New History of the Marathas v1.c14: Chapter X. The Conquest of the South [1677-1678]

New History of the Marathas v1.c14

Language: English

Chapter X. The Conquest of the South [1677-1678]

v1.c14.3

1 Expansion Southwards, necessity and opportunity. 2 Koppal seized. 3 Grand visit to Bhaganagar. 4 Bijapuri Karnatak seized. 5 The two brothers on their heritage. 6 Agreed division of patrimony.

1. Expansion southwards, necessity and opportunity.—Notwithstanding all the grandeur of his coronation and his assumption of the lofty titles of full sovereignty, Shivaji's actual dominions even now hardly extended beyond about 200 miles in length and far less in breadth, and did not cover even the whole of the Maratha country. The Siddi and the Portuguese were his nearest opponents on the west coast. The kingdoms of Bijapur and Golkonda remained a constant threat on his eastern flank, and although in themselves innocuous, they could serve as an easy instrument in the hands of the Mughals for attacking him. The Mughal pressure from the north was daily approaching his borders. His own brother too was now like him a crowned king and no less entitled to sovereignty. *Digvijay* or the conquest of the four quarters thus became a necessity of his situation, and was considered vital by the time-honoured tradition.

v1.c14.5

Although Shivaji was careful in husbanding his resources in all possible ways by benevolent administration, extension of cultivation and trade and by occasional plunder, his treasury had become empty. Enormous sums had been spent upon the coronation, on the forts, on the naval programme and on raising the huge armies required for his ambitious projects. So money became his immediate need.

v1.c14.6

As his path in the north was securely blocked by the Mughals Shivaji decided during 1676 to expand his power in the south and prepared for an expedition at a convenient moment by arranging the preliminaries. He was already secure in the possession of the west coast and only the east coast regions offered an outlet. Vellore, Jinji, Tanjore, were rich places and could, he considered, be easily assimilated in his Hindu Empire. He found a ready pretext for such a venture through the astute Golkonda minister Mādannā.

v1.c14.7

Madanpant or Mādannā was a respectable Hindu politician, who had recently organized the power and resources of the Kutbshahi kingdom in a satisfactory manner. The fertility of the east coast regions, the wealth of its famous diamond mines, the rich alluvial plains watered by several bountiful rivers, naturally attracted Shivaji towards the eastern belt of the Peninsula. The Muslims in the past had often devastated this soft Hindu land. Srirang Rai, the last prince of the old Vijaynagar dynasty, had long in vain exerted himself to save the old Hindu empire. But no substantial advance had been made in constructing a good orderly government in this part of the country. Shivaji decided to try his hand. The work belonged to the category of Hindu resurgence, which Shivaji had long ago undertaken and in which he now secured the ready help of Madan Pant of Golkanda and Raghunāth Nārāyan Hanumante of Tanjore.

v1.c14.8

Eknāth and his younger brother Madan were two Pandits of a Brahman family of Hanum-Konda in the Warangal district and are known to history as Ākannā and Mādannā. They first rose to eminence by dint of their innate capacity in the service of Mir-Jumla, the famous minister of the Kutbshah, who became at last too rich and powerful to obey his master. The Shah found Mādannā’s services valuable in putting down the rebel, and thereafter employed him in reforming his administration. Mādannā served his master for many years with ability, loyalty and devotion. Well-versed in the languages and affairs of the south and likewise in Sanskrit and Persian, he could very ably manage the Kutbshahi State in the midst of the shifting politics of the day.

v1.c14.9

The year 1672 proved calamitous both to Bijapur and Golkonda. Abdulla the ruler of the latter state died on 21st April and Ali Adilshah of the former on 24th November following, thus facilitating intervention by the Mughals and the Marathas. The situation at both the places became so full of intrigue and confusion that the troubles of the two kingdoms cannot be well analysed without a full grasp of the fast changing details. Abdulla Kutb Shah had no son, but his eldest son-in-law Saiyad Ahmad tried to secure the throne for himself. Saiyad Muzaffar the Chief Commandant of the State forces, however, assisted Abul Hassan the younger son-in-law of the late Sultan, to gain the throne and himself exercised full powers of Government. But Abul Hassan soon asserted himself with the help of Madan Pant or Madan, overthrew the domineering Saiyad Muzuffar and raised Madan Pant to the position of his Chief Minister. The Shah conferred upon him the title of “Surva Prakāsh”. This gave rise to two factions in the State, the Hindu and the Muslim, but Mādannā with great sagacity and tact managed to conduct the administration successfully and satisfactorily until the State came to be finally extinguished by Aurangzeb after murdering Madan Pant.

v1.c14.10

European travellers of the time have recorded their observations on the last days of Bijapur and Golkonda, in which Madan Pant has been represented as a versatile sweet-tempered person, while his elder brother Ākannā is described as whimsical and short-tempered. The latter was posted to the management of the Karnatak regions of the Kutb-Shahi State, but when Mādannā became the principal minister, he for a time appointed Ākannā as an ambassador to the Court of Bijapur and later made him the Chief Military Commandant. Both had a large family of cousins and nephews whom Mādannā employed in various offices in the State as he needed loyal subordinates for faithfully carrying out the reforms he introduced. The natural result of this policy was the preponderance of the Hindus in the Golkonda administration, which roused the jealousy of the Muslim section who obeyed no law and who started intrigue and foul play. This state of things gave Aurangzeb a useful handle to work its ruin.

v1.c14.11

While Golkonda was thus dragging on its wearisome existence, Shivaji stepped in to work out his policy of expansion. In this undertaking he had to deal with his own step-brother Ekoji who had just captured Tanjore and had himself crowned there on 17 March 1675 (the Hindu New Year's Day of Shak 1597 Rakshasa Samvatsar), probably in imitation of Shivaji's similar action in Mahārāshtra. This development requires a little more elucidation for which we must first study the relations existing between Ekoji and the Hanumante family who had long and loyally served Shahji in the Karnatak.

v1.c14.12

Like Dādāji Kondadev in Mahārāshtra Nāro Trimal Hanumante had been in Shahji's employ first under the Nizam-shah and had later migrated with him to Bangalore. Soon after Nāropant died leaving two able sons Janārdan and Raghu-nāth, who in their turn continued to render faithful service to Shahji. Janārdan Pant's services were transferred to Shivaji while Raghunāth Pant continued to look after Shahji's interests in the Karnatak. After Shahji's death Raghunāth Pant served Ekoji with equal zeal and capacity. The principality of Tanjore was a vassal of Bijapur. Ekoji managed to take possession of it in 1675 under the advice and guidance of Raghu-nāth Pandit. Whether his coronation connoted a break from the vassalage of Bijapur is a moot point. It is sufficient for our purpose to note that Ekoji's administration under the wise guidance of Raghunāth Pant proved highly beneficial to the subjects. The Jesuit Missionary writes in 1676,—

v1.c14.13

"Vyankoji sought to make himself beloved by the people. The justice and wisdom of his government began to close the wounds of the preceding reign and to develop the natural resources of the country. By repairing the canals and tanks he gave fertility to the vast fields which had been left untilled for many years, and the last harvest (of 1676) has surpassed all that was seen before."¹

v1.c14.14

¹ Sarkār, House of Shivaji p. 33.

v1.c14.15

But friction soon arose between Ekoji and his minister of which the cause is not clear. Ekoji must have felt jealous of Shivaji's achievements and did not like to merge his individuality in his brother's experiment, however advisable or alluring that might be to the outside public. Any way the friction between the two soon came to a head; Ekoji could no longer put up with the ways of the overbearing Pandit however wise he might have been. The Pandit threatened the master with resignation adding that he had capacity enough to carve out for himself a useful field of activity elsewhere. Ekoji at once gave him formal leave to depart. He left Tanjore with his whole family, giving out that he was proceeding to Benares to end his days there. On his journey north he thought out a grand ingenious plan of action having already been well-posted with the state of affairs at Golkonda, Bijapur and Raigad. He learned of Madan Pant’s move to secure Shivaji’s support on behalf of Golkonda : and as no one could then anticipate that the great regenerator of the Hindus was going to die prematurely, he rightly perceived that he could help that hero in his schemes of Maratha expansion in the south. Shivaji’s early death and Aurangzeb’s subsequent invasion of the south should not lead us to under-estimate the possibilities of the course of action adopted by Shivaji three years before his premature end. Having revolved a bold project in his mind, Raghunāth Pant first proceeded to Bijapur and having studied the situation of that state, visited Madan Pant at Bhāgānagar, whom he did not find it difficult to win over to his views. They meditated together long in private and matured plans of Hindu regeneration. They then took the Kutb-Shah into their confidence and persuaded him for his own safety to work in cooperation for a joint conquest of the south. The Shah agreed to receive a personal visit from Shivaji and pressed the Pandit to bring it about as quickly as possible. Hanumante, therefore, immediately repaired to Shivaji’s residence and lucidly unfolded to him the grand plans of Hindu expansion in the south and discussed the pros and cons of the venture.

v1.c14.16

For a long time, however, Shivaji felt extreme hesitation and to strengthen his own inner voice, he thought it necessary to secure the blessing of some pious saints which in his difficulty he was wont to invoke. A Muslim Fakir named Bābā Yāqut lived at Kelsi near Dapoli, whose favour was sought by many a person in distress. Bābā Yāqut’s tomb is even now held in veneration and receives from Government a grant for its up-keep and anniversary celebration, which has continued from Shivaji’s time. There was another saint named Mauni Bovā at Patgaon, near fort Rangnā, now in the Kolhapur State jurisdiction. He used to be silent and never spoke a word. Shivaji visited both these saints and obtained their blessings for the hazard he was undertaking.²

v1.c14.17

² Shivaji’s sanad conferring Inam grants on this Mauni Bowa is dated 3rd May 1678, that is, soon after his return from the Karnataka expedition.

v1.c14.18

By the end of 1676 all preparations were complete and the plan was set in motion almost with clock-work regularity. It was given out that Shivaji was going to the south for demanding from his step-brother his legal share of their paternal property and accumulations which the latter had entirely usurped.

v1.c14.19

2. Koppal seized.—The Hindus of the south who had long been oppressed by the Muslims hailed Shivaji’s expedition with all their heart, eager as they were to transfer their allegiance to Shivaji if he would extend them his protection. The fort of Koppal commanded the Bijapur possessions between the Krishna and the Tungabhadrā rivers and was securely held by two Afghan captains in Bijapuri service, Husain Khan Miana and his brother Abdul Rahim Khan. This “gate of the south” as Sabhāsad calls it, was of strategic importance for Shivaji’s hold on the Karnatak. The Hindus of the Tungabhadrā regions had sent pathetic appeals to Shivaji to put down the atrocities perpetrated upon them by the Miana brothers. So when Shivaji decided to visit Golconda, he thought it necessary to subdue these two Afghan chiefs with a view to preventing them from threatening his rear from Koppal. When he arranged his march southward early in January 1677, he despatched a strong force in two divisions under Hambir Rāo Mohite and Dhanāji Jādhav to put down the Miana pathans and secure Koppal. Some stiff actions took place and the Marathas succeeded in inflicting severe defeats upon the Afghans. Abdul Rahim Khan was killed and his brother Husain Khan was taken alive. He surrendered the fort of Koppal to Hambir Rāo and was allowed to proceed wherever he liked. Hambir Rāo and Dhanāji both joined Shivaji at Bhāgānagar in March. The gate of the Eastern Karnatak was firmly secured and its possession opened the last memorable phase of Shivaji’s life.

v1.c14.20

Shivaji left Raigad on an auspicious day in Magh (end of January 1677), leaving Moropant Pingle and Ānāji Datto in charge of the Government of the Deccan, to attend to the Mughals or other enemies, should they commit mischief in his absence. Raghunāthpant, Nirāji Rāoji, and his son Pralhād Nirāji proceeded to Bhāgānagar in advance to arrange the details of Shivaji’s visit and to create a sense of perfect confidence and amity in the minds of the Golkonda authorities, who were naturally apprehensive at the prospect of the slayer of Afzal Khan appearing in their midst.³

v1.c14.21

³ The Bakhar Shivadigvijaya is very eloquent on this Karnatak business. Bhāgānagar is the ancient name of Haidarabad.

v1.c14.22

3. Grand Visit to Bhaganagar.—From Raigad Shivaji proceeded to Vingorla probably to meet Mauni Bowā, and after receiving his benediction and accompanied by an army of 25 thousand well-equipped troops, made his way towards Bhāgānagar. Netāji Pālkar, Hambir Rāo Mohite, Ānand Rāo Makāji, Mānāji More, Suryāji Mālusre, Yesāji Kank, Dattāji Wāqenavis, the Pingle brothers, Nila Prabhu Parasnis, Bālāji Āvji, Shivaji Naik Punde, these and other trusted and competent associates are mentioned as having accompanied him. Strict instructions were issued to all the Maratha troops and rigidly enforced, that no injury or oppression was to be committed upon the Kutbshahi lands and their people. Shivaji exacted severe discipline in this respect and made some examples of drastic punishment. On arrival near Haidarabad, he was received by Madan Pant at the outskirts of the capital and was taken into the town in a grand procession. His troops and officials were gorgeously dressed. The town of Bhāgānagar was specially decorated. The citizens turned out in immense crowds to have a view of Shivaji and his men.

v1.c14.23

When Shivaji arrived at Qutb Shah’s Dad Mahāl or Palace of Justice, he left his escort outside and entered the mansion with only five followers. The Shah came to the door of the hall, received Shivaji on terms of equality and led him to his seat by his side on the royal carpet. The minister Mādan-nā sat near them, the rest of the courtiers kept standing. The manly appearance of Shivaji and his men was most striking; the guests were all honoured with presents of dresses and ornaments. This concluded the first or formal visit.

v1.c14.24

Thereafter the two potentates had many private interviews in which they freely talked of past occurrences and future plans. If the Shah had entertained any fear from Shivaji’s presence, it was entirely dispelled after the free conversations they had with mutual benefit and understanding. In the meantime Mādan Pant entertained Shivaji at dinner at his own house where the minister’s mother served Shivaji articles cooked with her own hand. The two brothers Mādannā and Ākannā sat during dinner by Shivaji’s side and entertained him with talks and explanations covering various topics.

v1.c14.25

After long discussions and conferences a secret agreement was arrived at for the joint conquest of the southern regions of the east coast. The main clauses of the pact were that the Qutb Shah should pay 3,0000 hons daily to defray the expenses of the Maratha army; that 5,000 Bhāgānagar troops should join the Marathas under Mirza Muhammad Amin; the conquered territory should be equally divided between the two parties; that they should jointly resist Mughal advance against either; and for the proper execution of the stipulations, an accredited representative of Shivaji should be permanently posted at Bhāgānagar. In addition Shivaji agreed to pay 6 lakhs of hons by way of a yearly tribute to the Qutb Shah. It need not be mentioned that during the negotiations lasting for several days, mutual hospitality and entertainment went on smoothly all the time at the Kutbshahi capital. A grand expedition was immediately despatched for the southern operations, in which Shivaji nominated his two commandants Bāji Sarzerāo Jedhe and Yesāji Kank.

v1.c14.26

Happily we have a reliable account of Shivaji’s work, his aims in the present undertaking, and his general attitude towards contemporary politics, preserved in his own letter addressed to Māloji Ghorpade of Mudhol from Bhāgānagar in March 1677. It runs thus ⁴:—

v1.c14.27

⁴ Shivaji Souvenir Page 146.

v1.c14.28

“You are already aware how my late lamented father left the Nizamshahi State and accepted service under Bijapur during the regime of Ibrahim Adilshah and with what confidence that Shah treated him. My father’s uppermost idea at the time was that whatever power he possessed should be utilized in raising the status of those Maratha Jagirdars who were wandering in search of livelihood, that they should attain distinction and confidence in managing the affairs of the State. With this object in view my father brought your father Bāji Ghorpade for an interview with the Adilshah and raised him to the status of an imperial commander. I know what great

v1.c14.29

deeds your father and you did since then during three regimes. It is a matter of sincere regret to me that your father forgetting all the good that my father had done to him, sided with Mustafa Khan in capturing him (my father). It was your father Bāji Ghorpade who undertook the hazardous enterprise and gave over my father as a captive in Mustafa’s hands, a consummation which for years caused bitter enmity between your house and mine, resulting in open fighting and bloodshed on both sides. My people killed your father in a fight. Thus the enmity continued for a number of years; but now the time has arrived for rectifying the mistakes of the past: and with this view I now write this letter to explain the present political situation and advise you how to use it to mutual advantage.

v1.c14.30

“You are aware that there have been three Muslim states in the south, the Nizam Shahi, the Adil Shahi and the Qutb Shahi. Upon the first being destroyed by the Mughals, its great nobles came into the service of the Adil Shah after personal consultations and conferences. This Adil Shahi State, however, has now been seized by the Pathan Bahlol Khan. The Adil Shah is a minor, being a king only in name, but virtually under the Pathan’s restraint; the throne, the umbrella and the fort of Bijapur are in the hands of the Pathan, a matter of evil portent to the interests of the Deccanis. If the Pathan is allowed to become powerful, he will surely ruin one and all the Deccani nobles. In order to obviate this, I have entered into a friendly understanding with the Qutb Shah, with whom I had purposely kept up amicable relations from the beginning, and who recently invited me for a personal visit in an autograph letter impressed with his own palm. I accepted his invitation and have met him. Upon learning that I had already declared myself an independent king, he excused me the usual Muslim ceremonials which he used to exact from one and all, viz., touching the ground with head before him. The Qutb Shah and I met on equal terms, both coming half way for the meeting. He received me most honourably and with sincere greetings. Holding me with his hand he seated me by his side and showed various marks of respect, cementing mutual friendship. After the customary ceremonials, we freely discussed political matters in which the Qutb-Shahi minister Madan Pant and I unitedly made certain proposals which the Shah cordially agreed to. He places such a high confidence in me that I now hold a very favourable position which I can well utilise in promoting the interests of the Marathas and in reducing the power of the Pathans of Bijapur.

v1.c14.31

" As soon as an agreement was reached on both sides, my most anxious plan was to take into confidence the great Maratha nobles, bring them for an interview with the Kutb Shah, to offer them fresh prospects in service and with their help extend the dominion both of the Shah and the Marathas. You know how keen I have been in consolidating the Maratha power by bringing together all the scattered elements for a united action. Inspired with these motives I have arranged with the Kutb Shah that he should employ you into his service. For this we must at once lay aside our hereditary enmity. You must discard all your suspicion about me. Take my honest word that I am anxious to promote your interests and enclose for your compliance the formal letter of invitation which the Kutb Shah has addressed to you through me. You are born of a high family. You must trust me and immediately on receipt of this letter, you must contrive to get away from the service of the Pathan and meet me at Bhāgānagar by rapid marches. Please do not lose this splendid opportunity : take time by the forelock, send me immediately in advance an envoy of your confidence to arrange details at least four days before you arrive for the actual interview. I am at this moment in such a strong position to promote your interests, that I am sure you will ever afterwards remember my good offices; nay, your sons and grand-sons too will remember them with gratitude. Here is a rare opportunity by which you can profit at the hands of the Kutb Shah. Do not hesitate to come, or to give up your loyalty to the Adil Shah, nor should you allow any distrust about me to come in your way. In reality where is the Bijapur State now? It came to an end when Khawas Khan was put to death, when the Pathan took possession of the city and the fort, and when the child king was imprisoned. The Adilshahi State no longer exists and you have no justification for serving it. You cannot call it your own. The Pathan will offer you inducements, which might prevent you from taking the step I advise. But you must remember that the Pathan will not care for you; and in the meantime the Kutb Shah, the various Maratha nobles and I, will soon swallow the Pathan up. You Marathas are my kith and kin. Your interest is dear to my heart. That is why I write so freely. The Kutb Shah and I can give you double of what the Pathan may promise you. Nay, whatever more is possible will surely be done to reward your services. I have renounced all suspicion about you from my mind and sacredly swear having done so, calling my Goddess Bhavānī to witness. I will not fail to keep my word. Fling away all suspicion about me, come to me at once and send your trusted envoy in advance with an oath in the name of your family God, that you on your part are as sincere as I am on mine. So let me have a sacred oath from you with your envoy. I shall never fail to advance your interests. What more shall I say?"

v1.c14.32

This important letter explains as nothing else does, the main object of Shivaji's life-endeavour. It was to have Maratha independence established on the principle of cordial co-operation of all the leading Maratha members. Shivaji was not opposed to the Muslim religion as he cordially agreed to support the Kutb Shah on condition of his protecting the interests of the Hindus. He entertained no rancour for his Ghorpade cousins, if they would come in and join in his national work. Evidently as the State of Bijapur was collapsing, he wished to prevent the Mughals from absorbing it. His plan was to share that prize with the Kutb Shah, himself taking the essentially Maratha lands and leaving the Telugu country to the Kutb Shah. This also supplies a clue to Shivaji's move against his brother of Tanjore.

v1.c14.33

4. Bijapuri Karnatak seized.—Intent on seizing the Bijapuri territories, Shivaji left Bhāgānagar about the end of March, and proceeded towards the south where his armies had already preceded him. He himself took this opportunity of visiting the famous shrines and places of pilgrimage on the way. He visited the confluence of the Krishnā and the Tungabhadrā known as the Nivritti or blissful Sangam, and performed acts of charity. His men in the meantime collected 5 lacs Hons by way of Chauth from Karnool and proceeded to Anantapur, while he himself went to Shri Shaila Mallikarjun, a famous shrine in a deep valley of the Krishnā, a rare secluded spot lavishly endowed by nature, which so enchanted his devotional instinct, that it was with difficulty that he could be snatched away from its charms, which engrossed his mind and kept him gripped for over ten days. In the first week of April he joined his main army at Anantapur.

v1.c14.34

Thereafter, travelling via Nandyal, Kadappa, Tirupati and Kalahasti, he reached the environs of Madras and despatched a body of 5,000 troops for the capture of Jinji, a fort belonging to Bijapur which was defended by the commandant Nasir Muhammad Khan. The Khan agreed to deliver the fort to Shivaji on receiving a jagir with an annual income of Rupees fifty thousand. Shivaji himself visited Jinji, pulled down its old fortifications and rebuilt the whole for permanent defence. He appointed Rāyāji Nalge to the command of the fort and Vithal Pildev Atre to look after the revenue affairs of the whole territory. He also introduced the Maratha system of revenue and accounts, which had proved successful in his Maval jagir. In fact Shivaji made Jinji the principal seat of his Karnatak government, having constructed official and residential buildings both for his civil and military administrators; what we see there today is the survival of Shivaji's construction. All vestiges of Bijapur rule were removed.

v1.c14.35

This east coast region was very loosely held by Bijapur. It has already been noticed that Jinji was captured for Bijapur by the Vazir Khan Muhammad. That Vazir's son Nasir Muhammad now surrendered it to Shivaji. A Pathan noble of Bijapur named Sher Khan Lodi who resided at Valigandapuram near Trichinopoly, held sway over a considerable territory, practically independent of Bijapur. Another Bijapuri officer Abdulla Khan lived at Vellore. Sher Khan Lodi, ambitious but indolent, and desiring to oppose Shivaji's move, had secured the support of the French of Pondicherry. In the midst of this situation Shivaji took possession of Jinji and thence proceeded to Vellore on 23 May, and laid siege to that strong and famous post; but it could not be easily taken. There were two adjoining hills which Shivaji captured and from which he directed an artillery fire against the main rampart. As it seemed that the siege of Vellore would continue long, Shivaji entrusted the task to other hands and himself proceeded to the south against Sher Khan Lodi. Vellore was captured a year later on 22 July 1678, after Shivaji had returned home from his southern conquest.

v1.c14.36

As Shivaji proceeded to the south Sher Khan opposed him with his forces in the vicinity of Tiruvadi. After repeated skirmishes Sher Khan found it impossible to resist Shivaji and offered to surrender. He came for a personal visit which took place on 5th July 1677, when he paid 20 thousand Hons as expenses, delivered his son as a hostage for the balance of his ransom, and effecting his own release ceded the whole country to Shivaji. The ransom was paid in February 1678 when the son was allowed to join his father. It will thus be seen how easily the whole coastal territory of the Karnatak from the Tungabhadrā to the Kāveri came into Shivaji's possession and how the Adilshahi Government was fast dissolving. Shivaji at once organized a regular system of defence and administration by importing twenty thousand hands from Mahārāshtra for revenue and military service.⁵

v1.c14.37

⁵ For Shivaji's southern activities see Martin's Account in Sen's Foreign Biographies. Martin's personal envoy met Shivaji and wrote his report, the best available contemporary narration of this Maratha invasion.

v1.c14.38

The large admixture of Maratha elements which is noticeable to this day in these far off Tamil and Kanarese lands, has its origin in the systematic efforts which Shivaji then made for the settlement of these fresh additions to his dominion. Traces of that Maratha system are even now visible.

v1.c14.39

5. The two brothers on their heritage.—After disposing of Sher Khan Lodi, Shivaji proceeded towards Tanjore to meet his step-brother Ekoji and adjust his relations with him. Shivaji encamped at Tirumalwadi on the Coleroon about ten miles north of Tanjore where Ekoji was expected to come on a visit. While at this place Chokkanath Nayak of Madura sent his agents with presents for Shivaji, who had demanded a heavy tribute. After a good deal of hesitation Chokkanath through the mediation of Raghunāth Pandit agreed to pay 6 lacs of Hons to Shivaji and the matter was settled.

v1.c14.40

In the meantime Ekoji arrived at Shivaji's camp to pay his respects. He was accompanied by his Peshwa Jagannāth Pant and a company of troops. The two brothers spent about a week together during the bright fortnight of Shravan (the third week of July). The first formal meeting took place in a Shiva temple. During the interval they had many talks and dinners together both in public and private. But in the midst of the cordial and frank atmosphere outside, Ekoji evinced a peculiar reserve in his ways and did not disclose what attitude he intended to maintain towards his brother. Shivaji explained to him his own views and plans. Ekoji simply listened and did not signify whether and to what extent he agreed. He evidently felt overawed by Shivaji’s great talents and masterful personality. Step-brothers are hardly ever affectionate to each other; their mothers were practically strangers and jealous through life. More than once Ekoji had appeared in open fight against Shivaji on behalf of Bijapur. Thus at this moment he felt altogether confounded in his brother’s company. The Jedhe chronology mentions, “the two brothers met in the month of Shravan. Mutual suspicion led to a breach. Ekoji fled to Tanjore without taking his leave. Shivaji, therefore, captured his districts of Jagdevgad, Chidambaram, and Vridhachalam and laid siege to Kolar.”

v1.c14.41

The real position of affairs between the two brothers is nowhere clearly recorded. What exactly Shivaji wanted from his brother has to be gathered from his letters, long but diplomatic, and from stray bits of references in the *Bakhars* and elsewhere. Shivaji said in effect:—

v1.c14.42

“We must both equally share our ancestral acquisitions. After our father’s death you have alone enjoyed the whole without a single reference to me. I do not ask for a share of what you have earned by your effort. You may make whatever acquisitions you can, and God grant you strength for the same. But I must demand a share in what our father had left. For this you must produce recorded evidence upon which we should base our claims. I am ready to offer you help whenever you need it. You must speak out freely and without reservation what your position is.” To this the only reply that Ekoji made was a vague one,—“I submit to your commands.”

v1.c14.43

In this way they lived and talked for a week at the end of which Ekoji, feeling extreme irritation, probably at the pressure which Shivaji was slowly bringing to bear upon him, one night secretly escaped on a floating raft over the Coleroon back to Tanjore. Martin’s envoy, an eye-witness writes:—“Sivaji demanded his share of his father’s goods. He had written several times to Ekoji to come and meet him. The latter recoiled. At last he crossed the Coleroon and came to see Shivaji. The first conversation gave evidence of amity and tenderness, but when it came to negotiation, Ekoji discovered that his brother would not let him go unless he had satisfied him about his claims, and while he offered friendly words, he sought some means of withdrawing himself from such a bad strait. He succeeded therein one night. He had a raft kept ready on the banks of the river under pretext of necessity. He approached the banks of the river, threw himself into the raft and crossed to the other side. On receipt of this information Shivaji caused Ekoji's men who were in his camp to be arrested, among them one Jagannath Pandit, a Brahman, who commanded Ekoji's troops, a man of courage and ability. The brothers did not meet again."

v1.c14.44

Thereupon Shivaji despatched three clever agents to meet Ekoji in his palace and sent a personal letter to him with them, demanding a half share of his father's property on pain of reprisals. Shivaji gave his brother clearly to understand that no hesitation would be allowed, although in settling the actual amount, Ekoji's wishes would be respected, if he would come to terms. To this Ekoji replied,

v1.c14.45

"Whatever our father Shahji Raje acquired was by means of service to the Bijapur State against whom Shivaji Raje had all along rebelled and been disloyal, thereby causing harm to father. There is no ancestral property as such beyond what was acquired by service. I am even now the Bijapur Shah's loyal servant and as such would be guided by his orders."

v1.c14.46

Thus instead of conciliating Shivaji, Ekoji decided to put him down if the dispute resulted in a recourse to arms, and he called in the help of Madura and Mysore for that purpose. At the same time he reported the affair to Bijapur, but received no response from the authorities there. That Government was at the time not in a position to break with Shivaji. In this situation as Shivaji could not afford to stay longer in the south, he decided to return himself and left Bahir Rao Mohite, Hambir Rao and Raghunath Pant with the major portion of his troops, to settle matters with Ekoji as they thought best. Shivaji began his return march from the bank of the Coleroon on 27 July. On the way back he seized all the territory of Ekoji on the north side of the Kaveri including the districts of Arni, Kolar, Hoskote, Bangalore, Bālāpore and Shirā, and appointed his own officers to govern and defend them against any hostile attack. When Shivaji reached Gadag in November, he learned of an action having taken place; Ekoji had attacked Hambir-Rao Mohite, at Valigandapuram on 16th November and sustained a crushing defeat, his illegitimate brothers Pratāpji and Bhivji Raje, and his officer Shivaji Dabir were taken captives. Shivaji learned the details when he arrived in Mahārāshtra, and with a view to effecting a reconciliation he wrote a long letter of warning to Ekoji, which ranks as a document of rare value. It puts forth Shivaji’s aims and policy clearly. This letter is full and authentic and is printed in the facsimile of Bālāji Āvaji’s handwriting being dated 1 March 1678. In this letter, while demanding from his brother a full share of his father’s acquisitions, he holds out a threat of severe reprisals, adding he was perfectly ready to adjust matters to his brother’s satisfaction, but that he would not allow him to shirk the main demand. What Shivaji resented most was that Ekoji should ally himself with the Turks and Pathans of Bijapur who had been open enemies of the Hindus and whom it was Shivaji’s life-mission to humble. Says he :—

v1.c14.47

“Gods and Goddesses have favoured me; through their favour I have been able to beat down the Turks. How could you hope to win against me with the help of these Turks? You should not have gone to the length of standing in open opposition to my armies. You cherished the wicked intention like Duryodhan’s and caused unnecessary blood-shed. But what has come to pass cannot be remedied. You have only to take a lesson from what has occurred and give up your obstinacy. For thirteen long years you have usurped all father’s property and now I have wrested away my share by force of arms. Please deliver to my officers Arni, Bangalore, Kolar, Hoskote, Shiralkot (Shira) and other minor districts including Tanjore : give up also a half share of the cash, ornaments, horses, elephants and other property and make your peace with me. I shall bestow on you a Jagir yielding three lacs annually of districts between the Tungabhadrā and Panhālā. Or if you do not wish to accept this as a gift from me, I shall request the Kutb Shah to confer on you a similar jagir in his dominion.

v1.c14.48

Thus I offer you two alternatives, choose whichever you like. Give up your obduracy and stop this domestic dissension. It is no use sulking. As an elderly person I have all along treated you affectionately and again repeat the same sentiments of your welfare. If you have the good sense to accept my advice, I am sure you will be happy and at ease. If not, you will only add to your distress, which it will not then be in my power to relieve.”

v1.c14.49

It is evident from this that Shivaji, already ignoring the existence of the Bijapur State, required his brother to renounce it openly and disclaim all pretence of serving it. But this letter did not soothe Ekoji’s heart. It grieved him all the more. His shrewd wife Dipā Bai came to his rescue and gave his disconsolate mind some sound advice and reconciled him to the inevitable. She managed to dismiss Ekoji’s Muslim evil advisers and urged him to accept Raghunāth Pandit’s counsel. Ekoji thereupon wrote a respectful letter to the Pandit and called him from Jinji for a personal visit. The Pant arrived in due course and had a cordial reception. Then the Pandit arranged the terms of an amicable settlement of the dispute between the two brothers. All necessary deeds and papers were prepared and despatched to Shivaji for approval and ratification.

v1.c14.50

Shivaji was highly gratified at this amicable settlement of a long-standing dispute and at once ratified the whole agreement. In soothing notes he replied to Ekoji and to his sister-in-law Dipā Bai, who had so cleverly managed to solve these delicate problems. He wrote to Raghunāth Pandit, “I cannot too highly commend the wisdom and foresight of my sister-in-law Dipā Bai, who with uncommon zeal and skill induced her husband to come to terms with me and thereby so satisfactorily solved a knotty question. I am supremely gratified at this happy result. In fact I was all along concerned to secure the best interest of my brother. In asking a half share I had his own lasting welfare at my heart. The paltry lucre was not my object. It was for the sake of higher aims, I had to make that stern demand. We must treat our servants and subordinates respectfully and effect lasting good of the State, which it behoves us both to serve with all our powers.” These last lines clearly prove how anxious Shivaji was to raise the Maratha State to the height of glory and independence. Ekoji was solely guided by Muslim advisers who worked insidiously to undo Shivaji's life-work through Ekoji's instrumentality. These Muslim advisers were dismissed, and Raghunāth Pant was restored to his former position of a guardian, so that all cause for friction was finally removed in the course of a year after Shivaji's return from the Karnatak.

v1.c14.51

6. Agreed division of patrimony.—The agreement contained nineteen articles, the first ten of which unfold the plan for the moral and spiritual good of the Maratha State. The sixth article says, “No one who is wicked and an enemy of the Hindu religion should be harboured in the State. Such persons should be kept away from the power of doing harm.” The whole dispute between the brothers and its conclusion unmistakably disclose that Shivaji's highest aim in the Karnatak expedition was to resuscitate and expand the Maratha State and create a lasting shelter for the Hindus in general, who had grown altogether helpless through centuries of ill-treatment.

v1.c14.52

The 12th article is politically significant and pertinent to the main point of dispute between the brothers. It says, “When a treaty of peace was effected between us (Shivaji and the Adil Shah) through our father's mediation (in 1662), the express stipulation laid down was that neither of us (Shivaji or Ekoji) should serve that State (Bijapur). We should help it whenever necessary not as servants but as well-wishers. We should hereafter strictly observe this understanding. Ekoji, therefore, should not hold himself a servant of that state. He may, when called up, help that State with a contingent of 5000 troops. He must exercise his supremacy over all the Poligars and potentates whom he has already subjugated.”

v1.c14.53

This article makes it clear beyond the shadow of a doubt why Shivaji attacked Ekoji. While Shivaji proclaimed himself an independent monarch, he did not relish the spectacle of his own brother coming to oppose him on behalf of Bijapur on being guided exclusively by Muslim flatterers and holding himself a bond servant of a Muslim State, which he himself had all but conquered. In order to emphasize this aspect of his state policy, Shivaji laid down in the 15th article, “that the districts of Bangalore, Hoskote and Shiralkot (Shira) yielding a revenue of 2 lacks of Hons have already been conquered by us : when well managed they will soon be worth 5 lacs ; we assign these districts as a voluntary present to our sister-in-law Dipā Bai, wife of Ekoji. Ekoji may supervise their management but not lay claim to them. After Dipā Bai they will continue to her daughter or to any one else to whom she assigns them.” Here Shivaji gives back practically all of Ekoji’s possessions, redeeming them out of Muslim control. Nothing can be clearer than this final pronouncement of Shivaji’s object in this last undertaking of his life.

v1.c14.54

Article 16 says, “We have conquered Tanjore and the adjoining districts of Ekoji worth about 7 lacs of Hons. These we hand over of our own free will to Ekoji as his own separate possession.” Article 17 says, “We assign territory worth one lac to Raghunāth Pant in complete hereditary succession.” Article 19 says, “Ekoji should look after the upkeep of the tomb of our father Shahji Raje.” Evidently this filial duty was now assigned to Ekoji.⁶

v1.c14.55

⁶ The whole treaty is quoted in the Shiva-digvijaya Bakhar.

v1.c14.56

These articles clearly demonstrate the nature of the dispute between the two brothers and Shivaji’s object in this southern expedition. Ekoji was to be weaned away from his subordination to the Muslim power of Bijapur. In forwarding the treaty Shivaji wrote another affectionate letter to his brother. But Ekoji did not respond in the spirit in which Shivaji’s scheme of a Swarajya was planned ; and although the dispute was apparently settled, Ekoji took to heart his loss of independence. He felt sorely grieved to find that Shivaji’s officials took charge of all his possessions and administered them without reference to himself. He gave up all personal pleasures and enjoyment. When in due course this was reported to Shivaji, he wrote another loving letter full of sympathy and pathos about January 1680. Within three months thereafter Shivaji expired.

v1.c14.57

The death of Shivaji and the rapid changes that it brought about in the politics of the Deccan, involved the fate both of the Maratha and the Tanjore principalities, and although Ekoji survived Shivaji by nearly five years, we have no record to determine the Tanjore Rajah’s aims and activities during that period. So far as Tanjore was concerned, Ekoji proved a wise and considerate ruler. He established his rule at Tanjore on a sound basis and provided means for its defence. His Ranī Dipā Bai coming from the Ingle family, was a wise and influential lady, more or less after Jija Bai's pattern. She gave birth to three good sons Shahji, Sharfoji and Tukoji, who all ruled at Tanjore in succession and promoted arts and literature as well as the welfare of their subjects.⁷

v1.c14.58

Whatever results were achieved by Shahji and his son Ekoji in the spheres of politics and society, the credit for them must be equally shared by the Hanumante family also, particularly by Raghunāth Pant to whom Shivaji says, “ I have endeavoured to rear up a number of my own co-workers and helpmates ; but you belong to a different category. You have served our father and like him possess the power to correct and guide us when we cannot see our way. No other person can exercise such influence in our affairs. We look upon you fully in the place of our revered parent, and cannot too highly estimate your services.” Raghunath Pant shared the noble aims of Shivaji and did his best to promote them. It is uncharitable and historically unjust to accuse him of selfish and mischievous motives in inducing Shivaji to undertake the Karnatak expedition for personal pique or love of lucre. Raghunath’s brother Janārdanpant was also an able administrator working under Shivaji in the Deccan, as his brother did in the Karnatak under Ekoji.⁸

Linked texts (2)

Bakhars
Rājakośanighaṇṭu — Raghunātha Paṇḍita 1639, Sanskrit