New History of the Marathas v2.c24.s1: 2. War upon the Portuguese, capture of Bassein
New History of the Marathas v2.c24.s1
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2. War upon the Portuguese, capture of Bassein
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The conquest of the island of Salsette⁵ and the strong fortress of Bassein from the possession of the Portuguese is one of the most glorious episodes of Maratha history. It receives added importance from the fact that the Marathas proved victorious over a strong foreign naval power adept in the art of sea-fight, and invincible on account of their artillery. The Portuguese held their sway over a few points in a strip of the west coast extending from Goa to Daman, a distance of nearly 400 miles; a few fortified places which they held at intervals served as bulwarks of defence impregnable to any invader using antiquated arms like the spear and the sword.
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⁵ Salsette is the name given to the island extending from the creek of Bandra to that of Bassein, a corruption of Sasasti, 66 villages.
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The Peshwa's ambition to extend Maratha supremacy and protect the Hindu religion is responsible for the friction that existed between them and the Portuguese on the west coast. The religious fanaticism of the Catholics and their persecution of the Hindus embittered their mutual relations and frequent complaints reached the Peshwa from the Hindu inhabitants of north Konkan crying for redress. The religious zeal of the Portuguese manifested itself in atrocious persecution of the non-Christian residents in their territory. They demanded tribute from ships plying on the west coast and interfered with the native chiefs in their legitimate spheres. Thus the Portuguese government became a scourge and a terror to the natives of the coastal regions. They forced whole villages to embrace Christianity at the point of the sword. On the death of the head of a family the minor children were taken possession of by the priests and compelled to kiss the cross. The Hindus were forbidden to practise their religious rites and ceremonies. Temples were pulled down and churches raised on their sites. Men of position and standing were falsely accused by the priests and forcibly converted. These methods although lately much softened, had become so intolerable that the Peshwa had to take up arms in defence of his religion.
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In 1719 Bajirao’s father had reconquered the district of Kalyan and gradually extended his conquest to Jawhar and Ramnagar. During 1730 Pilaji Jadhav carried war into the Portuguese territory. He took Kamba, a Portuguese outpost near Bhivandi. A new Portuguese Governor Count de Sandomille, a man of a strong and stern character arrived from Europe and took charge of the Portuguese possessions in India in April 1732. He continued to hold the office for nine years, and assumed such a high handed irritating attitude towards the Marathas that they were compelled to open immediate hostilities. The two important posts which the Portuguese held in their government of the north were Bassein and Thana, the former already strongly fortified but the latter was vulnerable. Apprehending trouble from the Marathas of Kalyan, the new Viceroy hurriedly started to build a strong fort at Thana, a threat directly aimed at the Maratha possessions of Kalyan and the north Konkan districts, which they could not ignore. Before the fortifications of Thana were completed, the Marathas opened hostilities against that place in the summer of 1737. Chimnaji Appa sent bands of selected men and captured Thana on 26 March. The Marathas quickly completed the fortifications and organized the defence of the place so that it might serve as a strong base for operations against Bassein. Several other places in the island of Salsette surrendered to them in April; Dharavi was secured in May and Santa Cruz in June. There was, however, no naval action so far.
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The citadel of Bassein the main symbol of Portuguese power in this part of the country, resisted all the landward attacks that were launched by the Marathas. A mile and a half in circumference and triangular in shape, the fort had strong stone walls rising to a height of 30 to 40 feet from the ground and about 5 ft. in thickness. Four-sided bastions rose from each corner on which strong artillery was mounted. To the south of the fort ran the Bassein creek, the west was washed by the open sea. The eastern side was bounded by a belt of marshy land overflown by tidal waves, while the north supplied the only land passage for attack. Shankaraji Phadke immediately after the capture of Thana tried to surprise the place but failed with the consequence that the Marathas lost heart, at least during the season of 1737, a critical year for the Maratha fortunes, in which the Mughals had put forth their last supreme effort against the Marathas under the sole command of their veteran leader Nizam-ul-mulk. Chimnaji Appa had thus to attend to two arduous campaigns, Bassein and Bhopal simultaneously. So all action against Bassein came perforce to a standstill during the early months of 1738. The interval, however, was a welcome relief to Chimnaji Appa to some extent, as it afforded him leisure to mature his plans and deliver his final attack with no chance of failure. The return of fair weather at the end of 1738 was availed of and the best and most valiant Maratha leaders and soldiers were directed with singular effect against the fortress of Bassein. Holkar, Sindia, Pawar and other renowned captains of the north were summoned for this heroic effort.
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But the Portuguese had not been idle. They fully utilised the interval of Maratha distraction during 1738. Fresh succours arrived for them from Europe, and they started a great offensive against the Marathas in 1738. Mahadaji Pant Phadke, a daring Maratha captain lost his life in the attempt against Mahim, another Portuguese post and thereby caused a sort of general depression among the Maratha soldiery. So when Chimnaji resumed operations towards the end of 1738, he had to face a serious situation. At the risk of ruining his failing health, Chimnaji proceeded to the theatre of war and started a determined campaign, a life and death struggle regardless of losses. The Portuguese made a last heroic effort to recapture Thana, in which a chance shot from the Maratha garrison killed the valiant Portuguese commander Pedro de Mello, while inspecting the defences from his boat rowing through the creek. This was a portent of coming events to the Portuguese and served to cool their ardour. It at the same time roused the Maratha spirits to an unprecedented height : nor was the lure of pecuniary reward neglected by Chimnaji at this critical moment, as he held plentiful funds collected during several years of profitable expeditions by Bajirao in north India. In the month of December Chimnaji descended into Konkan with his very best commanders and select troops and occupied the marshy regions traversed by the various creeks, examined the terrain and formed concerted plans for simultaneous storming, assigning duties with definite instructions and inculcating care and caution. All conceivable preliminaries and precautions added to a spirit of buoyant hope and pre-vision, alone yielded the desired result. The Portuguese contested every inch of the ground and defended their positions with the courage of desperation, so that even if overcome, they would make victory as costly to the Marathas as possible. Chimnaji was ever on the move like lightning throughout the difficult months from November to June.
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The Maratha successes began with the capture of Mahim on 9 January 1739, followed a fortnight after by that of Tarapur and Asheri on 24th. The capture on 6 March of Dharavi a small island at the mouth of the Bassein creek, sealed the fate of that main fortress, as it gave the Marathas a position of vantage for an effective attack.
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The stiffness with which Mahim and Tarapur were defended, was only second to that of Bassein. Baji Bhivrao the most trusted lieutenant of the Peshwa, lost his life while storming Tarapur, causing severe pangs to the Peshwa's family : for he was considered one of it. Several others like Ramchandra Hari Patwardhan⁶ received more or less serious wounds. Bajirao wrote a comforting letter to Baji Bhivrao's mother, in which he significantly mentioned that her son was still living.
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⁶ Father of Parshuram Bhau of future history.
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By the middle of March most of the Portuguese posts in the region of Bassein had fallen into Maratha hands, so that a last concentrated effort against that stronghold became possible. In order to prevent reinforcements reaching Bassein for its relief, Chimnaji had in the previous year despatched his sister's husband Vyankatrao Ghorpade against Goa, who played his part so splendidly that he could have captured the whole of the Portuguese possessions in that region. But this certainly was not the Maratha aim, and when Bassein fell, Vyankatrao was called back.
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Chimnaji himself arrived before Bassein on 7 February and immediately began preparations for storming the place. A passage had to be forced by demolishing the strong stone walls mounted with terrific guns of the best Portuguese make. This passage was possible only on the landward line from the north. Mines were excavated under the foundations of the walls and the workers met with volleys of fire and shot from the garrison. Bombs and combustibles were rained upon the approaching miners, who notwithstanding pushed on with grim determination. The Maratha cannon and mortars silenced the enemy's guns. The siege was relentlessly pressed and at last the Marathas succeeded in springing thirteen mines on the cortines and the bastions.⁷ On the fateful morning of 2nd May the Maratha drums beat a loud peal, the mines were ignited and an explosion blew up the northern tower, making wide breaches through which heroic Maratha bands quickly rushed in, but were thrown into confusion by some of the mines catching fire late. But they pressed on recklessly against the opposing defenders : a terrible carnage in a hand to hand fight ensued. Another big mine was sprung the next day which made a fresh breach for Maratha parties who quickly made a lodgment in the bastions. This proved the end.
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⁷ Forrest's Selections, Mar. Series, Vol. I, p. 39.
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The final engagement lasted for two days. Eight hundred of the Portuguese officers and men had been killed : their ammunition was exhausted and the survivors lost all hope of further defence. On 4th May they hoisted the white flag and a Portuguese officer met Chimnaji Appa for arranging terms of surrender. The capitulations were signed on 5th and a week was allowed for the evacuation.
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Towards a fallen foe generosity was an invariable policy of the Maratha chiefs, and it was well exhibited in the present instance. Chimnaji in this affair raised his reputation for valour and magnanimity by granting most honourable terms to the Portuguese. The remaining garrison was allowed to depart unmolested with all their families and belongings and with full military honours. War vessels in the harbour were allowed to remove the artillery without molestation and full religious liberty for practising one’s religion was proclaimed throughout the district of north Konkan, which was indeed the main purpose of the war. An exchange of prisoners was also satisfactorily effected and all Portuguese churches were granted full liberty of worship and prayer according to Christian rites.
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3. Repercussions in Bombay.—The campaign of Bassein lasting over two years proved a resounding success for the Marathas in general and the crowning glory of the Peshwa and his brother in particular. The Marathas took possession of the place on 12th May and on the auspicious day of 23rd the ochre-coloured Maratha flag was ceremoniously unfurled from the ramparts of Bassein, with a proclamation of having annexed the mighty fortress and the province to the Maratha dominions. The gains and losses of both the combatants can be judged with tolerable accuracy. The Portuguese power, which had flourished and overawed the Indian coastal regions in the sphere of commerce and religion for two centuries, was practically destroyed and came to be circumscribed to two or three small spots, Goa, Daman and Div. Soon after the loss of Bassein, Chaul and Korlai, two small Portuguese possessions near Alibag came into Maratha possession through the mediation of the English.
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After finishing the necessary adjustments required by the late war, Chimnaji Appa and Vyankatrao Ghorpade returned from Bassein and Goa respectively, to Satara by the end of June 1739, and were both heartily complimented upon their success and profusely rewarded by the Chhatrapati for the victorious conclusion of an anxious and arduous war.
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An immediate effect of the conquest of Bassein was the alarm that the English settlement of Bombay received from the Maratha power being planted in its neighbourhood with a fine naval arsenal. The English in their anxiety to remove all chance of offensive Maratha plans against Bombay, sent Captain Inchbird to conciliate Chimnaji Appa, while he was occupied at Bassein in settling its administrative affairs. Inchbird and Chimnaji met in June 1739 and arranged a general treaty of peace and friendship in their mutual interest. But not satisfied with this particular settlement, the English Authorities of Bombay wishing to gauge the inherent strength of the Maratha power, particularly the exact relations of the Chhatrapati and the Peshwa, sent another mission to the authorities at Satara under Capt. Gordon with particular instructions to find out what chance there was of possible antagonism between the King and his Peshwa. Gordon left Bombay on 12th May, visited Shahu on 8th June, remained there till the 30th of that month and returned to Bombay on 14th July. He carried with him presents for Shahu and his courtiers, whom he severally interviewed and gathered minute information of the strength and weakness of the central Maratha Government, for which he was specially deputed. He reported his impressions that Bajirao alone was all powerful and that there was no likelihood of his being dislodged from power.
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The Bombay authorities then realized that it was necessary in their own interest to conciliate Bajirao and with this view they deputed Capt. Inchbird to see Bajirao and arrange affairs with him. Inchbird left Bombay towards the end of 1739 and having learnt at Poona that Bajirao was touring outside, he proceeded towards him and saw him near Paithan on the Godavari on January 14, 1740. A treaty of peace and friendship was discussed and arranged. It dealt mainly with the offshoots of the late Maratha war against the Portuguese. The actual ratification of this treaty of 8 articles was executed by the next Peshwa Nanasaheb on 7th September 1740, as Bajirao had died on 28th April. Chaul or Revdanda came into Maratha possession as a result of this treaty and was subsequently dismantled by them. These transactions between the English and the Marathas now only possess a historical interest in point of the relative strength of the two powers.
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4. Minor episodes, the Angrias.—The author’s aim has been to deal only with the main points of Bajirao’s singular career and not to study in detail every incident of his life of diversified activity, an adequate treatment of which would require a very much larger volume. A large number of capable leaders whether acting with or against Bajirao contributed in no small measure to the history of the period, and they deserve some notice. One was the founder of the principality of Nagpur, Raghuji Bhosle, whose uncle Kanhoji and Kanhoji’s father Parsoji had been the first to espouse Shahu’s cause when he returned from the Mughal camp after Aurangzeb’s death. When soon afterwards Shahu appointed Balaji Vishvanath to be his Peshwa and practically surrendered all his powers to him, it came to be the Peshwa’s duty to bring about uniformity of plan and action and co-ordination of effort among the various scattered leaders and chiefs acting in different localities on behalf of Shahu. These Bhosles, like the Dabhades and the Angrias began to resent the controlling authority exercised on them by the Peshwa, as they were all direct creations of the Chhatrapati and in no way indebted to the Peshwa for their positions. The Peshwa was too by way of counterpoise raised to prominence in the state business their own trustworthy helpmates such as the Sindias and the Holkars. With all their valour and capacity the Marathas as a race have always betrayed a separatist tendency which can brook no central control. Concerted action, the very soul of a powerful government, is a rare phenomenon in Maratha history. This inherent weakness clearly explains why the Marathas failed to build a permanent empire over this vast continent. Much of Bajirao’s energy came to be wasted in keeping under control these recalcitrant elements at home. The civil war between Balaji Vishvanath and Chandrasen Jadhav, followed by a similar war between Bajirao and Trimbakrao Dabhade and later the third Peshwa’s vindictive operations against Tulaji Angria, are all typical illustrations of the delicate domestic politics the Peshwas had to manage, while at the same time they were seriously occupied with expanding the Maratha power into distant provinces outside. Raghuji Bhosle, however, knew his limitations and managed to restrain his jealousy without allowing it to provoke a rupture with Bajirao. The two kept up an attitude of mutual respect and dignity and often also co-operated in their undertakings.
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The Angrias were the wardens of the west coast which they guarded with the help of the Maratha fleet. Kanhoji and his son Sekhoji were both influential members of the Maratha government and employed the navy so dexterously that they were feared and respected by the foreign powers planted on the western coast. After Sekhoji's death his two brothers Sambhaji and Manaji found it impossible to agree to a peaceful succession. Bajirao being called upon by Shahu to settle the dispute went to Kolaba, examined the situation patiently and as the conflicting claims of the two brothers could not be reconciled, he divided the Angrian estate into two sections, the larger extending from Suvarnadurg to Vijayadurg was allotted to Sambhaji with the title of Sarkhel : the northern portion was given to Manaji with his headquarters at Kolaba and the title of Wazarat-Maab. This division certainly weakened the strength of the Maratha navy and perpetuated the family jealousy instead of ending it. The two brothers started an open war, of which the English and the Portuguese were not slow to take advantage. The affair of the Angrias proved a perpetual sore in the Maratha polity, which the death of Sambhaji on 12th January 1742 did not heal. Sambhaji's brother Tulaji proved more intractable to the next Peshwa, who put him down with the help of the English navy, a course, which in the end proved ruinous to Maratha national interests.
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Thus, it should be realized that from the beginning all was not well with the internal management of the Maratha power, and although outwardly it expanded rapidly, it contained insidious germs of decay to which it soon fell a prey. The root cause can certainly be traced to Shahu's softness of heart which grew with his age. He hardly ever moved out of his groove round about Satara. Only once did he make bold to wipe the stigma by personally undertaking a child's play which is known as the Miraj campaign for the conquest of that outpost, a remnant of the old Mughal power almost bordering on the Maratha capital. After two years slow campaigning the place was captured on 3rd October 1739. But this small achievement did not in any way restore Shahu's prestige in the State, beyond giving him an opportunity of visiting some holy places like Pandharpur. The Peshwas managed to entrust Miraj to their own partizan, the Patwardhans whose family still continues to hold it through many vicissitudes of fortune.
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Students of history will note how the year 1739 was crowded with events of outstanding importance to the fortunes of the Maratha raj. Nadir Shah convulsed India, the expulsion of the Portuguese from north Konkan and the weakness of the Angrian house improved the chances of the English for a slow rise in which the missions of Inchbird and Gordon served as the first cautious feeling of the ground. But nobody dreamt that the heroic Peshwa to whose phenomenal career the rapid expansion of Maratha power was mainly due, would be prematurely cut off. The mystery of his unexpected death is heightened by a domestic affair of a romantic character to which we must now advert.
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5. The romance of Mastani.—It is now well-known that in the midst of his glowing successes on every side, all was not well in Bajirao's family. His infatuation for a Muslim dancing girl named Mastani since 1730, impaired his reputation in orthodox society, including his nearest kith and kin. The origin of Mastani is shrouded in obscurity. Tradition makes her the offspring of a Hindu father and a Muhammadan mother, but highly accomplished and trained in the cultivated arts of blandishment. The first mention of her name in authentic papers occurs in the accounts of the marriage ceremony of Bajirao's eldest son Nanasaheb which took place on 11th January 1730. In the same year Bajirao built his Shaniwar palace in Poona and later added to it a portion named after his ladylove. In 1734 she bore him a son who was named Shamsher Bahadur. *Tarikh-i-Muhammadshahi* mentions that “she was a Kanchani (a dancing girl) skilled in riding and handling the sword and spear. She always accompanied Bajirao in his campaigns and rode stirrup to stirrup with him.” She was adept in music and gave public performances during the annual Ganapati celebration at the Peshwa's palace. Bajirao was passionately attached to her and felt in her company all the inspiration of his eventful life. She dressed, talked and lived in Hindu fashion and looked after Bajirao's comforts with the devotion of a wife. No wonder that Bajirao's infatuation for her grew with years and led him into meat-eating and wine-drinking so repugnant in a Brahman household. Bajirao had sons by his Hindu wife and naturally the favour shown to the social outcaste seriously disturbed the peace of the Peshwa's family. Popular voice attributed Bajirao's love of wine and meat to his association with Mastani. But a man of Bajirao's type leading the life of a soldier could not retain the rigid rules of his Brahman caste, as he had to mix freely with all kinds of people. The narrow exclusive life of a Maharashtra Brahman must naturally undergo sudden changes by marching to distant lands and coming into contact with Rajput courts where wine drinking, flesh eating and smoking were freely indulged. This supplies a clue to Bajirao's lapses. Maratha society in general doubtless underwent immense transformation during the process of their expansion.
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The published papers supply us with only a few glimpses of what actually happened in Bajirao's family. Possibly the contemplated thread ceremony of Raghunathrao and the marriage of Sadashivrao were the immediate occasion of the trouble. Bajirao then became a topic of public criticism and the priests were not prepared to officiate at the ceremonies if such a tainted person as he were present. While Bajirao was absent from Poona on a campaign towards the end of 1739, Mastani was suddenly seized and kept in confinement by Nanasaheb and Chimnaji Appa. This broke Bajirao's heart so completely that the world became all misery for him. He could not outrage society and public opinion by returning to Poona to rescue his beloved one by force. Mahadoba Purandare, Morshet Karanje and other well-wishers of the family visited Bajirao at Patas and counselled him as to the best course to follow. The orthodox party meant possibly to do away with Mastani altogether as the sole cause of trouble in their opinion, and wrote to the King's secretary Chitnis, to obtain his sanction for the violent course. The King was wiser. On 24th January 1740 writes Govindrao, "I have privately ascertained His Highness's pleasure on the subject of Mastani. He strongly objects to the proposal of forcible separation or personal restraint. He will not tolerate any offence being given to Bajirao, who should be kept entirely pleased. The evil does not abide in that lady. It can be stopped only when he himself feels so inclined. On no account can His Highness advise any violence to the feelings of Bajirao.” Bajirao was away fighting his last war with Nasir Jang : Mastani was kept under restraint in an out of the way place and the ceremonies of Raghunathrao’s thread and Sadashivrao’s marriage were performed at Poona on 4 and 7 February 1740, when Shahu specially came down from Satara to grace the occasion with his presence.
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6. Nasir Jang routed.—Perhaps, the affair of Nasir Jang supplied Bajirao with a plausible excuse for absence from Poona during this important ceremony in his family. Nasir Jang was doubtless the ablest of Nizam-ul-mulk’s six sons. To help his father at the time of the Bhopal campaign, he had built up a large disciplined force which he had not yet disbanded. During the early months of 1739 there existed the threat of Nadir Shah marching to the south and it seems after that invader’s departure, Nizam-ul-mulk, smarting under the discomfiture he had met with at Bhopal, once more tried his game of an underhand intrigue at Satara through his willing instrument, Anandrao Sumant, who according to the stipulations of Palkhed, was no longer to be entertained at the Nizam’s Court. This Sumant had been with him at Delhi during the period of Nadir Shah’s invasion and now returned to Satara to instil a prejudice against Bajirao in the Chhatrapati’s mind. The province of Berar, which the Nizam considered as his own exclusive possession, was recently seized by Raghuji Bhosle. In retaliation Nasir Jang advanced from Aurangabad towards the end of 1739 and crossing the Godavari invaded the Peshwa’s domain. Bajirao had already deputed Tubaji Anant to capture some of the Nizam’s forts in the upper reaches of the Godavari, and now when Bajirao heard that Nasir Jang was advancing, he immediately moved against him and was soon after joined by his brother. Nasir Jang finding his game unprofitable retraced his steps, fighting rearguard actions. He was relentlessly pursued and surrounded near Aurangabad and soon finding himself at his wits’ end, agreed to the terms Bajirao chose to impose upon him. The treaty was formally concluded at Mungi Sheogaon on 27th February and was ceremoniously ratified at a personal meeting between the two chiefs on 3rd March at Pimpalgaon. Nasir Jang ceded to Bajirao two of his districts, Handia and Khargon in Nemad south of the Narmada, and Bajirao immediately proceeded to the north to occupy them. Chimnaji Appa also paid a visit to Nasir Jang at Aurangabad on 12th March.
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7. Sudden death.—Nobody then knew that Bajirao was fast nearing his end. But a letter dated 7th March 1740 from Chimnaji Appa to Nanasaheb strikes the following alarming note, which gives a faint suspicion that Bajirao was quite ill at heart. "I have had no news from the revered Rao since we parted. I did my utmost to console his distracted mind, but God, it seems, willed otherwise. I do not know what fate is in store for us. We should send her to him upon my return to Poona." It is obvious that Bajirao was greatly upset not only on account of being deprived of Mastani's company, but of his inability to get her released from confinement or save her from worse harm. Things remained in this unsettled condition, when on Monday 28th April Bajirao expired suddenly at Raver on the south bank of the Narmada, where a small, stone terrace still preserves his memory. He was taken ill on the previous Friday with a strong fever, the first and the last ailment, which he ever suffered during life. Hopes were given up on Saturday when he fell unconscious. His wife Kashibai arrived at his death-bed with their little son Janardan. There is no mention of Mastani. Possibly Bajirao drowned his afflictions in excessive drinking. Any way his end was tragic and sudden.
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As soon as the news of Bajirao's death reached Mastani she died in the palace of Poona, whether by suicide or of shock it is difficult to say. Her dead body was removed to Pabal, a village about 20 miles east of Poona, which Bajirao had granted her in inam and where an unpretentious tomb reminds passers by of the story of her love and her tragic end. By common consent she was known as the most charming woman of her time.
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Bajirao's permanent memorial exists at Poona in the shape of the Shaniwar palace which was first constructed by him and of which only the surrounding wall and the front gate now survive. The construction was started on 10th January 1730 and the ceremony of actual residence took place on 2nd February 1731. It cost Rs. 16,110. Bajirao’s father had recovered the old outpost of Poona from Muslim hold and intended to make it his family’s permanent residence in preference to Saswad, where he had lived with his friends the Purandares in his early career. Unfortunately a bald, open barren square plinth is all that remains today of the great Peshwa’s edifice, to remind the present day visitor of its pristine glory.
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8. Bajirao’s character.—It is not necessary to write separately about Bajirao’s character and achievements. His deeds speak for him. He stands next only to Shivaji in military genius. Shahu’s discernment in selecting him for the Peshwaship at the early age of nineteen was more than justified. That a boy in his teens assuming the highest position under the Maratha Chhatrapati, should be able within twenty years to extend the Maratha dominion in all directions, north, south, east and west and to overcome great antagonists both at home and abroad, is an achievement which stands to the permanent credit of the Maratha race. Twenty years spent in breathless activity and tireless journeys across the Indian continent from Srirangpattan to Delhi and from Ahmadabad to Haidarabad, wore out the iron constitution of this great man of action. The twenty years of his active career witnessed a complete revolution in the character of the Maratha State and an entire redistribution of political power throughout India. At his death in 1740 the political centre of gravity shifted from the Court of Delhi to that of Shahu. The system introduced by Bajirao’s father and executed by him and his son, equally transformed the constitution laid down by Shivaji and dotted the map of India with numerous centres of Maratha power. Thus Bajirao became the creator of greater Maharashtra. Shahu was no longer the petty raja of a small self-contained one-race, one-language kingdom, as his father and grandfather had been ; he was now monarch over a far flung and diversified dominion. Shahu was a good judge of the character of men and followed the wise rule of choosing the best instruments and allowing them full latitude and initiative without interfering with their plans and actions. This is well illustrated in the case of Bajirao's appointment to the Peshwaship. He was a matchless cavalry leader and introduced his own technique in the art of warfare which long served the Maratha nation. While Bajirao possessed a hardy robust constitution himself, which never knew what ailment was, his brother Chimnaji was entirely unlike him, being always ailing, sickly and asthmatic. When Chimnaji returned from his victorious campaign of Bassein, Shahu was impatient to hear every detail first hand from his own mouth and called him to Satara : but Chimnaji was so severely bed-ridden, that the pathetic letter he wrote in excuse is a sample of both sentiment and language.⁸
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⁸ P. D. 17. 98.
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Dr. Dighe in his special study of " Bajirao and Maratha Expansion " gives a penetrating and accurate analysis of that Peshwa's relations with his master. He writes, " the methods of the Sovereign and the Minister were different but their objective was the same. Shahu looked not to supplant the Mughal Emperor ; he would rather be the Emperor's friend and mentor, would lend his sword arm to his support and thus acquire control over the imperial policy. The reverence felt by him for the throne of the Chagtais expressed not the servility of a subordinate to his superior but the sympathy which a man of culture—a noble soul—feels for an ancient relic, for a fallen cause. In the hands of Bajirao this attitude was rightly transformed into an attempt at political hegemony in the north : the sword arm of the Maratha State was wielded so ably by his Peshwa as to fulfil the wildest dream of the monarch. The Peshwa never forgot that his authority emanated from the crown and had its roots in the confidence placed in him by the Sovereign. Some of the lesser chiefs resented the power thus acquired and failed to realize that what gave the Peshwa his preponderance in the royal council was the military strength acquired by him through years of successful warfare. It was equally open to them to raise armies and lead them to foreign conquests, but, like their master, they loved the repose of the Court and in consequence slowly faded into insignificance. Even the Raja on occasions felt the overgrown power of his Minister and expressed his displeasure in sharp reprimands."
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Bajirao had to wage an implacable war against Nizam-ul-mulk, the first rebel to succeed against the Mughal Empire. The Emperor never trusted Nizam. The mischievous part he played during Nadir Shah's invasion is clear. Saadat Khan called him a cheat. He well realized his weakness before Bajirao and avoided an open conflict with him. Chhatrapati Shahu, however, respected Nizam-ul-mulk as the last representative of Aurangzeb's rule and never entertained the thought of removing him from his position. On the contrary he severely checked Bajirao whenever the latter was found to commit the least aggression against Nizam-ul-mulk, and as a set off against Bajirao employed the Sumant and the Pratinidhi to keep the Nizam at ease of mind. This situation of the Peshwas should be clearly borne in mind by those who ask why the Nizam was allowed to remain a permanent factor of disturbance in the Deccan.
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Sir Richard Temple, a wise student of history and politics, has rightly assessed the greatness of Bajirao in a passage breathing exceeding enthusiasm. He remarks : "Bajirao was hardly to be surpassed as a rider and was ever forward in action eager to expose himself under fire if the affair was arduous. He was inured to fatigue and prided himself on enduring the same hardships as his soldiers and sharing their scanty fare. He was moved by an ardour for success in national undertakings by a patriotic confidence in the Hindu cause as against its old enemies the Muhammadans and its new rivals the Europeans then rising above the political horizon. He lived to see the Marathas spread terror over the Indian continent from the Arabian sea to the Bay of Bengal. He died as he lived in camp under canvas among his men and he is remembered among the Marathas as the fighting Peshwa, as the incarnation of Hindu energy."⁹
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⁹ Oriental Experience--page 390.
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A contemporary, Marathi letter thus speaks of Bajirao's achievement : "Along with his father's blessing Bajirao inherited from him the great task of regeneration that he had undertaken and he spent his life's effort in accomplishing it, viz., to bring peace and prosperity to the country, north of the Narmada as had been done to the territories south of that river.
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Bajirao tried to restore the Hindu religion to its former grandeur. It was his ambition to rebuild the great shrine of Kashivishveshwar at Benares. In these efforts he outshone his father in a far higher degree. He possessed uncommon valour and his fame spread widely as a re-creator of his nation."10
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¹⁰ Hingne Dafter I. 15.
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The first of these, the *Gospel of the Hebrews*, was used by the Jewish Christians of Palestine, and was probably a version of the Gospel of Matthew, though it contained some traditions not found in our canonical books. The *Gospel of the Egyptians* was used by the ascetic sects of Egypt, and was marked by a strong tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. The *Gospel of Peter* was used by the Docetists, and taught that Christ did not really suffer, but only appeared to do so.
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These gospels, and others like them, were not accepted by the Church as a whole, and were gradually lost or suppressed. The Church, however, felt the need for a standard collection of writings that would serve as a guide for faith and practice. This led to the formation of the New Testament canon, a process that took several centuries to complete.
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The first step in this process was the collection of the letters of Paul, which were widely circulated among the churches. Then came the four Gospels, which were accepted as the authoritative accounts of the life and teachings of Jesus. The Acts of the Apostles and the other epistles were gradually added, and finally the Book of Revelation.
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By the end of the second century, the core of the New Testament was generally accepted by the Church. The process of canonization was not a formal act of a council, but rather a gradual recognition by the churches of the writings that were most valuable for their life and worship. It was only in the fourth century that the canon was formally closed by the councils of the Church.
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The formation of the New Testament canon was a crucial event in the history of the Church. It provided a standard of faith and practice that helped to unify the Church and to protect it from the influence of heretical sects. It also ensured that the teachings of Jesus and the apostles would be preserved for future generations.
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1710 1721, December 12 1731, January 11 1740, June 25 1740, June 25 1740, August
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1740, June 2 to Mar. 30, 1741 1741, January 5 1741, January 7 1741, May 12—19 1741, July 4
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1741, July 23
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1741, September 7 1743, April 21
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Ghaziuddin, eldest son of Nizam-ul-mulk born. Balaji Bajirao born. Balaji married to Gopikabai. Balaji invested with robes of Peshwaship. Babuji Naik claims Peshwaship. Mahadev Bhat Hingne visits the Peshwa at Poona. Nizam-ul-mulk leaves Delhi, for Aurangabad to put down his son Nasir Jang in rebellion. Sambhaji of Kolhapur’s visit to Satara ; makes a secret pact with the Peshwa. Holkar captures Dhar. Peshwa meets Nizam at Edlabad. Peshwa’s visit to Jaysinh at Dholpur. Emperor ratifies grant of Malwa to the Peshwa. Battle of Khuldabad, Nizam victorious over his son. Emperor confirms the cession of Malwa. Sindia, Holkar and Pawar guarantee observance of the terms of the grant of Malwa.
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The Peshwa’s northern Expeditions :
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¹ December 1740 to July 1741, Dholpur ;
2. December 18, 1741 to July 1743, Bengal ;
3. November 20, 1744 to August 1745, Bhilsa ;
4. December 10, 1747 to July 9, 1748, Newai.
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Peshwa Balajirao
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PESHWA BALAJI RAO, SUCCESSFUL START
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[1740—1741]
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1. Accession to Peshwaship, Death of Chimnaji.
2. The new master at Work.
3. Nasir Jang's Rebellion.
4. Malwa secured.
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1. Accession to Peshwaship, Death of Chimnaji.—When Bajirao died at Raverkhedi his eldest son Balaji, popularly called Nanasaheb, and his brother Chimnaji Appa along with Mahadoba Purandare were at Kolaba, negotiating an adjustment of the dispute of the Angria brothers. Unperturbed by the sad event, they continued the task in hand, at the same time performing the obsequies for the thirteen days. Thereafter they returned to Poona on 26th May where the condolence Darbar was held on the 28th. Balaji's widowed mother Kashibai returned from Bajirao's camp on 3rd June. In the meantime he received a summons from Shahu at once to repair to Satara to receive the robes of Peshwaship. He left on 13th and on the auspicious morning of June 25 (Ashad Shudh 12) was invested with the robes of the office.¹ He was then 18 years and six months old, about a year younger than his father when the latter was appointed to that post.
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¹ Sh. R. 112, 113, 134 ; N. R. 1. 133.
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Mahadoba Purandare was appointed Balaji's Mutalik or deputy to look after the duties of the Peshwa's office in the absence of his principal abroad. To cover the emoluments of the Peshwa Shahu conferred on him the revenues of thirty villages in different places, and issued to him the following specific instructions :--
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"Bajirao served the State loyally on the lines laid down by his father and expanded the Maratha dominions by means of many a heroic deed. When Nadir Shah devastated Delhi, Bajirao was despatched to restore the Emperor to his seat, but was cut off by fate in the midst of his life. You are his son and must carry to completion his half-finished work by extending the Maratha prestige to the frontier of Attock.”
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Perhaps this young Peshwa’s path of work was smoother than his father’s. Bajirao was commonly dreaded by his friends and foes, but Balaji was loved. Nevertheless he too had to contend against several hostile elements, such as Babuji Naik, Raghuji Bhosle and Tarabai. But he managed to get over them by his innate tact and sweet temper.
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Duff is wrong in asserting that Shahu hesitated in appointing a successor to Bajirao and conferred the robes on Nana Saheb in August. Babuji Naik Joshi, a banker and a favourite of Shahu came forth as a competitor of Balaji for the Peshwaship. A small faction, particularly Raghuji Bhosle of Nagpur, supported Babuji’s claims. But both were in the Karnatak conducting important operations before Trichinopoly where they learned of Bajirao’s death and they hastily repaired to Satara for a few days in June. Shahu, however, turned a deaf ear to Babuji’s request and conferred the robes on Balaji without delay. The two thereafter returned to Trichinopoly to continue their work.
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Born on 12th December 1721 Balaji Rao was in his 19th year at his investiture, but had given ample proof of his capacity. He had keenly watched and occasionally participated in the rising political career of his father Bajirao, but the moulding influence on him was the personality of his uncle Chimnaji rather than his father. He inherited none of his father’s dash or leadership for conducting military operations. As a rule he never accompanied his father in his campaigns, and associated mostly with his uncle in the various transactions of administration and diplomacy. He possessed a suave temper and a naturally commanding appearance which brought him easy success in whatever he undertook. On 11th January 1730, he was married to Gopikabai then about 7 years of age, daughter of Bhikaji Naik Raste, an eminent banker of Wai, in whom the Maharaja Shahu took great interest. During 1735 Balaji was present with Pilaji Jadhav in north India and from an early age understood and promoted the policy of Maratha expansion projected by his predecessors. In 1737, he accompanied Shahu in his southern expedition, which ended with the capture of Miraj in 1739. Early in 1740 in his father’s absence he supervised the thread ceremony of his brother Raghunathrao and the marriage of his cousin Sadashivrao, which Raja Shahu attended as a special favour.
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Immediately on his accession to power a number of pressing problems required the young Peshwa’s attention. They may be thus enumerated. Bajirao aspired to the Subahdarship of Malwa, which had almost come into his grasp by his victory over the Nizam at Bhopal. Nadir Shah’s invasion, and the Peshwa’s sudden death prevented the consummation. Nana Saheb tried and obtained the grant from the Emperor. During the disturbance of Nadir Shah’s invasion, the Maratha prestige at the court of Delhi had received a set back, and it had to be immediately re-established. The affairs of the Deccan suffered from the interference of Nizam-ul-mulk, who had now to be made perfectly innocuous. The Siddi and the Angrias, the Portuguese and the English, still obstructed the smooth working of the Maratha Government on the west coast. Some kind of a settled understanding with them had to be quickly arrived at.
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It will be noticed that the Peshwa steadily kept these objects before his mind during the twenty-one years of his office, which fall into two clear divisions, the first of nine years ending with the death of Shahu, and the second of twelve years when he acted as the practical head of the Maratha Government, having removed the whole administration from Satara to Poona.
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As soon as Balajirao received the robes of Peshwaship, he planned an expedition to the north for the purpose of examining the situation there, which had been disturbed by Nadir Shah’s invasion and of securing the grant of the Subahdarship of Malwa which had been promised by Nizam-ul-mulk. Balaji and Chimnaji both started together from Poona early in December, but the latter was compelled quickly to return on account of ill-health. Chimnaji Appa died at Poona on 17th December. This premature death was severely mourned by the whole nation. Writes Kashiraj Shivdev (author of the future Panipat Bakhar) to the Peshwa, “I am unable to conceive the magnitude of the loss occasioned by Appa’s death.” Nana Saheb reported Chimnaji’s death to Brahmendra Swami as a stunning blow, coming as it did within 8 months of Bajirao’s death.² It was indeed a national loss, for much of the phenomenal success which Bajirao attained was due to Chimnaji’s hearty co-operation and silent, ungrudging selfless effort. It is hard to find a brother of such capacity and high moral character as Chimnaji was to Bajirao. He possessed very poor health and he willingly sacrificed it for the service of his nation.
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² P. D. 40. 25, *Patre Yadi* 36, 38.
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One important secret transaction effected by the new Peshwa at this time deserves mention. He had realized the necessity of uniting the two branches of the Maratha State, Satara and Kolhapur, into one. Shahu had no longer any prospect of a son being born to him and the question of succession had begun to press itself upon the attention of the Peshwa. The only surviving male member of the great Shivaji’s family was Sambhaji of Kolhapur, who happened to pay a visit to Shahu at Satara and stayed there from 2nd June 1740 to 30th March 1741. There was not much love lost between the two cousins; and Shahu would never consent to Sambhaji succeeding him. But the new Peshwa formed a secret compact with Sambhaji for his succeeding Shahu at Satara on the latter’s death. Although for various reasons beyond the Peshwa’s control the arrangement proved futile, it none the less discloses a very desirous stroke of policy on the part of the young Peshwa and his advisers, who thus tried although eventually in vain to close the rift which for long marred the unity of the Maratha nation.³ At his death Shahu left a definite order that Sambhaji should not succeed him and that Ramraja should be made the Chhatrapati.
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³ The student is referred to *Patre Yadi*, 246, 249, *Nana Roz*, 193; *Shahu Roz*. 178.
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2. The new master at work.—The new Peshwa was no soldier either by inclination or profession, and managed to execute military operations through loyal and trusted subordinates of his own. He never stood in danger of military adventurers usurping his power and setting up their independence. Balaji’s cousin Sadashivrao Bhau was trained from the beginning to lead military expeditions and the two pulled together in full co-operation for the service of their State, which under their joint supervision became a school of training for many youngsters working enthusiastically in all its varied activities.
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Control over the finances was perhaps the special feature of Balajirao’s administrative capacity. In the policy of increasing the resources of the State and utilising them to the highest advantage, this Peshwa attained remarkable success. He noticed the weakness of his father’s position on account of his embarrassing debts and always kept himself above dire want, exercising careful supervision over all financial transactions. A minute study of his itinerary discloses that he was constantly on the move, receiving explanations, granting interviews, reprimanding offenders and rewarding merit wherever it was discovered. During his travels and expeditions, during sieges and battles he is constantly seen working quietly and unperturbed, inspecting accounts, adjusting treaties and guarding the interests of the State in every respect. Every day brought new problems to be solved, which the Peshwa faced boldly. He proved equal to the strain and achieved the largest expansion of the Maratha State under his regime. Unlike Sadashivrao, Balaji loved compromise and conciliation. He knew when to recede and yield if necessary even at some sacrifice of prestige and interest. He was unequalled in diplomatic skill and a writer of great capacity. His eye constantly moved to distant places in all quarters of India. Of all the Peshwas Balaji has to his credit the largest number of extant letters, mostly in his own hand : as a rule every letter going out in his name has at least a few lines of his own added at the end. The earliest letter extant is dated 20th March 1731 when he was just nine years old.
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But this Peshwa’s success is in no small degree due to the efficient training of his own family and the co-operation of his own kith and kin. In this respect the training of the Peshwa’s family was indeed exemplary, particularly under the supervision of Radhabai, Bajirao’s mother, who for nearly half a century efficiently managed the private relations not only of her own family but influenced those of several sardars, Brahman and Maratha alike. Balaji’s own brothers Raghunath and Janardan and his cousin Sadashiv imbibed this training fully and learned to co-operate heartily and ably in the work of the State. Unfortunately Raghunath did not develop the unselfish spirit of work and service displayed by the other members. Janardan was highly promising, but was carried away by death at the early age of 14. Sadashivrao proved the best example of the family group we are talking of. It was necessary to have some member of the family always in attendance on the Chhatrapati at Satara, as the keeper of his conscience, in order as much to post him with correct information of all happenings outside, as to prevent opponents from poisoning his ears. Sadashivrao, Raghunathrao and others in turn used to reside with the King at Satara whenever the Peshwa happened to be away.
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Cites (5)
- Paṇḍharpūr
- Godavari
- Chaul
- Ciṭṇīs bakhar — Malhār Rāmrāv Ciṭṇīs 1810, Marathi
- Mahārāṣṭrapurāṇ — Gaṅgārām, Bengali