Padmā which passes through Vikrampur and joins the Meghnā.) Islām Khan reached this last position in the last watch of the night from Katasgarh. The imperial forces began to cross the Ichhāmati forthwith. When only a small portion of them had crossed over, Musā Khan received the news and rushed to the scene, but only to find that the whole Mughal army had safely landed and already launched a vigorous assault on the fort of Jātrāpur. After some fighting Musā Khan evacuated the fort, which was promptly occupied by the victors, (c. early in June, 1610).

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Islām Khan now concentrated all his energies on the capture of the fort of Dākcharā. Its conquest, however, proved to be a very formidable task, and the operations dragged on for a considerable time, because of the strong natural defences of the fort and the desparate resistance offered by the enemy. Musā Khan first tried hard but unsuccessfully to prevent the passage of the imperial war-boats at night through a newly made canal, and a serious fight followed, resulting in heavy losses on both sides. But the imperial fleet forced its way at midnight to the Ichhāmatī (c. 9th June, 1610). Islām Khan had to face greater difficulties and suffer heavier losses in the course of his operations for the actual capture of Musā Khan’s stronghold. The guns from its turrets poured forth unremitting fire, while the artillery in the Bengali war-boats on the river Padmā proved equally effective. At last a highly concentrated effort was made to enter the fort from the most vulnerable side where the mud and mire was least thick, and the infantry began to move forward under cover of their shields, but a large number of men were killed. For the greater protection of the troops, the wagons (*gardunhā*) which used to be arranged as a sort of moving bridge on the war-boats at the time of reviews of the fleet, were then brought down by Mirzā Nathan and used as the back support of an artificial barrier made of heaps of straw mixed with mud, under cover of which further advance was made with smaller losses.

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In this way the environs of the fort-wall were reached. But how to get across the deep moat, bristling along its edge with fixed bamboo spikes? Another experiment was made and with better results. 10,000 boatmen were ordered at night, in two groups, to bring 5000 bundles of straw and 5000 basketfuls of earth and deposit them first all round the bamboo spikes so as to completely cover them up, and then use them to fill up the surrounding moat, thus providing an easy passage for men and elephants. The boat-men, under the inspiration of Mirzā Nathan, finished their work by midnight, and the imperialists just before dawn broke down the rampart and entered the fort of Dākcharā after a siege of more than a month (c. 15th July, 1610).

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The conquest of Jātrāpur and Dākcharā ended the first stage of Islām Khan’s campaign. The fall of the two fortresses was a heavy blow to Musā Khan. His losses in men and war-boats were great, but greater still was his loss of confidence, prestige and authority. His hold on the confederacy of the Bhuiyās was shaken, a tangible proof of which was the desertion of his own brother Ilyās Khan.

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Islām Khan’s next step was to march to Dacca for attacking the centre of Musā Khan’s power and his capital Sonārgāon. By way of Kuthāruiyā, Baliā (24 miles west of Dacca) and Kālākupā (on the Ichhāmatī, one mile north of Nawābganj), he reached Pātharghātā (on the south bank of the Dhaleswari, about six miles south of Dacca) with the entire land army, while the fleet transporting the artillery, under Ihtimām Khan, moved between the two wings of the land forces. The viceroy reached Dacca (c. the end of July 1610.)

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At Dacca, Islām Khan made fresh postings of officers to the strategic points around for their protection during the rains. He himself took up his quarters within the fort of Dacca (obviously the new one built by Shaikh Kamāl and Mirak Bahādur in advance of his entry into the city), and stationed Ihtimām Khan and his son Mirzā Nathan at two fortified posts in the city on either side of the point where the river Dulāi, on which Dacca stood, bifurcated, one branch running into the Lakhiyā through Demrā (4 miles north of Narayanganj), and the other joining the same river near Khizrpur one mile north of Narayanganj).¹ Islām Khan sent Mirak Bahādur and other officers to Sripur, and Bāyizid Khan to Vikrampur.

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¹ It should here be noted that the river Burigangā is never mentioned by Mirza Nathan, and the river on which Dacca stands, is always named as the Dulāi. Further, the Dulāi in those days joined the Lakhiyā directly at Khizrpur, and the present Dhaleswari mouth of the river Burigangā did not then exist, as will be seen in Van den Broucke's Map of 1660. See N. K. B. (B. P. & P. Vol. LI, Part I, 50-55).

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Musā Khan made ample preparations for his second fight. Leaving his capital in charge of his chief officer, Hāji Shams-ud-din Baghdādi, he came out to fight, making the Lakhiyā, which was at that time a large river, more than a mile in breadth with strong currents, his main line of defence. He took post at a central strategic point at the mouth of the Bandar Canal, which flowing by his capital joined the Lakhiyā opposite Narayanganj, (at present the Tribeni Khāl runs from the pargana of Sonārgaon into the Lakhiyā near Bandar opposite Narayanganj). Throwing up two earthwork forts on each side of the canal, Musā (supported by Mirzā Mumin in the rear) held one while his cousin 'Ala-ul Khan guarded the other. Of his brothers, 'Abdullah Khan was placed in charge of the fortified post at Qadam Rasul, opposite Narayanganj, Dāud Khan in charge of Kātrābhu, their family residence, north of Qadam Rasul, Mahmud Khan in charge of another post at the point where the Dulāi joined the Lakhiyā at Demrā four miles above Narayanganj, while Bahādur Ghāzi, another trusty zamindar, was stationed with 200 war-boats further up the Lakhiyā, near his ancestral residence Chaurā one mile north of modern Kāliganj. Only a few outposts were retained at Sripur and Vikrampur, and the majority of the Bengal forces were concentrated on the several strategic posts on the left bank of the river. It appears that Khizrpur, at the confluence of the Dulāi with the Lakhiyā, lying on the right bank was voluntarily evacuated by Musā Khan.

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In the disposition of his forces, Islām Khan strictly confined himself to the right bank of the Lakhiyā, while Musā Khan held the left bank only. Khizrpur, on account of its strategic position as commanding the two enemy strongholds of Kātrābhu and Qadam Rasul was strongly fortified, and was first entrusted to Mirzā Nathan, and then to his father, Ihtimām Khan, and made the base of the imperial war-boats and artillery, the war-boats being stationed at a safe place in the narrow waters of the Dulāi. Just to the north of Khizrpur, a post was made opposite the enemy fort of Kātrābhu in charge of Dāud Khan and placed under the command of Mirzā Nathan. Shaikh Rukn was stationed further up the Lakhiyā at Demrā opposite Mahmud Khan’s post, and Shaikh ’Abdul Wāhid higher up at Chaurā facing Bahādur Ghāzi’s fort. Towards the south, Shaikh Kamāl was stationed at Kumārsar, 1½ miles south of Narayanganj (Coblenesser of Rennell’s Bengal Atlas, XII), and further south, Tuqmāq Khan was sent to his old post near the mouth of the Kudāliā Canal (probably at its confluence with the Lakhiyā, the site seems to be marked by the village of Kudāliā, 2½ miles south-west of Narayanganj). Still to the south, Mirak Bahādur Jalā’ir was stationed at Sripur, while Jahān Khan Pani and Bāyizid Khan were posted at Vikrampur, facing the enemy forts. The actual outbreak of hostilities was delayed till the advent of the New Year and the celebration of the New Year’s Festival (of the year 1020 A. H., c. March, 12, 1611).

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On the very first day of the New Year, Mirzā Nathan started the campaign with a night attack on Dāud Khān’s post at Kātrābhu. The attack was boldly planned and firmly executed, and the Khan was soon compelled to evacuate the fort and flee to Musā Khan.

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The capture of this fort was speedily followed by that of Qadam Rasul. Emboldened by Mirzā Nathan’s surprise action, Ihtimām Khan came out with the entire fleet from the river Dulāi into the Lakhiyā, and attacked ’Abdullah Khan’s post. Tuqmāq Khan from the fort of Kudāliā joined in this attack. Unable to withstand this sudden assault, ’Abdullah Khan vacated Qadam Rasul. This easy success intoxicated the imperial fleet, which began to pursue the enemy boats in a disorderly manner without waiting for the orders and guidance of Ihtimām Khan. The enemy fleet at once turned round and made a counter attack, reducing the victors to serious straits. Mirzā Nathan, who had already arrived to the aid of his father, now saved the situation by diverting the attention of the enemy by a sudden attack, further south, on Musā Khan’s two fortifications near the mouth of the Bandar Canal. The enterprise was completely successful. Musā Khan, taken by surprise, fled; Mirzā Mumin in his rear also followed suit. Mirzā Nathan, leaving his boats behind, then easily forded the canal which was in ebb-tide, and captured ’Alaul Khan’s fort without a blow.

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These successive defeats so thoroughly unnerved Musā Khan that he thought it unsafe to stay even in his capital. He evacuated Sonārgāon and retreated to the island of Ibrāhimpur (another island in the Meghnā which cannot now be traced), whence he summoned Mirzā Mumin to meet him with all his family and belongings. Hāji Shams-ud-din Baghdādi, the officer in charge of Sonārgāon, then submitted to Islām Khan and formally handed over the city to him.

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With the fall of Sonārgāon (c. middle of April, 1611) the war with Musā Khan practically ended. The surrender of the capital broke the back of his opposition and symbolised his final acknowledgement of failure, and though he made a few desperate attempts to recover the lost ground, these did not alter the main issue; on the other hand, the fresh reverses only served to hasten his final surrender. But his brother Dāud, continued to fight for the recovery of Kātrābhu. His activities were, however, cut short by the Feringi pirates, who suddenly made a night attack and killed him unrecognised. This new reverse made Musā Khan writhe in grief and rage like a snake; his wounded spirit found vent in a fresh attack on the imperialists, whom he held to be the instigators of the Feringis. Ihtimām Khan and Mirzā Nathan bore the brunt of this attack. Musā Khan laid hold of a deserted fort once raised by the Arakan king in one of his raids during the viceroyalty of Rāja Mān Singh, made necessary repairs, and then marched with his land army and fleet towards the Bandar Canal outpost. But the vigilance of the father and the son saved them. After a skirmis, Musā Khan again retreated to Ibrāhimpur.

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After a week, Musā Khan launched another assault and this time on the neighbouring thānah of Kudāliā, taking advantage of the negligence and incompetence of the new thānahdār, Shaikh Rukn, a hard drunkard. The enemy disembarked from their war-boats, took the intoxicated thānahdār totally unawares, and were about to capture the thānah, when help from the Bandar Canal outpost came and this saved the situation. Musā Khan hastily gathered his men and boats together and retreated. After making a futile but a very bloody attempt on the Bandar Canal outpost on his way back, he finally reached his island refuge of Ibrāhimpur. His cause was now lost, and one by one, his followers deserted him and joined the imperialists. Bahādur Ghāzi of Chaurā and Majlis Qutb of Fathābād waited on Islām Khan, who appropriated their war-boats but spared their zamindaris.

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About this time, Islām Khan received an important political mission from the son of Anaporan, governor of Chātgāon and the younger brother of the Arakan king Meng Radzagui (Salim Shah, 1593—1612), who had after a quarrel with his brother, sought refuge with the Portuguese adventurer, Sebastian Gonzales, the master of Sondip, but had been treacherously murdered by that pirate. The nephew of the Arakan king was apparently thirsting for revenge, and he sought the help of the Bengal governor against Sebastian Gonzales, through an envoy. He proposed to meet Islām Khan in person at Dacca, keep his sons as hostages, and, with Mughal help, recover Sondip and hold it in faithful vassalage. But Islām Khan refused to be diverted from his main task.

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A more formidable trouble soon appeared. ’Ali Akbar, a petty mansabdar, suddenly rose in revolt in Mālda and carried on looting and plunder of private and State property. Iftikhār Khan hastened from his thānah of Sherpur Murchā to his jagir of Jāipur in Purneā, and succeeded in killing the rebel after a hard fight.

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Islām Khan now felt himself free, and sent a large expedition against Rāja Ananta Mānikya of Bhuluā, under the command of Shaikh ’Abdul Wāhid, assisted by Hāji Shams-ud-din Baghdādi (the chief officer of Musā Khan, who had just submitted). The Bhuluā chief prepared to offer a strong opposition. He appealed to the Arakan king (Salim Shah) for help, and the latter, realising the common danger with which they were threatened, readily responded. Ananta Mānikya strengthened the fortifications of his capital, Bhuluā, and, thence moved northwards, and, after marching five stages reached the bank of the Dākātiā river (which rises from the hills of Tipperā and flowing westwards joins the Meghnā near Chāndpur), and raised a strong fort there.

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Meantime the Mughal commander advanced to a place opposite the new fort of Ananta Mānikya. Hostilities commenced forthwith; the invaders sent out plundering parties to coerce the common people, but these bore no fruit. Islām Khan at this stage sent reinforcements, but still matters did not much improve. At last the Mughal commander ’Abdul Wāhid had recourse to treachery. He made tempting offers to Mirzā Yusuf Barlās, the chief officer of the Rāja of Bhuluā, and induced him to join the imperialists. Ananta Mānikya hastily evacuated his fort at night and fell back upon his capital. As he was hotly pursued, he failed to make a stand even at Bhuluā, and finally fled to the Arakan kingdom. The imperialists seized all his elephants and otherwise secured a rich booty. Bhuluā was annexed to the Bengal subah, and the fortified capital was made the seat of an imperial thānah. Another thānah was made eastwards at Jagdiā, which occupied a strategic point at the confluence of the Big Feni river with the Meghnā and marked the south-eastern boundary of the Bengal province.

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The rains were now approaching, and Islām Khan made necessary arrangements for protecting his thānahs against Musā Khan. But being dispirited by the defeat of Ananta Mānikya and the success of the imperialists. Musā Khan finally decided to surrender. He opened negotiations for peace through Shaikh Kamāl. and ultimately tendered submission to Islām Khan at Jahāngirnagar, along with his brothers and his remaining confederates.

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The Mughal governor showed his prudence and foresight in dealing with his greatest enemy. Musā Khan and his followers were only nominally given back their estates as jagirs but were actually deprived of them and compelled to render personal service in the ranks of the imperialists. Their territories were occupied and their armed forces probably disbanded, but their war-boats were all seized and used as an auxiliary to the imperial fleet. Musā Khan himself was naturally most sternly treated. He lost his personal freedom and was kept under strict surveillance at the viceregal court. Thus, after a year of strenuous warfare (July 1610-July 1611), the first and most formidable task of the new governor was accomplished.

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It may be stated in passing that in carrying out his military programme, Islām Khan made a notable departure from the previous practice. While the governors in Akbar's reign had generally conducted all their campaigns in person, Islām Khan did not himself lead even a single campaign but took great pains in organising his expeditions, shaping the plans, and guiding the operations at every important stage, from the base or capital. He occasionally visited the outposts in the neighbourhood of Dacca, and otherwise kept himself well informed about the progress of the operations by means of swift messengers and spies. In short, though he did not actually lead, he proved to be the life and soul of all his campaigns and supplied also the brain power. He was truly ‘the organiser of victories.’

IV. The First Attack on 'Usmān Afghān

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Towards the beginning of October, 1611. Islām Khan gathered a large army for the campaign against ’Usmān. The land force consisted of 1000 picked cavalry and 5000 musketeers (exclusive of those in the fleet), with 300 war-elephants, while the fleet was composed of 300 imperial war-boats, besides the entire navy of Musā Khan and the other loyal zamindars. The operations were actually conducted by Islām Khan’s two favourite officers, Shaikh Kamāl and Shaikh ’Abdul Wāhid, who with the entire land force, marched from Dacca to Hasanpur¹ in three days and encamped there. Ihtimām Khan, with the fleet, and Mirzā Nathan from the thānah of Qadam Rasul, afterwards joined the land army, moving via Égārasindur (a wellknown place on the eastern bank of the Brahmaputra, 10 miles from Hasanpur and opposite Tok.) The Mughal plan of operation, however, miscarried, owing to delay in the assembling of the whole force, particularly, some of the war-equipments and the fleet, at Hasanpur. By the time the work of cutting the river bank began at Hasanpur, the flood water so quickly subsided that within three days the water level sank to its normal limit and it became impossible for any vessel to reach Bokāinagar.

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¹ On the eastern bank of the Brahmaputra, 23 miles south of Bokāinagar.

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The project of a naval attack having failed, Islām Khan fell back upon an attack by land. This proved to be a difficult and slow process owing to the absence of a suitable land route and facilities for transport on the one hand and the dogged hostility of the Afghan chief on the other. Under orders of Islām Khan, Shaikh Kamāl and ’Abdul Wāhid marched cautiously from Hasanpur towards Bokāinagar, making blockhouses all along the way, and keeping the line of communication open, while Ghiyās Khan stayed at Shāh Bandar (midway between Ālapsing and Hasanpur), with the entire fleet, ready to face any emergency.

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At this stage an event occurred which appeared in the beginning to be very promising but actually resulted in a serious conspiracy against Islām Khan and the Mughal government in Bengal. The defeat and submission of Musa Khan and his confederates, followed by the campaign against ’Usmān, had naturally alarmed the zamindars in Sylhet, amongst whom Ānwār Khan of Baniāchang held a prominent place. The latter not only voluntarily surrendered to Islām Khan at Dacca but with his brother, Husain Khan, promised him active support against ’Usmān by an attack on his partisans in Sylhet, and, especially, on Taraf, held by his sons and some of his brothers. Islām Khan wanted to take full advantage of this favourable turn of affairs. He permitted Ānwār Khan to hold his territorry in fief, and sent him with his fleet to carry out his promised attack. But as soon as the wily Ānwār reached Égārasindur on his way back from Dacca, he entered into a secret plot with Mahmud Khan and Bahādur Ghāzi, who were in the imperial camp, according to which they would, in alliance with 'Usmān, make a combined attack (they from within and 'Usmān from without) on the forces at Hasanpur and kill or capture them; while Anwār on his part, would try at the same time to imprison the leading mansabdars and carry them off to Baniāchang, after which he would try to imprison Islām Khan at Dacca.

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The ambitious conspiracy attained little success. Though Anwār Khan invited a large number of imperial officers to a banquet, he could entrap only two of them, Islām Quli, in charge of the personal war-boats of Bāz Bahādur Qalmāq, and Rāja Rãy, zamindar of Shāhzādpur, with whom he fled to Baniāchang. The more important part of the plot could not be carried into effect. The secret activities of Mahmud Khan and Bahādur Ghāzi were soon detected and the whole conspiracy was divulged.

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Islām Khan, who had reached Tok, took prompt measures. He put Mahmud Khan and Bahādur Ghāzi in fetters and kept them under strict watch. Next, he sent Rāja Satrajit and afterwards Mubāriz Khan, along with a few other zamindars, against Anwār Khan, and then turned his attention to the prosecution of the war with 'Usmān.

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The advance of the invaders with the help of small forts was opposed by 'Usmān almost at every stage, and skirmishes occurred pretty frequently. When the imperialists encamped at the nineteenth fort, the month of Ramzān (28th October to 26th November, 1611) came and hostilities were suspended till the end of the final festivity.

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The triumphant march of the invaders, the strength of their numbers, the abundance of their equipments, and, above all, the firm ambition to push forward at all costs, soon broke the back of the Afghan opposition and created division and dissension in the ranks of 'Usmān. Nāsir Khan and Dariyā Khan, two Afghan chiefs of Tājpur (five or six miles north-east of Bokāinagar, where the ruins of an old fort still exist), left 'Usmān and joined the imperialists. Alarmed at this desertion and apprehensive of further depletion of his ranks, 'Usmān decided to evacuate Bokāinagar and seek refuge in Sylhet with Bāyizid Karrāni.

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The imperial commanders, Shaikh Kamāl and Shaikh 'Abdul Wāhid, resumed their march after the celebration of the Ramzān 'Id Festival and occupied the vacant fort of Bokāinagar and halted there.

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When Islām Khan received the news of the retreat of 'Usmān and of the dissensions amongst the imperial officers, he ordered the commanders to meet him at Tok, and restored unity and solidarity in his army.

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The fall of Bokāinagar (c. end of November, 1611), marked the end of the first stage of the campaign against 'Usmān. The Afghan chief had been expelled from his domain and driven into exile, and the security and safety of the imperial territories along the right bank of the Brahmaputra had been attained. But a renewal of the war seemed certain, and the respite gained could best be utilised in disarming the brothers and allies of 'Usmān. Islām Khan accordingly decided to launch a double campaign,—one against Khwāja Malhi and Khwāja Mumriz, brother and son of 'Usmān, stationed at the fort of Taraf, and the other against Pahlwān, zamindar of Mātang (who had, after the fall of his former leader, Musā Khan, obviously transferred his allegiance to 'Usmān), as also to expedite the campaign already begun against Anwār Khan, zamindar of Baniāchang.

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Anwār Khan was the first to surrender; Islām Khan sent a strong force under the command of Hāji Shams-ud-din Baghdādi against the Afghan zamindars of Mātang and Taraf. After much fighting the two places fell to the Mughals. Thus one by one Baniāchang, Mātang and Taraf came into the possession of the imperialists, and with these strategic regions as the base of operations, success in the final campaign against Khwāja 'Usmān seemed almost assured.

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V. PRATAPADITYA OF JESSORE CRUSHED, 1612.

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As there was no sign of the renewal of hostilities by 'Usmān, and there was still sufficient time for carrying on military operations, Islām Khan decided to utilise it in subduing Rāja Pratāpāditya of Jessore. The latter had broken his pledge of military assistance and personal service in the war with Musā Khan, and had thus proved guilty of disloyalty and disobedience as a vassal. When the Jessore king found that Islām Khan was determined to crush all the zamindārs and had already made substantial progress in this direction, he hastened to make amends for his folly, and sent his son, Sangrāmāditya, with 80 war-boats to Islām Khan, with expressions of regret. Islām Khan took up a stern attitude and decided to punish him by conquering his kingdom. He ordered the war-boats sent by the Rāja to be destroyed, and prepared for war.

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Islām Khan took all possible steps for ensuring the success of the Jessore campaign. The power, wealth, and military resources of Pratāpāditya were considerable, and a prolonged and severe contest appeared to be certain. A large expedition was accordingly organised. The land force included 1000 picked cavalry and 5000 matchlockmen, and a number of tried and experienced officers, such as Mirzā Makki, son of Iftikhār Khan, Mirzā Saif-ud-din, Shaikh Ismail Fathpuri, Shāh Beg Khāksār and Lachmi Rājput, while the fleet was composed of 300 imperial war-boats, besides the war-boats of the vassal zamindārs, particularly, those of Musā Khan and Bahādur Ghāzi of Chaurā. The command of the entire force was given to the viceroy's brother Ghiyās Khan (titled ‘Ināyet Khan), who had rendered long and valuable services as thānahdār of Ālapsingh, and the imperial fleet and artillery was placed in charge of Mirzā Nathan, son of the mirbahar Ihtimām Khan (who was retained for service against Khwāja ‘Usmān).

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Another force was sent at the same time against Ram Chandra, son of Rāja Kandarpa Nārāyan of Baklā and son-in-law of Pratāpāditya so that no assistance might reach the Jessore king from this side, and that in case Baklā was speedily conquered the imperial contingent might be free to proceed against Jessore from the southeast and completely overpower Pratāpāditya. An equally strong force was employed for purposes of defence, particularly, against ‘Usmān. A number of veteran officers, such as Shaikh ‘Abdul Wāhid, Shaikh Kamāl, and Mubāriz Khan, were posted at Égārasindur with 2000 musketeers while Ihtimām Khan himself, with 400 war-boats, was stationed at the same strategic point.

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There was some delay in the assemblage of the imperial officers and forces from the different thānahs. Ghiyās Khan with the land force at his disposal started from Ālapsingh, and after several stages of march, south-westward, crossed the Padmā near Ālāipur, and then moved along the banks of the Jellinghy and its tributary, the Bhairab, till he reached Pākhwān (on the Bhairab, 20 miles north of Krishnagar city), then known as Mahadpur-Bāghwān (Mohatpur, six miles north of Krishnagar city, Rennell's Bengal Atlas No. I), where he encamped, awaiting the arrival of the other officers, particularly, Mirzā Nathan, with the fleet.

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Mirzā Nathan's arrival at Bāghwān was delayed owing to a rebellion in the jāgir Pargana of Chilajuwār of two zamindars, Pitāmbar (progenitor of the Puthia Raj family of Rājshāhi) and his nephew, Ananta. Unable to cope with Mirzā Nathan, the rebels sought shelter with the neighbouring zamindār, Ilah Bakhsh of Ālāipur, who gave them ready asylum, and fought hard for some time to shake off Mughal tutelage. The Mughal elephants finally succeeded in breaking open the enemy forts, and the rebels were compelled to disperse. Mirzā Nathan resumed his march with the fleet, and soon joined Ghiyās Khan at Bāghwān, moving along the Ganges, the Jellinghy, and the Bhairab. About the middle of December, 1611, the entire army marched south-eastwards towards Jessore along the Bhairab and the Ichhāmati, and passing by Bongong (Rennell's *Bengal Atlas*—Bongong about 36 miles south-east of Bāghwān), reached a place named Sālka about 10 miles south of Bongong, near the confluence of the Jamunā and the Ichhāmati. Here the first engagement with Pratāpāditya took place.

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