New History of the Marathas v2.c31: Chapter XXII

New History of the Marathas v2.c31

Language: English

Chapter XXII

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1 Nizam Ali's attack upon Poona. 2 Civil War, the Peshwa defeated. 3 The assemblage of Alegaon. 4 Maratha-Nizam hostilities. 5 The decision of Rakshasbhuvan.

1. Nizam Ali's Attack upon Poona.—It had generally been agreed before the death of Nanasaheb Peshwa that his son Madhavrao, then sixteen years of age, should succeed him in the Peshwaship and conduct the administration under the guidance of his uncle Raghunathrao. Another person of the young Peshwa's family who sought to guide his counsels, was his mother Gopikabai, a self-assertive lady, who had witnessed the march of events in the State since the days of the great Bajirao.

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Raghunathrao was of a weak and vacillating nature, self-indulgent and shamelessly sensual; his past mismanagement of the affairs of north India was a proof of his unfitness for the arduous task of guiding the State at this critical moment. He was, however, so vain-glorious as to boast that if he had been in command at Panipat, he would have won the day. It is no wonder that he now attempted to obtain the Peshwaship for himself and immediately addressed letters to the Emperor and to Shuja-ud-daula outlining his plans and seeking their support. But these dreams of Raghunathrao were doomed to failure, as not a single person in the administration would support his nomination to the Peshwaship in supercession of young Madhavrao's claim. He had to fall in reluctantly with the general sentiment. Madhavrao proceeded to Satara, as soon as the obsequies of the dead Peshwa were over, and on 20th July received the robes of office at the hands of the Chhatrapati. This proved an ominous start and foreboded stormy weather ahead. Raghunathrao had to remain sullenly content with the position of a mere adviser having no real power. A letter of 6th July written within a fortnight of the late Peshwa’s death, recorded that “difficult times are ahead. Sakharam Bapu and Baburao Phadnis are conducting the provisional administration”.

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If Raghunathrao had honestly accepted his trust and willingly co-operated with his nephew, the general atmosphere and the political situation were indeed favourable to such a course. The defeat at Panipat and the terrible carnage that followed it, rankled deep in the heart of the nation and made them forget their petty differences and close their ranks. They were only too anxious to wipe out the ignominy of the defeat and avenge the deaths of their leaders and relatives. A wise and resolute leader would have at once directed this spirit of willing sacrifice and selfless service of the nation into fruitful channels. The departure of Abdali to his country after expressing a sincere desire to gain the Peshwa’s friendship, had left the northern field completely open. But Raghunathrao’s attitude from the beginning was averse to any patriotic move for undoing the results of Panipat. A strong selfless leadership was not to be expected from such a feeble-minded egotistical man, who found himself in the position of a guardian of a young prince. He selfishly directed his efforts to an internecine struggle with his nephew, which ultimately ruined both him and his country.

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A newsletter says, “Upon reaching Poona Raghunathrao began to ignore the young Peshwa and conduct every matter of administration himself. But Madhavrao was not to be so easily silenced.” Thus arose an unpleasant position in which the Peshwa’s mother and her partizans ranged themselves in a strong party opposing R’rao’s measures, a development which was soon reported to the Nizam’s Court, giving it an opportunity to profit at the expense of the Marathas. At this time Nizam Ali had attained predominance in the counsels of Salabat Jang and started forcibly to recapture the rich districts of the Raichur Doab which had been ceded to the Marathas by the treaty of Udgir. To counter this move Madhavrao and R’rao proposed an attack upon Aurangabad; in their sore need of funds they melted personal ornaments and the gold and silver vessels of household use to mint money. They also sent urgent calls to Damaji Gaikwad and Malharrao Holkar to come to Poona with all expedition, as they were the only two leaders who had escaped safely from the disaster of Panipat, and who were experienced elders whose word carried weight. Malharrao was, however, prevented by circumstances from leaving his station in Malwa. He was charged with the duty of preserving Maratha prestige in north India and arranging the treaty of peace with Abdali. His wife Gautamabai died at Indore on 29th September 1761 and the mourning and funeral rites occupied Malharrao’s attention for a time. He had a war on his hand against Madhoshinh of Jaipur and while engaged in the operations he received wounds in the battle of Mangrol (29 November), which kept him confined to bed. It was only in March 1762 that Malharrao could reach Poona.

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The disgrace of Udgir gnawed at Nizam Ali’s heart, and as soon as the rains were over, he marched directly upon Poona at the head of a powerful army of sixty thousand men, with a determined intention to capture the nerve-centre of the Maratha power and to prostrate it permanently. Fire and desolation marked the trail of Nizam Ali’s invading forces. By destroying Toka and Pravara-Sangam, two great centres of Hindu religious sanctity, in November, he added fierce fanaticism to his political aims. He dug up Sindia’s palaces at Shrigonda for obtaining hidden treasure. The menace so quickly approached Poona, that it then created a scare, in consequence of which the Peshwa’s family and some of the general populace removed themselves for safety to Lohgad, Purandar, Sinhagad and other places.

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At this trying moment Madhavrao and his uncle sent urgent calls to Janoji Bhosle and other Sardars to join the Peshwa’s standard, so that a force of about seventy thousand was assembled by the end of October. With this army they at once moved to oppose the enemy and bring him to submission. Avoiding a general action, they harassed the progress of the enemy at every turn, and wore down his spirit in several skirmishes which took place at Ahmadnagar, Shrigonda, Hivre and Bhuleshvar on the enemy’s route towards Poona. On 8th December Nizam Ali occupied Chas, 20 miles north of Poona and pushed on to Uruli less than one day’s march from that capital. Here his advance was halted. His devastation of the places of sanctity had already estranged his Maratha subordinates and sedition was being successfully employed in his ranks. Ramchandra Jadhav and Mir Mughal, Nizam Ali’s brother, deserted him and came over to the Peshwa. This defection in his forces created a serious situation for Nizam Ali, who came to be practically surrounded at Uruli and was compelled to beg for terms to secure his retreat.

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At this time the selfish Raghunathrao, who then guided the affairs on behalf of the minor Peshwa, showed undeserved mercy and closed with Nizam Ali’s offer “to surrender territory worth forty lacs.” The Peshwa wrote to his mother on 5 January 1762, “We had humbled Nizam Ali and completely overwhelmed him, when he made overtures for peace through his brother and Ramchandra Jadhav, who had already joined us.” The precipitate conclusion of peace by Raghunathrao was highly resented by most of the prominent leaders assembled on the occasion, such as Gopalrao Patwardhan, Trimbakrao Pethe, Babuji Naik, Janoji Bhosle and others, who considered it a splendid opportunity of humbling the troublesome Nizam Ali. The atmosphere in the Maratha camp became surcharged with suspicion and completely destroyed whatever cordiality had at first existed between the Peshwa and his uncle. Raghunathrao was openly accused of harbouring illwill towards his nephew and of securing the good will of Nizam Ali, as a potential ally in a future contest for the Peshwaship, which the uncle was then secretly planning to secure. Gopikabai and the Patwardhans openly accused R’rao’s Diwan Sakharam Bapu, as the author of a secret understanding between Nizam Ali and Raghunathrao.

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2. Civil War, the Peshwa defeated.—A few months after his return to Haidarabad Nizam Ali deposed his brother Salabat Jang (6 July 1762), keeping him under his restraint and usurped the sole power on the advice of Vithal Sundar, whom he now appointed his Divan.¹

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¹ Vithal Sundar Parashurami, a clever diplomat brought up by Ramdaspant during the early rule of Salabat Jang identified himself with the fortunes of Nizam Ali and was rewarded by him with the title of Raja Pratapwant. He was a Deshastha Brahman of the same caste as Sakharam Bapu, and for a time played an important part in the fortunes of Haidarabad.

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Madhavrao all along watched the course of events with a keen and intelligent interest, and soon obtained full insight into the problems affecting the Maratha State and the capacities of the various agents that handled them. It was quickly discovered by many that here was a master who possessed a judgment of his own and a determination to execute it fearlessly. On the day after the conclusion of peace at Uruli, he writes to his mother, "Dada Saheb declares his intention of retiring from worldly affairs and devoting the rest of his life to worship and prayers. Sakharampant also declines to continue in office, resenting the factious intrigues of the Konknastha clique. I am soliciting Dada Saheb not to withdraw and I do respectfully seek his advice." Trimbakrao Pethe a capable person of standing and experience, held long and open discussions with Raghunathrao on the present troubles and thus reported the outcome to Gopikabai from his camp at Uruli. "Dada Saheb is altogether unfit for the high responsibility of managing the affairs during the Peshwa's minority. It is well-known how he had mishandled the situation in the north and added to the financial burden of the State. I cannot put my trust in his word. Babuji Naik and some others would not like to serve if Sakharam continues in office. Dada Saheb requires sixty or seventy lacs a year to meet his personal expenses. Whence can all this money be obtained? During Nana Saheb's regime Dada Saheb always returned from his campaigns with heavy debts and the Peshwa quietly put up with the loss. But now who can exercise a salutary check on his action? Unrestrained he would simply wreck the administration. Now the relations between him and Rao Saheb (Madhavrao) are severely strained. Every one in this huge camp has become sullen, brooding over the dismal consequences which are sure to follow."

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Nor was R'rao himself slow in expressing similar threats of retirement to Gopikabai. He writes, "I have no desire to run the State; Sakharam Bapu and I have decided to retire and entrust the conduct of affairs to Rao Saheb and Baburao Phadnis. I am a simple soul, unused to diplomatic ways. I unguardedly give out what comes uppermost in my mind and find myself ever misunderstood. I have lost all interest in the State." These protestations, however, lacked sincerity and were designed to conceal his evil intentions. Gopikabai in order to avoid an open rupture used her good offices to effect a compromise, and directed that Sakharam Bapu should withdraw, leaving the management of affairs to Trimbakrao Pethe and Baburao Phadnis acting under orders of R’rao. This obviously meant that the two Karbharis were to act as a check upon Raghunathrao’s freedom, and it pleased no party. He chafed under the restraint placed over his free action by subordinates, who had been thrust on him and whom he disliked. He took Bapu’s retirement as a personal affront. On the other hand the two Karbharis, Pethe and Phadnis, felt themselves insecure in their position and responsibility.

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Under such a tension the affairs of the State began to languish. The Peshwa and his uncle left Uruli on 7th January with their forces for the Karnatak to save their possessions from the growing encroachments of Haidar Ali of Mysore during the last two years. On the way the differences between the two assumed such proportions, that from Chikodi on the Krishna, the uncle returned to Poona in resentment. Madhavrao alone proceeded with Trimbakrao Pethe towards the Tungabhadra, reporting to his mother the severe breach of amity with which R’rao had returned and asking her to keep a vigilant eye over his movements. Malharrao Holkar had arrived from Malwa at Wafgaon (Nasik) in March at an urgent call from R’rao and caused serious anxiety to the Peshwa, as he (Holkar) was an avowed partizan of his uncle.

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Madhavrao seeing the turn of events began to strengthen his own party, and on his march southward put Govind Hari Patwardhan in possession of the fort of Miraj, a safe position for retreat in case of trouble. Govind Hari and his son Gopalrao were the moving spirits in the young Peshwa’s counsels and the transfer of Miraj into their hands alarmed R’rao in no small measure. Govind Hari lost no time in strengthening the fortifications of Miraj and preparing by force of arms to prevent any attempt to remove him. At the end of the hot season the Peshwa returned to Poona with a fair supply of funds and materials of war.

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The months from June onward in that year (1762) witnessed an abnormal agitation at Poona as the ill-feeling that was brewing between the two parties for some time past now flared up afresh. Discussion, mediation, arbitration and other methods of conciliating R'rao were in vain tried openly and privately, in full Darbars and in personal meetings. But R'rao's restless ambition to gather supreme power in his own hand and to conduct the State affairs himself unfettered, made him reject all efforts to effect a reconciliation. Gopikabai, Madhavrao, Trimbakrao, all spoke out their minds freely; only Sakharam Bapu continued to speak in such an ambiguous and involved manner that no definite formula could be evolved.

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Madhavrao anxious to live in amity with his uncle pleaded for his cooperation on bended knees. But his appeals fell on deaf ears: Malharrao Holkar also arrived at Poona and participated in the discussions. At the end of a month's vacillation, R'rao came forth with an open demand for a separate jagir yielding an annual income of ten lacs in addition to five important forts. The Peshwa could not tolerate such a rival power and stoutly opposed the demand. Under such a tension a report went out that the Peshwa contemplated the seizure of his uncle and keeping him in confinement. Alarmed by such fears Raghunathrao suddenly left Poona on 22nd August, and went to the nearby village of Wadgoan, where the Peshwa and his mother immediately followed him inviting him to return. Outwardly signifying compliance with these importunities, Raghunathrao suddenly decamped with a few followers and by way of Koregaon and Ahmadnagar, reached Vinchur near Nasik, where Sakharam Bapu had secured the support of Vithal Shivdev. Here soon arrived Aba Purandare, Naro Shankar Raja Bahadur, and Bahiro Anant, partizans of Raghunathrao and these in concert prepared to fight the Peshwa's party, having secretly arranged to secure the support of Janoji Bhosle and Nizam Ali. Soon the signal went round and a considerable force of some fifty thousand including the Nizam's contingent, became ready to march upon Poona.

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Madhavrao and his advisers, realizing that Raghunathrao was not a man to scruple to go to any length, at once prepared to accept the challenge and decide the issue by an open contest. For a time quite a race went on for securing adherents by exchange of oaths, while negotiations for a peaceful solution continued to the last minute, in which Ram Shastri, Krishnarao Parasnis, Gangadhar Bhat Karve and other respectable mediators tried their utmost. There indeed was a large number of disinterested persons fully loyal to the State, who found themselves perplexed as to which party they should join, having been approached by both. Gopikabai’s brother Malharrao Raste, e.g., joined the uncle’s party, while Anandrao and the other brothers remained faithful to Madhavrao.

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The Peshwa left Poona to meet the forces of his uncle; and the rival armies faced each other on 7th November on the river Ghod, which flows in a south-easterly direction about 30 miles from Poona. A desperate action was fought on that afternoon; and the evening darkness separated the combatants without any decisive result.

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The Peshwa thereupon moved his camp from the banks of the Ghod river to Alegaon about 15 miles further south, near the northern bank of the Bhima. Here R’rao’s forces now joined by his friend Nizam Ali soon came in pursuit and suddenly fell upon the Peshwa on 12 November; the latter not being ready suffered a severe reverse. Unwilling to protract this civil strife, the young Peshwa made up his mind to surrender. He fearlessly rode into the uncle’s camp and delivered to him both his power and person. Malharrao Holkar acted as the mediator and brought about peace between them. Madhavrao completely humbled himself before his uncle, placing the latter’s shoes on his own head. Raghunathrao reciprocated the kindly sentiments in apparent sincerity, declaring that he did not covet power or prestige. But he was bent upon wreaking his vengeance upon some of the Peshwa’s ardent supporters, particularly Gopalrao Patwardhan, Trimbakrao Pethe and Baburao Phadnis. The two latter were sheltered at Baramati by Babuji Naik; Gopalrao proceeded to join his father at Miraj and like a soldier prepared there to resist Raghunathrao.

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3. The assemblage of Alegaon.—In the midst of such a dreadful contest Alegaon presented a unique spectacle of two opposing armies now amalgamated in a huge camp numbering over a lac of men, with most of the prominent Maratha leaders and diplomats present. The presence of these worthies for some days of November 1762, lent a lurid colour to this gigantic assemblage, partaking along with Nizam Ali in a solemn conclave for settling the domestic dispute of the Peshwa’s household. Indeed the recent disaster of Panipat paled into insignificance before the immediate problem of reconciling the present conflicting interests.

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On 21 November the Peshwa and his uncle entertained Nizam Ali at a dinner and exchanged civilities. On 23rd Vithal Sundar, the Diwan of Nizam Ali was similarly treated. Having come so courteously to support Raghunathrao in his sore need, must not the ally be properly rewarded? Murad Khan one of Nizam Ali’s officials acted as the intermediary, through whom secret negotiations were conducted with Raghunathrao. The territory of sixty lacs surrendered at Udgir was demanded, and Raghunathrao agreed to return the major portion, together with the fort of Daulatabad, which was now given back into the charge of Murad Khan. Ramchandra Jadhav came over into Maratha service on condition that the Senapati’s post lost by his father Chandrasen should be given to him. After these agreements were effected, Nizam Ali departed for his capital. Janoji Bhosle doubtless aspired to be the Chhatrapati, a move certainly initiated by Raghunathrao. But for the moment it was dropped and Janoji was given leave to depart after some discussion of the subject.

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Raghunathrao thus tried his best at Alegaon to make his position as secure as possible against future trouble from his nephew. He placed strict restraint upon Madhavrao’s person with a guard of 2,000 men to watch him. The activities of Gopikabai at Poona were similarly controlled by placing a strict guard at the Shaniwar palace where she resided. But this was not enough to make Raghunathrao’s position perfectly safe. He must have about him such persons for immediate duties as possessed unquestioned loyalty to him. Trimbakrao Pethe and Baburao Phadnis were removed from their offices. Sakharam Bapu was appointed the chief executive officer with a rich jagir for his expenses and the fort of Sinhagad for a secure residence. Nilkanthrao Purandare another partizan was similarly given the fort of Purandar. The Phadnis family were the hereditary pursers of the Peshwa’s house. They were deprived of that office and Chinto Vithal Rairikar, Raghunathrao’s confidential secretary, was made the Phadnis. Malharrao Holkar was given leave to return to his work at Wafgaon, but Raghunathrao particularly kept by his side Damaji Gaikwad for the expedition to Satara and Miraj, which he now planned to secure, in order to punish the Patwardhans and their partisans and control the Chhatrapati.

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Having effected these changes Raghunathrao left Alegaon on 6th December in full force and spent about a week at Satara, ensuring Ramraja’s support. Dabhade was at this time deprived of the office of Senapati, which now was conferred upon Ramchandra Jadhav, and that of the Nyayadhish upon Vithal Shivdeo, with the provision of a jagir in each case. The office of the Pratinidhi could not be so easily disposed of. The Pratinidhi’s Mutalik, Gamaji Yamaji was a powerful man, a relation of Vithal Sundar, now in league with Gopalrao Patwardhan. Raghunathrao cut the knot by appointing his own infant son Bhaskarrao to that office with Naro Shankar to perform the active duties. This ridiculous change soon provided the spark for an explosion. The infant Bhaskarrao died within three months of his elevation to the dignity, and his deputy Naro Shankar succeeded to the post. These uncalled for changes roused a general discontent throughout the land, which was voiced by the Brahman community in an open letter of protest to Raghunathrao. They pointed out that he was ruining the State by seeking the help of the Nizam, said that it was sad to keep the Peshwa’s mother under detention and that several devoted servants had to flee the country for safety. The Brahmans roundly ascribed the trouble to Raghunathrao’s evil genius Sakharam Bapu.

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But these admonitions could not turn Raghunathrao from his guilty ambition. He considered the Patwardhans at Miraj as the chief offenders, and called upon them to surrender that place. Govind Hari defiantly replied he would not evacuate Miraj, unless he was recompensed for the huge expenses that he had incurred in raising troops for the Peshwa and strengthening the defences of Miraj. This insolent defiance of his commands drew on the Patwardhans the full weight of R’rao’s wrath. From Satara he marched upon Miraj and with a mighty horde of forty thousand laid siege to it on 29th December. Govind Hari stoutly defended the place and his son Gopalrao harassed the besiegers from outside. Raghunathrao sent a detachment under Nilakanthrao Purandare to chastise Gopalrao, who was defeated near Jamkhindi and ran for shelter to Nizam Ali. The siege of Miraj was hard pressed and Govind Hari after negotiating for terms surrendered it on 3rd February (1763).

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From Miraj R'rao moved southward to put down the aggression of Haidar Ali, but before he had proceeded far, reports reached him of a coalition being formed between Nizam Ali and Janoji Bhosle with the host of malcontents like the Patwardhans and the Pratinidhi, who had been deprived of their patrimony and dignity. The moving spirits of this coalition were the Nizam's Diwan Vithal Sundar and the Pratinidhi's deputy Sadashiv Yamaji, familiarly known as Gamaji. Agents quickly moved from all these chiefs to different places. Janoji Bhosle required little persuasion to fall in with Nizam Ali's views. They met at Gulbarga on 9th February and formed a definite pact for seizing the Peshwa's lands and sharing the spoils. They organised their forces and arranged a definite plan of campaign. Gamaji undertook to lead an army against Satara, seize the person of the Chhatrapati, and instal Janoji in his place. Janoji and Nizam Ali together directed the operations and moved in hot haste against the Peshwa's territories. Nizam Ali sent his arrogant demands to the Peshwa, calling upon him to deliver all the territory and forts lying east of the Bhima river, restore the jagirs of those who had been unjustly deprived of them, and accept his own nominee as his Diwan and be guided by his advice in all concerns of the Maratha State.

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4. Maratha-Nizam hostilities.—The situation thus became one of the gravest danger to the Maratha State, threatening its entire independence. The treasury of Poona was empty, the army already depleted by desertions, lacked equipment. Such a critical moment, however, served to unite the divergent elements and the common danger induced the various parties in the Peshwa's Darbar to lay aside their differences and join in repelling the hostile combination. Madhavrao wrote pathetic letters to his mother, describing the state of affairs and the need of a joint effort, which both his uncle and Sakharam Bapu now wholeheartedly undertook to lead. They had about 50 thousand men under their command but lacked the means to face the enemy’s powerful artillery in an open action. Avoiding a close engagement, they decided to wear out the enemy by laying waste his territory and keeping him on the run. In a revengeful temper R’rao turned from Miraj north towards Aurangabad. As the combined armies of Janoji and Nizam Ali moved along the Bhima ravaging the Peshwa’s territory, the Marathas similarly began to ravage the Nizam’s territory, and early in March attacked Aurangabad, but failed in making any effect upon the town which was stoutly defended by Murad Khan. In order to save the city, Murad Khan paid 2 lacs. Malharrao Holkar joined the Peshwa’s army near Aurangabad on 10th March, and the whole body started with great impetuosity towards Malkapur devastating the Bhosle’s territory.

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Ramchandra Jadhav whom R’rao had induced to desert the Mughal service, proved rather a clog than a help. This Jadhav like his father bore an inveterate enmity to the Peshwa; and now as the Maratha forces were camping near Aurangabad, he made a secret attempt on R’rao’s life, which fortunately failed of effect. He had before this plundered the territory of Satara and desecrated the shrine of Pandharpur, an act which made him more odious than a real Muslim. R’rao at once arrested Jadhav and kept him closely confined during the period of hostility.²

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² When peace was concluded in September Jadhav was restored to Nizam’s service, but was never fully pardoned. Nizam Ali had him murdered in 1770.

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For full five months from 10th March to 10th August, the two combatants occupied themselves in wearing each other out, destroying each other’s territories and seeking some advantageous position for an action where a decision could be obtained. While the Mughals ravaged the Maratha country between Nasik and Satara, the Peshwa’s forces retaliated by a similar process between Malkapur in the north and Haidarabad in the south. When the Marathas entered the Bhosle’s possessions in Berar, Nizam Ali came on their heels. But the Marathas giving him the slip and avoiding an action, fled southwards to Sholapur and Naldurg. Nizam Ali then changed his tactics, finding it futile to pursue the nimble Maratha horse with his heavy train of artillery. In order to draw the Marathas back, he entered Maharashtra about the middle of April when the Marathas were plundering in the vicinity of Yadgir and Bedar. Vithal Sundar’s nephew Vinayakdas ravaged the rich towns of Nasik, Junnar and Sangamner. Nizam Ali himself turned his attention to Poona, and Gamaji marched southwards devastating Satara. They carried fire and sword into the countryside and met with little opposition.

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Poona shared a dreadful fate by a major portion of it being completely burnt down. Gopikabai had left the city and taken shelter at Sinhagad with her little son Narayanrao and jewellery and valuables. Most of the Poona gentry ran for safety to different places and forts. The idols of the temples on the Parvati hill were broken and desecrated. Naro Appaji had paid a huge ransom to Nizam Ali to purchase the safety of the town, but lost the amount into the bargain. Gopikabai bitterly felt the conduct of Gopalrao Patwardhan and held him responsible for the fate of the Peshwa’s capital. But Gopalrao was now a helpless spectator, unable to prevent mischief to Maratha interests. Indeed he keenly watched for an opportunity to come back to his allegiance after issuing unscathed from the invidious position he found himself in.

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5. The decision of Rakshasbhuvan.—The Peshwa and his uncle after despoiling Naldurg on 10th April, Udgir on 23rd April and Medak on 10th May, arrived before Haidarabad, where they learned of the spoliation their capital had suffered at the hands of the enemy. The Peshwa wrote to his mother on 5th June, “We have retraced our steps from Bhaganagar and reached the banks of the Krishna, looking out for a suitable opportunity when we can avenge the cruel fate the enemy has inflicted upon Poona.” On the same date Raghunathrao also wrote to Gopikabai expressing his indignation against Nizam Ali. He was so impatient to close in with the enemy that it was with difficulty that Malharrao Holkar, Sakharam Bapu and other chiefs restrained him for a time, until the enemy was isolated by the separation of his new allies Janoji Bhosle, Gopalrao Patwardhan, Piraji Nimbalkar, Dhaygude, the Pratinidhi and others, who had to be weaned away from Nizam Ali’s side. For this purpose secret negotiations were now undertaken. Govind Shivram was sent to Gopalrao and Sakharam Bapu to Janoji Bhosle, with offers of restoring them to their jagirs, if they would desert Nizam Ali and resume their former loyalties. All these deserters had practically gained nothing and lost much by their new alliance. Janoji realized that he had little prospect of getting the Chhatrapati's throne, while on the other hand, the Peshwa threatened him with being replaced by Mudhoji at Nagpur. His province of Berar had been overrun and plundered. At the Peshwa's summons Mahadji Sindia marched from Ujjain to attack the northern parts of the Bhosle's territory. Inducement was offered to Nizam Ali's brother Basalat Jang and he came over to the Peshwa's side. So did Piraji Nimbalkar a subordinate chief of Janoji Bhosle.

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These negotiations continued throughout July. Nizam Ali then saw his position deteriorating and began to look for a place of safety where he could escape a sudden Maratha attack. Early in June the Peshwa's army turned back homeward from Bedar, cautiously feeling its way for a position from which it could overcome the enemy marching in its direction.

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By the time the two armies had come near enough, Nizam Ali's allies began to desert him, one by one, giving out as an excuse that they were returning home for the monsoon. This large scale defection so unnerved Nizam Ali that he countermanded his original movement and began a retreat to Aurangabad as the best place for safety during the wet weather. Janoji Bhosle was still in the Mughal camp, and sent news of his change of plan to the Peshwa, advising an attack before the enemy crossed the Godavari. The Peshwa began a hot pursuit of the retreating enemy, reaching Bid on 5th August. On the 9th the Marathas arrived at Majalgaon, where the report came that Janoji and the Pratinidhi had separated from the Mughal army, and that Nizam Ali with a few followers, had hurriedly crossed the flooded Godavari, leaving behind at Rakshasbhuvan his main army and the artillery under the command of Vithal Sundar, who were to have crossed over the next day. Naro Shankar and Sakharam Bapu were away arranging Janoji Bhosle's desertion, and although the Peshwa's army was feeling the strain of long marches for several days, it was decided to attack the enemy at once without allowing him time to escape across the flooded river. It was the dark night of the last day of Ashad with pouring rain and lightning flashes making movement difficult. Orders were circulated to begin the march long in advance of day-light, so that swarms of light Maratha troops swept down upon the unwary Mughals a little after sunrise on the 10th.

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The Nizam's artillery opened upon the Maratha vanguard when a stray rocket struck a tumbril containing shells and caused a loud explosion. Taking prompt advantage of the confusion thus caused, Aba Purandare and Vinchurkar drove in the enemy's outposts and rushed towards the main body, while a strong column under Raghunathrao himself closed in. Vithal Sundar immediately formed his men and furiously pushed back the advancing Marathas. He quickly overcame and surrounded R'rao seated on his elephant. At this critical moment, young Madhavrao rushed in from the rear driving Vithal Sundar and his column back towards the river, and relieving his uncle from imminent capture, a feat in which Mahadaji Shitole attained special distinction. Vithal Sundar with several other prominent chiefs either fell fighting or were captured, so that within two hours the Marathas gained a complete victory. The Peshwa himself wrote to his mother the following account immediately after the action.

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“Learning the dispersed condition of the enemy's army we closed upon them this morning. After a short but severe engagement at close grips, we gained a decisive victory. Vithal Sundar's severed head was brought in. His nephew Vinayakdas, and Gopaldas the raja of Kandhar were killed. Murad Khan and sixteen chiefs are taken prisoners. About eight thousand of the enemy's troops and four thousand trained infantry were slaughtered. Fifteen elephants, twenty-five pieces of cannon, and a large number of animals and quantities of material were secured. Shahji Supekar, Sadashiv Ramchandra and some others of our service who had deserted to the enemy, saved their lives by flight. The river saved Nizam Ali from a similar fate.”

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The severed head of his able minister Vithal Sundar was sent to Nizam Ali, who remained a helpless spectator on the other side, mourning the slaughter of his fine army. Fearing that the Marathas would now cross the river and attack him, he asked Murad Khan, a prisoner in Maratha hands to seek terms of peace. The whole large and rich territory between the river Manjra and Aurangabad worth about a crore of rupees was demanded, but this demand could not be at once pressed home owing to the flooded river. Nearly a month was lost in a useless wait, in which Nizam Ali could organize a defence of his position. During this interval, Janoji Bhosle, Gopalrao and others made their submission to the Peshwa and were restored to favour. They took no part in the actual fighting of the 10th August; the Peshwa by this conduct purposely impressed it upon them that he did not much care for their co-operation in humbling Nizam Ali and was himself able to enforce his power upon all. Some three weeks were wasted before this victory could be pressed to advantage.

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On 1st September Malharrao Holkar and Janoji Bhosle crossed the Godavari, followed soon after by the entire Maratha army and marched upon Aurangabad. After some stray warfare and continued negotiation, a treaty was concluded on 25 September by which the Nizam surrendered to the Peshwa territory worth 82 lacs, that is, all that had been already secured at Udgir four years before, but which the self-seeking R'rao had given back at Uruli and Alegaon. This treaty is known as the treaty of Aurangabad.

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Thus ended the Maratha-Nizam contest which had continued intermittently for over two years from June 1761 to September 1763. Several efforts were made by the successors of Asaf Jah to cripple the aggressive Marathas: and now came forth the spirited Nizam Ali to avenge the set-backs of Salabat Jang's regime, taking advantage of the internal troubles of the Peshwa's house; and once more the Marathas proved their superiority over the Mughals.

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The battle of Rakshasbhuvan was won mainly through Madhavrao's own initiative and energy exhibited throughout the campaign. Not only did he manoeuvre the initial stages cleverly through his uncle, but even on the day of the battle it was due to his careful planning and disposition of the troops at every stage that the day was won. Never before had such terrible losses been inflicted upon the Nizam. Madhavrao on this occasion proved his capacity in war as well as in the management of the general administration, thus winning the applause of his people and mastery over the hearts of friends and foes alike.

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The victory of Rakshasbhuvan had repercussions throughout India. It proved that the disaster of Panipat had not crushed the Maratha power and that they still possessed the vibrant energy which had carried their banners to the far corners of India, and that they were still a power to be feared and respected. The more immediate effect of this victory was the assertion of his power by the young Peshwa, both over his uncle and his partizans. He proved his worth by dint of his own inherent strength in controlling and ruling the vast Maratha State. By contrast his uncle's levity and want of decision came to be clearly exposed. He could no longer hold his able nephew in thraldom or tutelage. Madhavrao during these two years gained the most valuable experience of his life, both in war and diplomacy, by controlling divergent elements, and by leading his nation to its former prestige. The generation that Panipat had destroyed, was again thus quickly replaced by another no less worthy. Rakshasbhuvan proved the beginning of this national revival.

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But Raghunathrao's profession of a wish to retire was by no means sincere : he was all along thinking of the best way of getting mastery over his nephew, to whom he soon after repeated his demand of a jagir worth nine lacs and five important forts. Sakharam Bapu also was uneasy and skulking and expressed his wish to retire from service, Madhavrao well knowing what mischief the two were capable of, flattered them for their vast knowledge and experience, and told them how their presence about him was essential for conducting the administration. With this object he hereafter kept Sakharam Bapu near his person to advise him on matters of moment, but gave him no particular office or independent voice. Bapu understood the Peshwa's game, but could not find a way to obstruct it openly. From Aurangabad, the Peshwa returned to Poona and his uncle to Nasik to perform his devotions at Trimbakeshwar, with Govind Shivram and Trimbakrao Pethe placed by the Peshwa as his own personal agents in attendance on him.

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Plenty of miscellaneous work arising out of the recent war kept Madhavrao fully occupied nearly up to the end of October in the vicinity of Aurangabad. Mahadji Sindia, who had been equally involved in domestic dissensions, came from Ujjain at the pressing invitation of the Peshwa, met him at the crossing of the Godavari on 26th October during his return journey to Poona; and by his ready obedience and willing service at once earned the good opinion of the Peshwa. Nana Phadnis and his cousin Moroba were restored to their former offices which they had lost during the short regency of R’rao. The young Peshwa and his equally young coadjutors, Nana and Mahadji, both having miraculously escaped death at Panipat, now formed a trio upon whom the future destiny of the Maratha nation so vitally depended.

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