New History of the Marathas v2.c24.s2: Chronology

New History of the Marathas v2.c24.s2

Language: English

Chronology

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¹ The student should note that there often occurs a confusion of 11days in the dates assigned to events by the various writers, some using the new style and some the old one about the middle of this century.

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1721 Shahu builds a palace at Shahunagar below the fort of Satara. This palace burnt down in 1874.

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1727 Rani Sagunabai bore Shahu a son who died when three years old.

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1734, November 26 Gangadhar Swami of Chaphal dies.

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1740, December 24 Shahu’s mistress Virubai dies.

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1743, January 6 Jivaji Khando Chitnis dies.

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1746, November 25 Shripatrao Pratinidhi dies.

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1746, December 17 Jagjivan made Pratinidhi.

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1746 Sambhaji of Kolhapur at Satara for six months.

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1747, Feb.—April Balajirao out of office.

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1747, May Raghuji Bhosle at Satara.

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1748, April 25 Emperor Muhammad Shah dies.

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1748, May 21 Nizam-ul-mulk dies.

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1748, August 25 Rani Sagunabai dies.

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1749, August Shahu’s condition grave.

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1749, Oct. 10 Shahu nominates Ramraja to succeed him.

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1749, Dec. 15 Shahu dies, Sakwarbai becomes Sati.

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The first of these, the *Gospel of the Hebrews*, was used by the Jewish Christians of Palestine, and was probably a version of the Gospel of Matthew, though it contained some traditions not found in our canonical books. The *Gospel of the Egyptians* was used by the ascetic sects of Egypt, and was marked by a strong tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. The *Gospel of Peter* was used by the Docetists, and taught that Christ did not really suffer, but only appeared to do so.

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These gospels, and others like them, were not accepted by the Church as a whole, and were gradually lost or suppressed. The Church, however, felt the need for a standard collection of writings that would serve as a guide for faith and practice. This led to the formation of the New Testament canon, a process that took several centuries to complete.

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The first step in this process was the collection of the letters of Paul, which were widely circulated among the churches. Then came the four Gospels, which were accepted as the authoritative accounts of the life and teachings of Jesus. The Acts of the Apostles and the other epistles were gradually added, and finally the Book of Revelation.

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By the end of the second century, the core of the New Testament was generally accepted by the Church. The process of canonization was not a formal act of a council, but rather a gradual recognition by the churches of the writings that were most valuable for their life and worship. It was only in the fourth century that the canon was formally closed by the councils of the Church.

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The formation of the New Testament canon was a crucial event in the history of the Church. It provided a standard of faith and practice that helped to unify the Church and to protect it from the influence of heretical sects. It also ensured that the teachings of Jesus and the apostles would be preserved for future generations.

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END OF A GLORIOUS REIGN

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1 The last days of Shahu. 2 Search for a successor 3 Final decision. 4 The death of Shahu. 5 Shahu’s progeny. 6 Contemporary opinion. 7 Estimate of character. 8 Shahu’s benevolence. 9 Shahu-Nagar.

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1. The last days of Shahu.—Since 1743 Shahu’s health had been visibly declining. In that year his life was despaired of for some days and the Peshwa was summoned to Satara precipitately from his important occupations in the north. Happily the king recovered for a time, although his infirmities went on increasing. What preyed on his mind most was his failure to obtain a male issue to succeed him.

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The year 1748 witnessed a big void in Indian politics. Emperor Muhammad Shah died on 25th April followed immediately after by Nizam-ul-mulk on 21st May. Ahmad Shah Abdali a rising Pathan sovereign appeared on the scene. Sindia and Holkar developed a mutual antagonism which cost them the friendship of the Rajputs. In the midst of these occurrences in the north king Shahu died on 15th December 1749. Shahu’s successor on the Maratha throne proved an utter imbecile. As the Peshwa wielded the supreme power of the Maratha State, he could not escape the responsibility for any eventual deterioration in Maratha power and prestige.

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Many factors combined to sadden the last years of Shahu. His two queens, Sakwarbai the elder and Sagunabai the younger, interfered in the administration and carried on incessant intrigues thereby often worrying their husband to death. He loved the younger wife better as she was soft-hearted and not so violent openly. Shahu’s household was for long satisfactorily controlled by his illegitimate wife Virubai, a capable woman, who most carefully and lovingly looked after the personal comfort of the king and who exercised a healthy control over the two queens. This Virubai’s death on 24th December 1740, caused a rapid decline in the management of the royal household. Gradually Shahu became so enfeebled and helpless that he would not allow the Peshwa to move away from his side for fear of some unforeseen danger overtaking him all of a sudden. His own ill-health, his two queens’ intrigues, Tarabai’s independent move to secure power, the selfish animosities of some of the powerful chiefs such as Raghuji Bhosle, Murarrao Ghorpade, the Angria brothers &c., these and other subjects the Peshwa was called upon to handle, and it must be said to his credit that he did all that was possible to safeguard the public interests under the circumstances, with the counsel and co-operation of some of his own supporters, such as Sindia, Holkar, the Purandares and Chitnis. Let us review how the final position developed.²

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² Read also *Purandare Daftar*, Vol. I. 159 and sequels. The Maharaja thought Nanasaheb alone his support and agent for extricating him out of his difficulties.

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On 21st October 1746 the Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa, “I have been unavoidably detained at Court. The debts contracted by the Maharaja, the enormous sums required by the queens, and their constant quarrels, have so engrossed the Maharaja’s attention, that he has no time to consider the matters of State which I put before him. I have a great desire to journey to the north, but that does not seem possible. I am now given leave to proceed to Poona, as I have the Konkan affairs of urgency on hand.”³

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³ P. D. 18. 85, 86.

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On 25 November 1746 Pratinidhi Shripatrao, Shahu’s friend and companion in life died. He was politically a non-entity, but in private life he was a constant associate for over thirty years to Shahu, who thenceforward seriously felt that he must soon follow his friend. The Maharaja appointed his younger brother Jagjivan alias Dadoba to the vacant post, (17 December 1746). Shahu felt great respect and love for the holy seat of Chaphal founded by the revered Ramdas. Gangadhar Swami was a pious occupant of the institution for a long time. When he died on 26th November 1734 disputes arose about the succession, which Shahu settled by a personal visit; and he appointed the deceased’s son Lakshman Bawa to the headship of that holy place. Jivaji Khanderao Chitnis, Shahu’s hereditary secretary died on 6th January 1743. Another devoted servant of Shahu, Naro Ram fortunately outlived him by a year. Shahu had a favourite elephant named Madari. He was a huge beautiful animal, and always most docile even when in ruts. One night he got loose, fell into a well in the city and died, an incident which threw Shahu into the deepest despair about his own future. His Court was of the nature of a private family, and these incidents deprived him of all relish in life. On 2nd August 1746 Mahadoba Purandare thus describes Shahu’s condition : ‘For the last few days His Highness has been getting a little temperature in the afternoon. Blisters have been applied to his stomach. Every day he receives one complaint or another from the palaces (the two queens). When such a complaint comes, he loses all nerve and cries out, ‘Why does not God take pity on me and end my days ?’ In such a state he does not take medicine and neglects his health. He often gives vent to his feelings by crying out, ‘These two ladies will starve me to death.’ Recently the bankers have become impatient, lest they should lose their advances in the event of the king’s demise. Hence they are using all contrivances to have their loans repaid. These are bad omens for the State. God knows what these will lead to ?’⁴

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⁴ P. D. 8. 60, 63.

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There always existed a faction at the royal Court opposed to any measures that the Peshwa might propose to relieve the situation ; and the moment Shahu was in extreme exasperation, the Peshwa’s opponents poured into the king’s ears all sorts of bitter complaints against the Peshwa and attributed mischievous motives to him. Shahu got disgusted with such repeated complaints, and much against his will yielded only once to the pressure of the opposition and made a trial of how matters would fare by depriving the Peshwa of his office in the early months of 1747. The Peshwa willingly acquiesced. He resigned office and for a time kept aloof from the affairs of State, watching the course of events from outside. Tradition mentions that the Peshwa was residing in a tent near Satara waiting to receive a call from the king. Shahu sent him a message by Govindrao Chitnis that he was deprived of his office and that he need not come to wait upon His Highness. Instead of rebelling, the Peshwa quietly accepted the order and returned all the insignia pertaining to his office. The report did not take long to reach the public. Officers and bankers were altogether upset to see the administration breaking down; for, to the world outside it was the voice of the Peshwa that was dominant. There were visible signs of chaos: all trust and confidence disappeared in a moment. The Peshwa wisely sent a timely warning to the king.

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Within a couple of months all people and the public felt convinced that the Peshwa was the only loyal and honest servant of the State, and without him the administration could not go on. On 13th April 1747 he was given formal leave to go on his mission with the robes and powers of his office. How cautious the Peshwa was, is well illustrated by a note written by him evidently for the king's information to Govindrao Chitnis plainly indicating the issues at stake:—

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“I was sorry to hear you could not get an audience of His Highness and explain to him the position of affairs. I have very nearly settled the demands of the two queens. I am not sure they will not put forth new claims, which I cannot help. As regards His Highness' personal debts I will certainly do my best to relieve His Highness' anxieties if I am allowed to go out. My being tied down to his presence would not help the situation at all. To say that I should first pay off the debts and then move from hence, is an impossible proposition beyond my power to execute. I want at least a couple of months time to move about and arrange matters.

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“As for Babuji Naik's complaint, I am ready to give whatever undertaking is needed that I shall never encroach upon the province definitely set apart for him. At present Sadashivrao Bhau is in the south; the Nizam also is obstructing our operations in that quarter. Let me go from here, despatch Pilaji Jadhav with succours for Bhau and then I will immediately return to execute whatever His Highness wishes.

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“The news of my having been dismissed from office has spread widely: it will encourage the Nizam and other enemies. Speedy measures are required to counteract the evil consequences.

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"If with all these plain issues before His Highness, he will not grant me leave to go, I will understand that Providence is wrath against the Maratha State and completely resign myself to whatever fate may bring.

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"Please explain this to His Highness and let me have a reply."

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This note clearly explains the trouble raging between the King and the Peshwa.⁵

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⁵ *Aitihasik Patravyavahar* 65 and 59. The details of the king's debts can be read in *Purandare Daftar* 1. 214-218.

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At this time Shahu hurriedly sent for Raghuji Bhosle from Nagpur with a view to entrusting the management of the State to him in preference to the Peshwa. Raghuji arrived in May 1747 with his son Mudhoji, whom Shahu wished to adopt as his successor. Mudhoji's mother was the sister of Shahu's Rani Sagunabai. This visit of Raghuji appears to have been all too short; he did not consider it worth his while to undertake the responsibility of managing the concerns of the Maratha State, as his own independent field of Nagpur supplied him with a more lucrative arena for his talents than Satara, where he had nothing to gain and possibly everything to lose. Raghuji had a secret understanding with the Peshwa, which kept him from meddling with the affairs of Satara. Nor did Raghuji aspire to secure the succession of the Maratha State for his son Mudhoji.⁶ Shahu knew he was dying and like a pious Hindu he ardently desired that he should pay off his debts before his death; otherwise he would be doomed to eternal perdition. So Shahu restored the Peshwa to his office, himself going to his tent and effecting a complete reconciliation with him. This was done in April 1747.⁷

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⁶ The Vaidya papers mention Mudhoji's presence at Satara. For the Peshwa-Raghuji relations vide *Nagpur Bakhar*, new edition pp. 63-64.

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⁷ P. D. 31. 137 and A. P. 61.

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2. Search for a successor.—When the Peshwa fell out of favour with Shahu his numerous opponents suddenly rose on all sides, causing an unprecedented confusion in the affairs of the State. The Angria brothers started fresh troubles in Konkan. Sambhaji of Kolhapur and his Rani Jijabai invited Murarrao Ghorpade and planned an attack upon Shahu’s territory out of revenge for Sadashivrao Bhau’s intervention in the Karnatak. Nizam-ul-mulk and his sons were not slow to take advantage of this deteriorating situation. Abdali’s invasion of Delhi at this very time was for the Peshwa an additional distraction. Evidently a crisis developed in the fortunes of the Maratha State.

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The Peshwa could easily reconcile Sambhaji of Kolhapur. This prince came to Satara in 1746 and stayed there for six months. During this visit, the Peshwa assured him that he would support his (Sambhaji’s) succession after Shahu’s death. Rani Sakwarbai also supported this secret move. It was not then known that Tarabai would play a different game by putting forward as an heir, Ramraja whose existence even was not then suspected. Sakwarbai, it should be remembered, declared from her funeral pyre at the time of her Sati, “that Ramraja was a pretender and that Sambhaji alone was the rightful claimant to the Satara throne.” Thus Nanasaheb quietly pacified nearly all his antagonists and started on his Newai expedition at the end of 1747. He even effected in a personal interview, a very friendly understanding with Nasir Jang immediately after the death of Nizam-ul-mulk in May 1748. He conciliated Muzaffar Jang also in a private visit.

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Gradually the dying Shahu became quick-tempered and peevish. Writes his personal attendant Nagorao Meghashyam, “The king’s health is growing very delicate every day. He does not tolerate a large number of men about him. The Rani Saheb alone is in constant attendance. Even Sukhanand (the jester) is excluded. He has started the work of building a permanent structure at Mahuli as Virubai’s memorial. He talks of visiting Pratapgad and Jejuri.”

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Purandare writes probably from Jejuri to the Peshwa in 1748,—“The younger Rani Sagunabai has been ailing with fever and headache for some days. She is not able to talk and has grown very weak. Physicians say that the malady cannot be quickly cured. If she does not improve, the Maharaja will have to come here. She has hardly stamina left in her.”⁸

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⁸ P. D. 18. 88, 153.

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A news-letter of 23 June says, " His Highness had been for some time at Medhe. He wanders from village to village and finds no rest. He likes to live in a grass-hut. The rain adds to his troubles. Most of the attendants have erected similar huts for themselves. Out of regard for the King, Deorao alone is in constant attendance. Ramoji Shirke, his father-in-law (father of Sakwarbai) expired on 21st June 1748. It seems the King will live in the hut all the rainy season. His fondness for hunting continues. The Rani lives in the palace at Satara and visits him here twice every day."

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Thus Shahu ardently longed for retirement to a forest (Vanaprasth ashram as it is called) in accordance with the Hindu scheme of life. He got finally disgusted with palace life and its intrigues and selfish bickerings. During these last two years he was constantly attended by his confidential secretary Govindrao Chitnis and his intimate advisers, Devrao Meghshyam and Yashvantrao Potnis. The Peshwa was called up from Poona whenever necessary. At last the ailing Rani Sagunabai was removed to Jejuri as well for a change as for seeking divine favour at that famous shrine. But here she grew worse and died on 25th August 1748. The Maharaja himself escorted her dead body to Mahuli where the funeral took place the next day.

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The last bond of Shahu's earthly affections was thus finally snapped and it plunged him into a deep gloom, although he retained his keenness of perception and judgment to the last moment.⁹

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⁹ P. D. 8. 60, 63.

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During August 1749 his condition became grave; and as there seemed a chance of disturbances occurring over the question of succession, Shahu sent for the Peshwa from Poona, with a sufficient armed force to preserve peace. During September and October, various plans about a successor were suggested and considered by the King and others, the outcome of which may thus be briefly summarized.¹⁰

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¹⁰ There is ample literature on this subject. The *Chitnis Bakhar* is full and authentic and is usefully supplemented by the other bakhar published in Bharata-Varsha by Parasnis which goes under the name of Govindrao Chitnis. The Shedgaon Bakhar and the bakhars of the Prati-

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Shahu had a son from Sagunabai in 1727, but the child had died at the age of three. Thereafter he had several daughters but no son. He tried to adopt an heir from the Rajput families of the north and brought to Satara one Nathaji, brother of Rana Jagat Sinh of Udaipur. But Nathaji was called upon to succeed to the Jagir of Bagor and Shahu’s plan failed. Jaipur papers say that he similarly tried through Sawai Jaysinh to adopt another Rajput heir. Shahu gave due weight to the claim of Sambhaji of Kolhapur to succeed to the Satara raj and unite the two houses. But Shahu had never found any special capacity or discerning power in Sambhaji; the latter too had already advanced in age and had no son himself, so that he again would possibly have to adopt a successor a few years later. Therefore Shahu declined to support the proposal of Sambhaji being entrusted with the headship of the Maratha government. He had heard of the many descendants of Vithoji and Sharifji Bhosle living at different places, out of whom he thought of selecting a suitable boy and for that purpose sent round trusted men for enquiry. He conducted this search through his intimate advisers, Govindrao Chitnis, Yashvantrao Potnis, Devrao Meghashyam and others who were in close attendance on him.

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There was then living at the fort of Satara, the aged queen Tarabai, nominally a prisoner, but otherwise a respectable old relation. When she learned that Shahu was looking out for a boy to take in adoption, she sent the King a message that she had a grandson, who was born of her son Shivaji and who had been brought up secretly at Pangaon for fear of Sambhaji of Kolhapur making an attempt on his life. It was obvious that if such a son was indeed available, he would certainly be the rightful heir, being closer to Shahu in relationship than boys of distant families. Shahu sent his Chitnis Govindrao to Tarabai and got in writing the statement given by her. Then he invited Bhagwantrao Amatya to Satara who was privy to the secret bringing up of Shivaji’s posthumous son Ramraja¹¹

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¹¹ His real name was Rajaram, but as Tarabai according to Hindu

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nidhi and the Amatya, Itihasa-Sangraha, P. D. Selections, Bavda Daftar, the volumes of the Peshwas' Diaries, the chronologies &c. contain relevant matter on the last days of Shahu.

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Bhagwantrao was asked to vouch for the truth of the story by a solemn oath taken in the holy waters of the Krishna at Mahuli. When this was done, Shahu’s natural doubts were removed. But his Rani Sakwarbai openly declared that the whole affair was a hoax, concocted by the wicked Tarabai in order to satisfy her vanity and ambition of securing power in her own hands. Sakwarbai also plainly told Shahu that she would adopt another boy and frustrate the plan of Tarabai. She took the Pratinidhi and his Mutalik Yamaji Shivdev into her confidence and plotted against the advisers of Shahu such as Govindrao, Yashvantrao and even the Peshwa. With this object Sakwarbai began to enlist troops and increase her following, preparing for an armed conflict if that would be found necessary. Shahu perceived the danger of his position and sent quick orders to the Peshwa at Poona to collect a strong force of trusted men and repair to Satara without delay in order to meet the danger. The Peshwa left Poona on 21st August with his brother Janardan and his trusted Sardars Holkar and Sindia. He then stayed at Satara for full eight months, performing the obsequies of Shahu after his death in December, then bringing in Ramraja, placing him on the throne and thus preventing what might have developed into a war of succession. It is obvious this was a time of unprecedented anxiety, on the part of the Peshwa.

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Sakwarbai remained in immediate attendance on Shahu in his last days. Nobody could keep her away. She brought Shahu from his thatched cottage outside into the palace of Rangmahal, on the slope of the Satara fort and exercised full control by closely watching him and his plans. She prevented Chitnis, the Peshwa and any of their partizans from having access to Shahu’s presence. She even attempted the life of the Chitnis and the Peshwa. In the meantime Shahu matured his own plan of bringing in Ramraja and ascertained the views of all responsible leaders interested in the future management of the Maratha raj. Whenever Sakwarbai talked to Shahu of her own plan of an independent adoption, he quietly reasoned with her and tried to convince her that her plans far from

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custom would not herself utter the name of her husband, she transposed the letters and made it Ramraja.

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meeting with success, would simply create trouble for her and implored her to desist. But Sakwarbai was a woman of a strong unyielding bent of mind and would not listen to the sober advice of her husband. In the meantime Shahu sent Govindrao Chitnis round to all prominent leaders such as the Sarlashkar, Fatesinh Bhosle, the Pratinidhi, and the rest and asked their advice if there was any better plan for them to suggest and if any one of the outsiders was ready to accept the responsibility of government in opposition to the Peshwa. Every one replied that the Peshwa alone possessed the resources and the capacity to meet the situation and look after the interests of the Maratha State. Govindrao Chitnis faithfully reported to Shahu the various individual opinions that the impartial national leaders entertained on this vital subject. Shahu explained to his Rani the details of the situation as suggested by the public opinion and the general interest, but she was obdurate to the last moment, although she realized very well that any bold step on her part undertaken in opposition to the Peshwa and the wishes of Shahu, could not succeed and that she alone could not conduct the affairs of the State. She therefore called Sambhaji from Kolhapur immediately and arranged to take charge of the government. When Shahu learnt that Sambhaji was coming to seize Satara, he immediately despatched Bapuji Khando Chitnis with an armed force to prevent Sambhaji from coming on. Sambhaji wisely returned, and happily a civil war was averted.

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3. Final decision.—Although weakened in body, Shahu fortunately retained his mental powers to the last. He realized that if he brought in Ramraja and completed the adoption in his presence, Sakwarbai would most certainly create trouble; and grave mischief or even bloodshed would be the result. He, therefore, wrote in his own hand two small orders commanding the Peshwa, definitely to take certain steps in regard to his succession. These two small papers have since been published in their original form and leave no doubt that they are in Shahu’s hand and represent his genuine disposal of the knotty problem in agitation for over three years. Both the papers seem from internal evidence to have been issued about the 1st October 1749 or possibly on the 10th October, that is the Dassara day of the year. They bear no date.

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Rescript No. 1 :

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" Balaji Pradhan Pandit is hereby commanded—You should collect troops ; several others were similarly asked but they do not accept (the responsibility). I could not write this before. Nor do I now hope to recover. The concerns of the State must be protected. Therefore you should take steps to continue the succession. Do not bring in Kolhapur. I have explained matters to the Chitnis. You should conduct the affairs of the State under the orders of the one who would succeed to the throne. I have every confidence in the Chitnis. You should work in co-operation with him. Whoever becomes the Chhatrapati, he will not interfere with your management. May you act wisely."

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Rescript No. 2 :

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" Balaji Pandit Pradhan is commanded. We feel confident you will carry out the responsibility of the raj. I was sure of this myself, and the Chitnis confirmed me in my view. You have my blessings, and my palm is laid on your head. Whoever comes as Chhatrapati will continue you in the office of minister. If he does not, my curse be on him. You should continue your service in obedience to him. Do preserve the State. What more can I write? You are wise enough."¹²

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¹² I. S. Ait. Sphut Lekh, 4. 5.

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Shahu survived this decision by a little over two months from 10th October to 15th December. It is clear from this that he deserves credit for having made the best possible arrangement for the future of the Maratha State in the circumstances then obtaining. The Peshwa's attitude too appears perfectly clear. His sole concern was to faithfully carry out the wishes of his dying master. It is unjust to charge him with having purposely brought forward an incompetent successor and thereby usurping the Chhatrapati's power. Ramraja was not more incompetent than any other average Maratha of his day, or even a real son of Shahu would have been. The Peshwa or anyone else knew little of the man then.

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4. The death of Shahu.—The death of Shahu is thus recorded in the Chitnis and other bakhars. "Shahu expired at his palace of Rangamahal at Shahunagar on 15th December 1749.”¹³, when all were very sad. He was a father and protector to young and old, to man and woman, to officers and servants, great and small. Such a king never lived. Under his government even criminals were not harshly treated. He had no enemy. Unprecedented lamentations were heard. Shahu’s aunt Tarabai came down from the fort to have a last look at him. Govindrao Chitnis went and conversed with her. She advised Govindrao “to arrange that Sakwarbai should become Sati. If she lives, she will create trouble for the raj. Nor should Sambhaji be asked to come from Kolhapur. I have a young grand-son brought up at Pangaon. He should be fetched and placed on the throne.”

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¹³ Friday morning 8 o'clock, Margashirsha Krishna 3 of Shak 1671 Shukla Samvastar, 67 years and 7 months old.

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The Chitnis reported this proposal to the Peshwa who consulted the Pratinidhi, Fatesinh Bhosle and others. They unanimously supported Tarabai’s suggestion about Sakwarbai’s becoming Sati. Her brother Kanhoji Shirke was sent for. He went and communicated the proposal to his sister. She revolved it in her mind and concluded that if she refused and lived after her husband, she would have to suffer untold miseries at the hands of the Peshwa, who was strong enough to control the situation. The brother returned and communicated her assent. Then preparations were made.” Along with Sakwarbai two of Shahu’s concubines, Lakshmi and Sakhu also burnt themselves on the same pyre. A statue of Shahu was afterwards erected on the burning ground, where it still stands.”

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There is no evidence to show that Sakwarbai was forced by the Peshwa to burn herself. The latter immediately on Shahu’s death put Sakwarbai’s partizans under arrest, viz., the Pratinidhi and his Mutalik Yamaji Shivdev. When she saw that she could not manage to snatch power out of the Peshwa’s hands she preferred to die. The Peshwa had no need to compel her to that course. He could easily have restrained her, if she had lived and made mischief. The custom of Sati had a strong hold on the higher society of those days, as we notice several prominent Maratha sardars such as Kanhoji Angria, Raghuji Bhosle and others being followed at their death by a number of their wives and maids burning themselves on their husband's funeral pyres as a mark of respect for the dead. An elderly lady like Sakwarbai, the only Rani then living of the pious king was bound to follow the time-honoured custom, the merits of which have to be judged by the moral standard prevailing at that period.

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5. Shahu's progeny.—Shahu's mother Yesubai bore two children from Sambhaji, the elder a daughter named Bhavanibai married to Shankaraji Mahadik of Tarla. She became Sati. Sambhaji had an illegitimate wife, who with her son Madansinh was also captured at Raigad by Zulfiqar Khan and taken to the Emperor's camp. Shahu took in all four legitimate wives, Ambikabai Sinde, Savitribai Jadhav, Sakwarbai Shirke and Sagunabai Mohite; while Virubai, his highly honoured, although illegitimate wife presided over his harem. His marriage with the first two took place some time about 1703 in the Emperor's camp. Ambikabai died shortly after and the other wife was taken to Delhi whence she returned to the Deccan in 1719. Shahu on his return home married two wives in the Deccan below fort Purandar, Sakwarbai the elder and Sagunabai the younger. He had besides two concubines Lakshmibai and the younger Sakhu. From Sagunabai Shahu had a son in 1727 who died at the age of three. Sakwarbai had a daughter Gajrabai who was married to Malharrao Bande of Wadgaon. Sagunabai had also a daughter named Rajasbai, who was married into the family of the Nimbalkars. Two illegitimate sons Yesaji and Kusaji were born to Shahu from Lakshmibai. They were given the jagir of Shirol and came to be known as Shirolkar. Yesaji had a son named Balgopalji. After Shahu's death Ramraja discovered four young girls, Santubai, Gajrabai, Lakshmibai and Gunavantabai in the palace who claimed to be Shahu's daughters. Ramjara turned them out in June 1750.¹⁴

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¹⁴ P. D. 6. 69, 97, 99.

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6. Contemporary opinion.—Writes Malhar Ramrao Chitnis, “Shahu by his kind and obliging disposition, attracted the love of all his subjects; every one supposed that he alone had the full measure of his master's favour. He freely rewarded whatever service was rendered to the State, by means of inams, stipends or gifts, carefully concealing the shortcomings of his officers and servants, and making the highest use of their good and strong points. He fully realized how his father Sambhaji had injured the interests of the State by his cruel ways, by harshly punishing the various qualified servants whom the great Shivaji had with immense pains reared. Shahu in his policy avoided all harsh measures and invariably employed soft and conciliatory means to gain the hearts of his people. He evinced great regard for the Hindu gods and holy Brahmans, passed his time in the company of gifted and qualified servants, avoiding levity and low associations. He carefully continued the inams and gifts previously enjoyed for temples and holy purposes. He picked up men of merit and turned them to the highest service of the Maratha State. The poorest had free access to him and received quick and impartial justice. He never disregarded even the lowest applicant. On his tours he stopped his palanquin or horse whenever he saw any one making an appeal to him. He disliked harsh and cruel punishments : even in cases of murder his kindly heart revolted against inflicting the capital punishment, such as dropping a criminal from a high precipice."

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Muzaffar Jang, Nizam-ul-mulk's grandson is recorded to have said when he heard of Shahu's death, "Shahu at the Maratha Court, and Nizam-ul-mulk at the Mughal Court, are the only two great men, the like of whom is hardly to be met with. He carefully looked after the interests of his State : There has been no equal to him. He rightly deserves the title of "enemy-less" (*Ajata-shatru*).

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"By selecting right men for right duties Shahu increased the valour of his soldiers and giving them ample field for expansion, extended the Maratha dominions in all quarters of India, thus fulfilling the ardent wishes of his grandfather Shivaji."

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"One peculiar trait of Shahu's character was that he felt the highest pleasure in making others happy, not only his dependents and subjects, but even aliens in race, religion and rule. Himself living a plain frugal ascetic's life, he felt highly rejoiced in seeing people enjoying their various trades and avocations. Indeed he could be called a saint in this respect. Even when faced with murderers that came to attack him, he let them go unpunished and thus created a genuine feeling of reverence for his personality in the minds of the public.”¹⁵

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¹⁵ *Patre Yadi* 36, 38; *Raj.* vol. 6. 16, 85, 86; *Rumal*, pp. 120-136.

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7. Estimate of character.—Personally Shahu was neither a clever politician nor a capable commander, but his innate common sense and sympathetic heart enabled him to detect these qualities in others and utilise them for his service. He rightly judged men’s capacities and gave them a free hand without grudge or hindrance. He particularly advanced the interests of the ryots, brought barren tracts under cultivation, encouraged the plantation of trees, relieved the sufferings of the poor, removed irksome taxes. He wrote to his brother-in-law Shankaraji Mahadik, “ Your management of the territory is peculiarly harsh, the like of which is nowhere to be seen between the Narmada and Rameshwar. Do the ryots belong to you, that they should be freely robbed ? ”¹⁶

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¹⁶ *Itihas Sangraha P. D.* pp. 275-286 ; Ait. Tipne. 2. 5 ; 2 Chitnis p. 88.

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Shahu ever considered himself one of the people. He freely mixed with them, partook of their joys and sympathised with their sorrows. During festivals, celebrations, dinners, marriage ceremonies &c., he took an active part with outsiders and observed how they fared. The rich and the poor alike invited him to their marriage or other celebrations and he heartily joined them, spent for them and helped them whenever help was needed.

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Shahu is rightly styled *Punyashloke* (of pious memory) by more than one contemporary writer. He appointed fit officers and trusted them. Nor was he remiss in punishing any of them if he did wrong. He always appeared in public in the same plain white garments as in private life, with a bare head, the long grey hairs of which hung down gracefully on the shoulders. He moved about sometimes riding horses, at other times in a palanquin with only a slender retinue, but his secretary and clerks always accompanied him. His daily routine was a permanent fixture. As a rule he went out hunting every morning, that was his only exercise and diversion. After breakfast he sat down to office work, carefully disposing of every matter that came before him, and patiently hearing every petition that was submitted. This continued till it was lighting time in the evening when a full Court was held, after formal obeisance had first been made to the deity of light. It is computed that he passed orders on at least 500 matters or cases every day. A little music and dancing closed the occupations of the day. He never had a serious ailment in his long life, till three years before his death, exposed himself freely to sun, wind and rain, and kept his head bare even during the hunt.

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One, however, notices some peculiar traits also in Shahu’s character. Having been brought up in the midst of Muslim surroundings of the imperial camp, in the most impressionable period of life, he was inclined towards Muslim manners and customs in preference to the Hindu ones of which he was ignorant at first and which he picked up only in later life, He had a large harem full of maids and female servants with eunuchs to guard them.¹⁷ With all this his personal life was scrupulously clean, quite after the austere example of Aurangzeb. He certainly smoked the hukka. He was similarly fond of hunting wild game and shooting birds. He used to have a daily ride outside into the jungles for this purpose, thereby getting both fresh air and exercise. During the monsoon season he amused himself by fishing. There was nothing private or secret in his life; he was accessible to anyone at all times. He had on his staff singers, instrument-players, bards and actors. He kept well-trained hounds and was particularly keen on their breed.¹⁸ He was equally fond of well-bred horses and birds and knew their qualities and features. Rarities of various kinds such as candles, scents, knives, swords, tobacco, gunpowder are also found to have been ordered by him through Kanhoji Angria from the European traders.¹⁹ For tusks of elephants he paid high prices. He was equally fond of good gardens and ordered the planting of rare fruit and flower trees brought from different places. Entries like the following are numerous. “You have been ordered to sow twenty-thousand seeds of Shivapur mangoes every year. Let me have a detailed return where, when and how these trees have been planted and what the actual outcome is. The district of Poona has no mango groves. This should be quickly attended to.”

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¹⁷ The eunuch Basavant Khoja was then a familiar figure at his Court.

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¹⁸ P. D. 18. 70, 71, 19. Full details in P. D. 8 and 18.

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¹⁹ P. D. 8. 51, 52, 54, 55; 18. 17, 21. Itihas San. P. D. pp. 275-288.

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The winning power of Shahu’s kind heart was in evidence throughout his life. Few notable figures in history approach Shahu’s personality in the rule of the heart. The motto he adopted for his seal is itself eloquent in this respect : “A small man like me is after all a part of the all-pervading Divine Power.”²⁰ It is the generous selfless policy of Shahu which enabled the Maratha power to expand so quickly.

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²⁰ वर्धिष्णुविक्रमो विष्णो: सा मूर्तिरिव वामनी । शंभूसूनोरसौ मुद्रा शिवराजस्य राजते ।। Raj. 20. 60, 194.

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8. Shahu’s benevolence.—Few realize the severe agony of Shahu’s captive lot in the Mughal camp for seventeen years during the entire formative period of a man’s life. The result was that when at last he came to the throne he never chose to shine on the field of battle like his father and grand-father ; added to this his surrender of all power into the hands of the

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An anecdote of Indroji Kadam is well worth reproducing. He was a small leader of a band of troops in the service of the Peshwa, and having been invited to pay his respects personally to Shahu, he marched with a large and splendidly dressed following beating his drums right up to the King’s palace, contrary to the usual practice of walking on foot from a long distance and stopping all music. Shahu’s master of ceremony suggested that this arrogant captain should be forcibly restrained. This would possibly have resulted in some kind of a deplorable incident. Shahu said, “Never mind, let him come as he chooses. I will see to it myself.” Then Shahu came and took his seat in the Darbar, with his favourite dog by his side, upon whose head he placed his own turban. Indroji walked in with his proud salutations right up to the Maharaja’s presence. Shahu quietly said, “come Kadam Raje, you are indeed a brave man,” and pointed him to a seat nearby. Indroji at once noticed the strange way in which these words were uttered and the manner in which the dog sat near the throne with the turban on. He felt mortified, rose and profusely apologized for his rudeness thus learning a lesson which he never afterwards forgot. (Rumal 1. p. 126).

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Peshwas, made people light-heartedly credit Shahu with all kinds of blemishes, that he was no judge of men, that he was too soft to wield power and rule men, that he was ignorant of Indian politics, void of the sternness required in managing the intricate concerns of a large growing state. But can such a judgment be borne out by the evidence we now possess in plenty? The story of Shahu’s active life is fully narrated in the preceding pages. The very fact of his recognizing the great qualities of Bajirao and giving a free scope for their play, gives a lie to that narrow view. He ensured the expansion of Maratha power by conciliating the Emperor. He effected a lasting friendly understanding with Sawai Jaysinh and other Rajput princes in the interests of a general Hindu regeneration. There came to be an immense exchange of cultures between the north and the south for nearly a century, the authorship of which goes doubtless to Shahu.

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Shahu succeeded in achieving brilliant results through a mild persuasive policy dictated by rigid justice and good will towards all. From the moment he came to occupy the Maratha throne, he made this policy the principle of his life, which enabled him to say truly on his death-bed that he had done wrong to no one. When at the death of Aurangzeb Shahu came to occupy the Maratha throne, there was hardly any raj and regular government in existence in the Deccan. Maratha leaders roamed all over the land with their predatory bands and ravaged what they called the Mughal Empire. They had received military training and wide experience in warfare and mostly spent their energies in cutting each other’s throats. How were these to be pacified? Unless they were given suitable occupation away from their home, they were sure to kill themselves in the civil war which Tarabai had already started. This was the problem which faced Shahu and his farsighted minister Balaji Vishvanath. Shahu called these leaders together and, let us imagine, thus harangued them:

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“Look here, you have no money in hand, nor have we: Your own strong bodies are your only asset. But if you read the situation aright, you can create lucrative fields for yourselves and help build up a Maratha dominion into the bargain. All the Mughal territory is yours if you will go and capture it. Borrow funds, form your fighting material, roam wherever

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you like, establish posts, settle and colonize them, build your own palaces and your capitals : hold them tenaciously against all odds ; start your own banks, and trading businesses, foster agriculture, capture distant markets. But do all this in a spirit of self-help and good-will to all. Do no wanton injury to anybody and make yourselves welcome wherever you go. Thus will our nation rise." This is the method Shahu personified in his own example and preached to his nation.

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Shahu’s precept was heartily accepted and acted upon. Dabhade worked in Gujarat, Raghuji Bhosle established Nagpur, the Pawars settled at Dhar and Dewas, the Holkars and the Sindias at Indore and Ujjain, and later Bundelkhand was similarly colonized. All the Maratha colonies, communities, and culture that we notice today at various centres outside Maharashtra, were thus the creation of Shahu and his Peshwas. It was by no means an accidental, haphazard development, but a studied plan of philanthropic non-violent principles applied to the politics of the day. Shahu simply continued the work that was begun by Shivaji and that was for a time interrupted by unforeseen circumstances. The Hindus and their religion had no room, no supporter in India. Providence supplied one in Shivaji. As soon as time came, Shahu rose to the occasion, took up the cue, and dropping those elements out of Shivaji’s policy, for which he found himself incapable, transformed the traditional Maratha activities in a new channel where the Hindu interests were safeguarded not in a policy of hate but of good will which he extended in equal measure to Muslims also. More than once did Bajirao offer to extinguish Asaf Jah’s rule in Maharashtra, but Shahu restrained him. On 9th February 1740 Bajirao communicating his victory over Nasir Jang wrote to his son, " I am at this moment in a position to eradicate the Mughal completely if only His Highness will immediately order all his chiefs to run to my support. If he does not respond to my call, I shall close this affair by negotiating only an advantageous peace."²¹

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²¹ Sh. Ch. S. 7 p. 7.

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The vein of this kindly spirit of Shahu is fully disclosed in such sentences as these which he wrote to a host of his supporters,—" You are an old servant of the Chhatrapati, you have rendered loyal and selfless service and undergone severe labour, ever since the days of Raigad (i.e. since Raigad became the Maratha capital). It is therefore my bounden duty to look after you and your family's welfare, &c., &c." Words like these doubtless fill one's heart with reverence and admiration for the king.

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As already mentioned Shahu certainly felt as great a respect for the Muslim practices as for his own. He started the practice of reciting the Khutba at Satara for which he brought with him the preacher known as Khatib from the Emperor's camp. The sanad conferring an inam on this Khatib mentions,—

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"You are one of my select sardars, of high respectability, professing the Muslim faith. I am therefore allowing you the possession of the Satara fort for the accommodation of the throne with the title of Sardeshmukh. The Begam Zinat-un-nisa looked upon you as a son." This Khatib brought with him the gold palm of the Emperor given him by the Begam which Shahu worshipped faithfully during his life. The Khatibs still live at Satara. Shahu made no difference between Muslim saints and Hindu ones. Brahmendra-swami, Kacheshvar Bawa, Thakurdas Bawa, the Ramdasis, the Gosavis and others were all equally respected by him. He conferred inams and gifts upon all without distinction. He extended his patronage to the Christians also. After the fall of Bassein he took utmost care of Christian priests and places of worship. Equal respect for all religions was fully ingrained in his blood. Aurangzeb's daughter Zinat-un-nisa treated him like a son and he always respected her as his own mother.

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It cannot however be said that Shahu was a perfectly spotless ruler. He had weaknesses and faults. Many of his campaigns miscarried through vacillation and mismanagement where sternness and prompt action were called for as in the case of the Janjira expedition. Another drawback of his policy was that his administration did not become progressive; his conservatism pervaded the whole Maratha administration.

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9. Shahunagar.—Satara the capital of Shahu was the name of the fort and not that of the town, which now stands at the foot of the hill. Shahu in 1721 first took up his residence below the fort and caused his courtiers to build their own separate quarters adjoining his own. A town thus soon grew up which he named after himself as Shahunagar. When he was crowned in 1708 he took his seat on the throne in the fort, which he removed to his palace of Rangamahal in this new rapidly rising town about the year 1721. This original palace of Shahu was burnt down in 1874, and on its site only the old well now exists, known as “the well of the throne”. The other old structures that one sees today were erected by Maharaja Pratapsinh, a hundred years after Shahu. The various wards of the old town are named, like those of Poona, after the days of the week, in addition to Yado Gopal Peth, Vyankatpura (named after Vyankatrao Ghorpade, who had married Bajirao’s sister Anubai), Chimanpura (named after Chimnaji Damodar Moghe) Durgapura, Rajaspura, Raghunathpura, &c. Shahu supplied the new city with good drinking water brought in pipes from the Mahadara and Yavteshvar hills. The temple of Krishneshwar still reminds visitors of Krishnarao Joshi of Chas, a brother of Bajirao’s wife Kashibai. There was a mint established by Shahu in the city. It was entrusted to a well-known firm of bankers, headed by Tanshet Bhurke.

New History of the Marathas v2.c24.s2: Chronology

Chronology

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