New History of the Marathas v3: Volume 3

New History of the Marathas v3

Language: English

v3.c36 Front matter — 23 parts
v3.c37 The Author's Farewell — 499 parts

Volume 3

Front matter

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लाल बहादुर शास्त्री प्रशासन अकादमी Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy of Administration मसूरी MUSSOORIE

वर्ग संख्या Class No. 954.02 the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea* of Jacobus de Voragine, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction and edification of the faithful.

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But the Church did not merely provide books; it also provided the means of their dissemination. The monastic scriptoria, where monks labored in silence to copy the sacred texts, were the precursors of the printing press. And when the press finally arrived, it was the Church that first harnessed its power, using it to spread the word of God to the corners of the earth. The Gutenberg Bible, the first major book printed in Europe, was a testament to the Church's commitment to the written word.

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Yet, even as the Church championed the spread of knowledge, it also sought to control it. The *Index Librorum Prohibitorum*, or List of Prohibited Books, was a tool used by the Church to suppress ideas it deemed dangerous or heretical. This tension between the desire to educate and the need to control would define the Church's relationship with literature for centuries to come.

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It is a complex history, one that is marked by both enlightenment and suppression. But it is a history that cannot be ignored, for it is the history of the very foundation of Western civilization. The Church, in its role as the guardian of knowledge, has shaped the way we think, the way we write, and the way we understand the world around us.

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the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea* of Jacobus de Voragine, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction and edification of the faithful.

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NEW HISTORY OF THE MARATHAS

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VOLUME III

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SUNSET OVER MAHARASHTRA

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GOVIND SAKHARAM SARDESAI, B. A.

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PHOENIX PUBLICATIONS

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Printed by B. G. DHAWALE at the Karnatak Printing Press 103 Sion (East). Bombay 22

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Published by K. B. DHAWALE for Phoenix Publications Benham Hall Lane, Girgaon, Bombay 4

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To the Memory of

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Sayaji Rao Gaekwad Sena-Khaskhel Samsher Bahadur, Grand Commander of the Star of India,

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Maharaja of Baroda

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to whom I have given all my life's years of Service, and who had led my young steps into the pleasant path of History.

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G. S. Sardesai The image provided is blank. There is no text or content to transcribe.

The Author's Farewell

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On reaching the end of this book, my first feelings are a sense of unspeakable relief at the completion of a long and laborious task, and a sentiment of silent gratitude to the friends whose support alone has made this achievement possible for me. Dr. V. G. Dighe has been very helpful in preparing my manuscript for the press, in reading the proofs and in various other ways. Every line in these three volumes has passed under the eyes of my lifelong friend Sir Jadunath Sarkar, in MS. and proof alike. We two have discussed, sometimes warmly,—every problem and doubtful point in this work; and if in many cases I have in the end adhered to my own point of view, his arguments to the contrary have always had a chastening effect on the final shape of my conclusions. A large number of other scholars all over India have helped me with occasional suggestions and information, and if I cannot name them here individually, it does not mean that I am insensible of my obligation to them.

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I have called this book a New History: but that title need not be taken to claim for it the rank of a definitive standard authority. My aim has been much humbler,—to pour out to the sympathetic reader all that an ordinary son of Maharashtra has thought and felt, as he studied and pondered on the storied past of his country during his life of more than four score years. In spite of the long list of my historical works, I do not claim to be a scholar or even a trained historian, but only an eager tireless worker. Call this my final work, if you like, the table-talk of an ardent seeker after knowledge.

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G. S. SARDESAI

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*Kamshet, Vijayadashmi, 12th October, 1948.*

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--- | --- I. | THE NINE MONTHS REGIME OF NARAYANRAO [1772-1773] . . . . 11

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1. Eclipse of the Poona rulership. 2. Narayanrao becomes Peshwa. 3. Situation at Poona, the Gardis. 4. Irritation begins, Visajipant Lele. 5. The Nagpur succession and the Prabhus. 6. Plot to depose Narayanrao. 7. The tragedy acted. 8. Ram Shastri's enquiry and punishments.

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II. | WANTON BRITISH AGGRESSION [1774-1776] . . 37

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1. The Council of the Barbhais. 2. The murderer becomes a fugitive. 3. Mostyn's mischief, Thana captured. 4. The battle of Kasegaum.—Pethe killed. 5. Birth of Madhavrao Narayan. 6. Battle of Adas, treaty of Surat. 7. Upton's Embassy to Poona. 8. The treaty of Purandar. 9. The end of the Pretender.

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III. | THE BRITISH CHALLENGE [1776-1779] . . 63

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1. The task before the Barbhais. 2. International factors in Indian politics. 3. Moroba Phadnis's treachery. 4. British discomfiture at Wadgaon. 5. Mahadji on the scene. 6. Raghunathrao's wiles renewed.

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IV. | END OF THE ANGLO-MARATHA WAR [1779-1783] . . . . . 93

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1. Raghunathrao and Goddard. 2. Anti-British Confederacy. 3. Seduction of the Bhosles of Nagpur. 4. War in Gujarat and Madras. 5. Goddard's singular failure. 6. Mahadji's stand in Malwa. 7. Peace of Salbye. 8. Verdict of Salbye. 9. End of Raghunathrao. 10. Haidar Ali and others. 11. How grows the young Peshwa?

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V. | THE MARATHAS BACK IN DELHI [1783-1788] 137

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1. Two contemporary figures, Najaf Khan and Mahadji. 2. Benoit De Boigne. 3. English ambitions at Delhi. 4. Vakil-i-Mutlaki for Mahadji. 5. Mahadji's war upon the Rajputs, Lalsot. 6. Cautious recovery of Mahadji. 7. Ghulam Qadir in the Mughal Palace. 8. Ali Bahadur to the front.

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1. Problems of the Maratha State after the war. 2. The Tri-partite Treaty of alliance. 3. Operations of the Mysore war. 4. Tipu's submission. 5. Sir Charles Malet Resident at Poona.

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VII. SINDIA'S NORTHERN TASK CONCLUDED [1789-1791] . . . . . . 203

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1. Mahadji gets a rebuff from the British. 2. Ali Bahadur's rupture with Mahadji. 3. Holkar's house in hopeless decline. 4. Babarao Govind, Mahadji's adviser. 5. The Rajput collapse.

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VIII. SINDIA AT POONA [1792-1794] . . . . . . 225

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1. Sindia's aims in coming to the Deccan. 3. The Darbar of 22nd June, 1792. 3. Sindia's antagonism to the Poona Ministers. 4. Holkar's rout at Lakheri. 5. Sindia's triumph at Poona. 6. The ill-treatment of the Sachiv. 7. The tragic end of Ghasiram Kotwal.

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IX. THE LAST GREAT MARATHA CHIEFTAIN [1794] 263

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1. The death of Mahadji Sindia. 2. Character and achievement. 3. European adventurers in India. 4. Mahadji's leading followers. 5. Pen-pictures of Mahadji's personality.

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X. THE VANISHING FLICKER [1795] . . . . . . 281

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1. The Young Peshwa's bringing up. 2. British influence on Poona Society. 3. Origin of Maratha-Nizam hostility. 4. Mushir-ul-mulk incorrigible. 5. The battle of Kharda. 6. Nana and Kale outwitted by Nizam Ali. Bright promise blighted.

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XI. EVIL GENIUS AT WORK [1796-1798] . . . . . . 313

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1. Intrigues in search of a successor. 2. Nana's surprise move from Mahad. 3. Bajirao becomes Peshwa. 4. The wicked trio. 5. Nana Phadnis imprisoned. 6. War by the Sindian ladies. 7. The Chhatrapati's move to be free.

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1. The Great pro-consul on the Indian scene. 2. Wellesley’s first harvest. 3. Death and character of Nana Phadnis. 4. The rebellion of Dhondia Wagh. 5. Rise of Yashvantrao Holkar. 6. Vithoji Holkar put to death. 7. Yashvantrao Holkar stands out as champion. 8. Yashvantrao moves south. 9. Bajirao routed at Poona.

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XIII. THE PESHWA BARTERS AWAY INDEPENDENCE [1802-1803] . . . . 379
1. Bajirao’s flight, a grievous blow. 3. The treaty of Bassein, Poona musters strength. 3. Bajirao’s restoration to Poona. 4. Amritrao acts as a traitor. 5. Bajirao freed of concern and responsibility. 6. King Collins with Sindia. 7. Holkar deserts the coalition.

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XIV. MARATHA INDEPENDENCE GONE [1803-1805] . . 409
1. War in the South. 2. North India campaign, Perron’s treachery. 3. Bhosle and Sindia make peace. 4. Arthur Wellesley’s attitude. 5. Holkar’s exasperation. 6. Col. Monson’s disaster. 7. Impregnable Bharatpore. 8. The Assemblage of Sabalgad, Indignity to the British Resident. 9. Wellesley recalled, policy reversed. 10 Exit Yashvantrao Holkar.

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XV. JUST RETRIBUTION [1806-1815] . . 441
1. Bajirao’s troubles. 2. Bajirao’s dispute with his Jagirdars. 3. Bajirao’s Administration.—Sadashiv Mankeshvar, Khanderao Raste, Khursetji Modi, Trimbakji Dengle. 4. The Gaikwad signs a subsidiary treaty. 5. The Peshwa-Gaikwad dispute. The Shastri’s mission. 6. The Shastri murdered. 7. The aftermath,—Trimbakji surrendered.

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XVI. THE LAST EFFORT [1817-1818] . . . . 469
1. Trimbakji’s romantic escape. 2. A fresh treaty imposed upon Bajirao. 3. Appasaheb of Nagpur. 4. The Pindaris and their function. 5. The extinction of the Pindaris. 6. Holkar’s power destroyed. 7. The Peshwa’s appeal to arms. 8. The Peshwa’s flight. 9. British proclamation, Bajirao’s woes. 10. Surrender to Malcolm.

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XVII. THE LAST SCENE [1818-1848] . . . . 503
1. Chatarsinh Bhosle and the Chhatrapati’s house. 2. Installation of Pratapsinh at Satara. 3. Settlement of the conquered country. 4. The tragedy of Pratapsinh. 5. Causes of the Maratha downfall. 6. In Memoriam.

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1755, Aug. 10 Narayanrao born.

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1757 Sumersingh Gardi enters Peshwa's service.

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1763, April 13 Narayanrao married to Gangabai.

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1765 Narayanrao accompanies his brother to Karnatak.

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1769, April 30 Narayanrao is wounded at Nijgal.

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1772, Aug. 10 Fort Raigad strengthened.

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1772, Oct. 13 Mostyn arrives at Poona as British Resident.

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1772, Nov. 18 Peshwa Madhavrao I dies.

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1772, Dec. 13 Narayanrao receives robes of Peshwaship.

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1773, Jan. Sabaji and Mudhoji Bhosle at war.

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1773, Feb. 7 Durgabai married to Pandurang Joshi.

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1773, March 15 Narayanrao visits his mother at Nasik.

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” ” Raghunathrao escapes from confinement.

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1773, April 11 Raghunathrao put back into confinement : greater rigour imposed.

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1773, summer Vyankatrao Kashi and Bhosle agents arrive at Poona.

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1773, July Raghunathrao threatens to starve himself.

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1773, Aug. Raghunathrao intrigues with Haidar Ali for effecting his escape.

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1773, Aug. 16 The Peshwa appoints Sabaji Bhosle to the Nagpur Chiefship.

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1773, Aug. 30 Narayanrao with ten others murdered.

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1773, Sept. Visaji Krishna returns with treasure from Delhi.

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1773, Sept. 25 Raghunathrao leaves Poona against Nizam and Haidar.

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1773, Oct. 10 Raghunathrao assumes robes of Peshwaship.

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” ” Ram Shastri pronounces his decision on the Peshwa's murder, and is dismissed.

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1774, April 18 Madhavrao II born. 1774, July Sumersinh dies at Indore. 1774, Sept. 26 Ram Shastri re-instated. 1775 Md. Yusuf Gardi punished with death. 1779, Jan. Kharagsinh executed. 1780 Tulya Pawar put to death.

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Peshwa Narayanrao

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THE NINE MONTHS REGIME OF NARAYANRAO

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[1772—1773]

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1 Eclipse of the Poona rulership. 2 Narayanrao becomes Peshwa. 3 Situation at Poona, the Gardis. 4 Irritation begins, Visajipant Lele. 5 The Nagpur succession and the Prabhus. 6 Plot to depose Narayanrao. 7 The tragedy acted. 8 Ram Shastri’s enquiry and punishments.

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1. Eclipse of the Poona rulership.—When we look back on Maratha history from the vantage-ground of our present knowledge, we cannot fail to notice that the death of the Peshwa Madhavrao I in 1772 introduced, at first unseen by any one, a profound change in the destiny of the nation. The next thirty years are marked by a revolution in the character of the Maratha Government, which, joined to the relative growth of forces outside, brought about the loss of Maratha independence and the break up of the solidarity of the Maratha dominions. Hitherto the activities of this race had flowed from the springhead at Poona and their central Government had always had a permanent head, legally entitled to the obedience of all; and that lawful head during four successive regimes had always been a hero, a born leader in war or diplomacy,—sometimes in both.

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But with the accession of Narayanrao (November 1772) the State became headless. True, henceforth the Peshwa’s seat was never vacant, but the Peshwa was a minor or a fugitive from his capital and country, unable to hold his own in an endless civil war. The guiding power in the administration inevitably passed on to a minister or a board of ministers. But no minister, however dictatorial, can exactly fill the place of a lawful master. For one thing, a minister is a servant, he merely exercises his master’s authority by delegation, like sunshine reflected from a mirror. And a minister can be turned out by that master any moment, whereas the ruler holds his sceptre for life.

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Secondly, a minister is always beset by rivals, who dispute his authority and plot against him, openly or in secret, so that he has perpetually to devote half his time and attention towards such rivals, lest their plots should develop beyond his control. He cannot issue a clarion-call to the nation at large in his own name in a crisis, but only as the deputy of the sovereign when the sovereign is an infant and the minister is his lawful regent and guardian.

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The weakness of even the greatest minister’s status in comparison with that of a publicly recognized king, is clearly illustrated by the precarious position of Bajirao I during the first eight years of his tenure of that office, before Shahu had made the Peshwa the indisputable head of the administration. It is more forcibly, more tragically, demonstrated by the impotence and humiliation to which Nana Phadnis was reduced in his old age after Bajirao II’s accession to the Peshwaship, in spite of the Maratha Machiavel’s resounding success during the previous quarter-century and his unforgettable services to the nation. It has been truly said that war cannot be conducted by a debating club, and therefore Nana Phadnis’s action in liquidating the Council of the Barbhais and making himself sole autocrat, was not a selfish measure, but a step dictated by the needs of the nation in that life and death struggle, with enemies all around Maharashtra and within it sapping its strength.

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In 1772 Narayanrao came to the Peshwa’s position as an immature fickle lad just turned of seventeen and he died only nine months later. Raghunathrao the next Peshwa, had to flee from Poona in less than three months after succeeding to the vacancy, and then followed a long regency which was ended only when Bajirao II after gaining the ancestral seat crushed Nana Phadnis. But even then he did not become the master of his own house in the sense that Bajirao I or Balajirao had been; that supremacy in internal affairs was gained by the head of the State only after his rebellious vassals had been scared away by the Treaty of Bassein (1802); but alas! the Jari-Patka was then flying at half-mast with the Union Jack proudly floating above it.

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Within ten years of the death of Narayanrao, the centre of gravity of Maratha politics shifted from Poona to North India, and this change became unmistakably clear after the Treaty of Salbye and the death of Haidar Ali. The unity of the Maratha nation, with its arms far flung from the Krishna river in the south to the Ramganga under the shadow of the Himalayas, across the Indian Continent, was gone.

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Thus in a long and dispassionate view of history, no fitter name can be given to the period embraced in this volume than Sunset over Maharashtra.¹

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¹ In the parlance of political science, I think I am justified in calling the Peshwa king, because his status was really that of any one of the constituent princes under the Holy Roman Empire. It is not correct to call him a *Mayor of the Palace*, as the analogy of French history does not really go far. The Peshwa made war and peace himself, only reporting the accomplished fact to the sleeping nominal head at Satara as a mere form, and even that form came to be dropped after 1772, though the continuity of tradition was respected by his soliciting the robes of his office from the Chhatrapati.

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2. Narayanrao becomes Peshwa.—Peshwa Madhavrao died on 18th November 1772 after having nominated his young brother Narayanrao to the Peshwaship and counselled him to conduct the administration by the advice of Sakharam Bapu and Nana Phadnis, the two ablest and most experienced servants of the State. Special directions were left in writing that Raghunathrao was to continue in confinement to keep him from doing mischief. R’rao had hardly the courage to openly protest against Narayanrao’s nomination, in the presence of the dying Peshwa. He apparently acquiesced in the arrangement, which had been long and fully discussed in the presence of the whole court and solemnly declared with the family deity as witness. Only a short while before the Peshwa’s death, Raghunathrao had indeed plotted and effected his escape from his confinement, but had been captured promptly and securely kept from mischief. The death of Madhavrao did not improve his prospects. Blinded by personal ambition, he could not reconcile himself to a subordinate position.

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The obsequies of the late Peshwa were performed at Theur and the Court returned to Poona on 2nd December. As Narayanrao prepared to start for Satara to receive the robes of office from the Chhatrapati, his uncle demurred to accompanying him, unless he was first granted an independent fief of 25 lacs annually for himself and his family. But under pressure of circumstances he was persuaded to give up this demand. Narayanrao received the robes at Satara from the Raja on the 13th December when Sakharam Bapu was invested with the office of administrator (karbhari) and the other officials confirmed in their respective posts.

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Narayanrao, the youngest of Balajirao’s three sons, born on 10th August 1755, was now seventeeen years of age. He had been married to Gangabai Sathe when he was not yet eight, on 18th April 1763. He was much attached to Parvatibai, the widow of Sadashivrao Bhau, having been made over to her care to lessen the pangs of her distressful situation. Once in 1765 and again in 1769, Narayanrao had accompanied his brother the late Peshwa in his expeditions to the Karnatak. On the latter occasion he had received a wound in his wrist at the storming of fort Nijgal at the end of April 1770. He had been taught reading, writing and arithmetic with a working knowledge of the Sanskrit scriptures. During the last year or two of the previous regime, Narayanrao was associated with Sakharam Bapu in order to train him in the disposal of administrative work. His character and his performance of his duties had never satisfied his brother Madhavrao, who often expressed great fears about his future. Immediately on his accession the following opinion of his capacity was reported from the Poona Court. “The Shrimant is impatient and irritable, his levity becomes apparent; he acts rashly upon the information conveyed to him by petty and irresponsible persons. He is yet a child and does not follow the guidance of Sakharam Bapu. The tiger is gone, now the jackals alone remain behind. God save the State.”² . At the beginning, however, the uncle and the nephew pulled well together for a time. Narayanrao soon began to imitate the stern ways of the late Peshwa and could not often restrain himself from showing open disrespect on occasions to Sakharam Bapu and other elderly officials about him.

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² Khare 1243.

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Let us survey the political horizon as it was at this moment. A momentary quiet seemed to reign all over India. Mahadji Sindia and the other Maratha chiefs were occupied in looking after the imperial concerns of Delhi and collecting revenues from the north Indian districts, where the Maratha power had just been established. Ghazi-uddin Imad-ul-mulk, a friend of the Marathas, was anxious to be re-instated in the office of the Imperial Wazir which he had once held. He was now a homeless wanderer, and in order to plead his cause, he personally repaired to Poona in December 1772 to persuade the new Peshwa to undertake a fresh plan for the management of the northern affairs.³ The Emperor Shah Alam hated Ghazi-uddin bitterly as the murderer of his father and would not consent to show any favour towards this monster. But as an old friend who had materially helped the Maratha cause during pre-Panipat days, Ghazi-uddin’s present indigence was severely felt in Poona, and Nana Phadnis in due course conferred a small provision upon him in Bundelkhand, in order to honour some specious promise which Narayanrao had probably made to him personally, before he was given leave to return.

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³ Purandare 3. 112; Khare 1242.

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The ex-Nawab Mir Kasim was another important friend of the Marathas who at this time similarly craved for some maintenance, but it was beyond the Peshwa’s power to satisfy him. In the south neither Haidar Ali of Mysore nor Nizam Ali of Haidarabad was in a mood to worry the Marathas at this time, both keenly watching the situation at Poona to regulate their future policy. Thus Narayanrao had no outside tension to disturb the smooth working of his administration.

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3. Situation at Poona, the Gardis.—But his position at home soon became too difficult for a raw youth like him to control. His first great trouble arose from his empty treasury. Madhavrao had drained away all his accumulations in paying off his debts. During his illness of some years his usual annual activities for bringing in funds gradually slackened and then came to a standstill. The situation became aggravated by the clamour of the Gardi sepoys, now employed on police duty about the palace and the city, for the accumulated arrears of their pay. The power of these mercenary footguards had become positively dangerous to the Government, and sufficient attention was not paid to it either by the Peshwa or his advisers. According to Bussy's regulations they worked only for their wages and had no personal attachment to the master they served. Their corps were composed mostly of north Indian men, Pathans, Abyssinians, Arabs, Rajputs and Purbias, each drawing Rs. 8 to 15 as monthly pay. Marathas being usually impatient of control, very few of them cared to join the disciplined bodies. Bussy and Ibrahim Khan had gone and there was no outstanding leader now among them, who could restrain these overbearing clamorous men and exact useful work from them. Their total number at this time did not probably exceed 5,000. Muhammad Yusuf, Sumersinh, Kharagsinh are the names of some of their leaders who had entered service some time about 1757. Yusuf was indeed a brave and able soldier, who had earned the late Peshwa's high opinion by capturing the fort of Shira in 1770. These leaders and their subordinates at this time were in charge of the person and the palace of the Peshwa, more or less like the Janisseries of Constantinople. Muhammad Yusuf had been discharged a little while before for some dereliction of duty.

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Another source of anxiety to the new Peshwa's Government was the presence at Poona of the British envoy Mostyn. In April 1772, when Madhavrao was on his death bed, the President of the Bombay Council received orders from the Home authorities to try to acquire from the Marathas some places on the mainland of India, like Salsette, Bassein, Elephanta, Karanja and other islands in the vicinity of Bombay and to station a British agent at Poona in order to gain that object. As Mostyn was already acquainted with the Court of Poona from his having led the British mission of 1767, he was deputed for a second time and arrived in Poona on 13th October 1772. From that day he continued there for full two years watching the course of events with a view to the acquisition of those places, and advising the Bombay authorities to take such steps as the situation in Poona suggested.

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As soon as Madhavrao died, the British navy considering the moment opportune started a wanton aggression against the Maratha posts of Thana, Bassein, Vijaydurg and Ratnagiri on the west coast. Narayanrao took prompt action to prevent mischief. He appointed Trimbak Vinayak to be the Sar-Subah of Bassein and the Konkan, and despatched him with necessary funds and naval forces to counteract the British moves. The Maratha naval officer Dhulap of Vijaydurg co-operated with Trimbak Vinayak and the two proved strong enough for a time to repel the British attack. But Mostyn remained at Poona watching for another opportunity which was not long in coming.

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Like the British traders of Bombay the Siddi of Janjira was also keenly watching for an opportunity to profit by any weakness in the Maratha Government, particularly with a view to taking back fort Raigad, which the Marathas prized as the erstwhile capital of Shivaji’s time, and which at this moment was in the nominal possession of the Chhatrapati. Even during the late Peshwa’s lifetime Narayanrao had foreseen the danger and taken measures for the defence of that fort. These incidents reveal the kind of situation which Narayanrao had to handle at the commencement of his rule. Fortunately his relations with his uncle were at first cordial. On 7th February 1773 the marriage of R’rao’s daughter Durgabai was celebrated with great pomp and rejoicing, in which Narayanrao figured prominently supervising the arrangements.

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4. Irritation begins, Visajipant Lele.—The first affair that led to an open rupture between the uncle and the nephew concerned one Visajipant Lele, a clever diplomat, efficient official and soldier of merit, who long held the post of the Governor of Bassein. He was the man who first exposed the British designs on Bassein and Thana and took timely measures to safeguard the Maratha interests there. He was high in the confidence of Sakharam Bapu and had served him faithfully in several awkward situations demanding mutual support. Visajipant’s corrupt practices were long known to Madhavrao whose regard he had consequently lost. Once it was reported to that Peshwa that Visajipant had misappropriated government property worth twenty lacs on account of the goods of a shipwrecked trading vessel, which he was bound in duty to credit to the public treasury. Madhavrao in his last days had for this offence dismissed the Pant from service. A few months later when Narayanrao became the Peshwa, Visajipant approached him for reinstatement and was supported by Sakharam Bapu. Narayanrao, however, sternly rejected Bapu’s recommendation and appointed Trimbak Vinayak to the Government of Bassein.⁴

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⁴ Later on Visajipant paid a heavy fine of several lacs to the Peshwa’s Govt. and was reposted to the charge of Bassein in June 1774, On this subject, see P. D. Vol. 35. 5 and the following ; Khare Nos. 1231, 1235, 1238 &c.

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This incident is only a typical instance of the way in which the new Peshwa found it difficult to establish his prestige in the Government. The Patwardhan Sardars had attained enormous power by their faithful service during the time of the late Peshwa, and were on that account an eyesore both to R’rao and Sakharam Bapu, who now made it their business to lower the prestige of the Patwardhans much against the inclination of Narayanrao. It soon became plain that the new Peshwa and Sakharam Bapu could not pull well together ; they decided to refer their differences for decision to the experienced voice of Gopikabai, now the only elderly member in the family. For this purpose Narayanrao, Bapu and Vamanrao Patwardhan (brother of the late Gopalrao and now the leading member of that family), repaired to Gangapur in the middle of March for a consultation with the lady, and spent a few days there in frank discussions without arriving at any definite solution.

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In the mean time Raghunathrao, sulking at Poona at his impotence, took advantage of Narayanrao’s absence to promote a fresh intrigue for getting out of the new Peshwa’s control. He began to enlist troops of his own and wrote to Haidar Ali for support. Naro Appaji the officer responsible for peace and order in Poona, took prompt measures to prevent Raghunathrao’s escape by placing guards to watch all the exits of the palace and the city. R’rao pitched his tents outside, declaring that he was going out on an expedition. The news of this move reached Narayanrao at Nasik and he hurriedly returned to Poona. He saw his uncle in his tents and on 11th April brought him back to the palace, where he employed additional guards to prevent his escape, with the result of further irritation taking place between them. R'rao finding his situation unbearable appealed to the Bhosles of Nagpur for support.

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5. The Nagpur succession and the Prabhus.—The death of Janoji Bhosle in May 1772 gave rise to the usual succession disputes in that family and a civil war ensued between the two brothers Mudhoji and Sabaji. The former was supported by R'rao and Sakharam Bapu from Poona, and the latter by Narayanrao, Nana Phadnis and others, who all stuck to the policy of the late Peshwa. Sabaji in addition enlisted the sympathies of Nizam Ali and fought some indecisive actions with his brother in January 1773. This fratricidal war came to be temporarily composed through the mediation of some disinterested well-wishers and an agreement was arrived at, by which Mudhoji's son Raghuji was to be recognised as the ruler of Nagpur. In order to get this arrangement confirmed by the Peshwa, two agents, Vyankatrao Kashi Gupte of the Prabhu caste, and his brother Lakshman, were sent to Poona to obtain the robes of the Sena-Saheb Subah for Raghuji. When these two agents arrived in Poona in the summer of 1773, they discovered a severe tension growing between the Peshwa and his uncle and were secretly incited to make capital out of it by the well-known wire-puller and diplomat of Nagpur, Devajipant Chorghode, the same person whose pride had been humbled by the late Peshwa Madhavrao, and who had long exhibited open sympathies with R'rao and Sakharam Bapu. These Nagpur agents now started their mischievous game at Poona, by espousing the cause of R'rao against his nephew.

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The Prabhu caste at this time had been nursing a special grievance against Narayanrao, although the origin of the trouble was of an earlier date. The Prabhus claimed the rights of Kshatriyas in the performance of their religious functions, and insisted upon the use of the Vedic hymns for that purpose. A dispute on this practice had arisen in the days of Shivaji, whose confidential secretary Balaji Avji Chitnis, a Prabhu by caste, performed the thread ceremony of his sons at the same time as that of Shivaji himself, by using Vedic chants under the direction of the celebrated Gaga Bhatt. This practice had continued since then without interference from the orthodox Brahmans, as Shahu and his Peshwas judiciously avoided any irritating innovation. But now Narayanrao rather imprudently took up the orthodox party’s cause, probably under the inspiration of Nana Phadnis, deprived the Prabhus of their Kshatriya status, and forced them under severe penalties to adopt the practice prescribed for the Shudras, who had no right to use the Vedic hymns. For this purpose some of the prominent leaders of the Prabhu community of Poona were called together and under severe torture including starvation, compelled to sign an agreement of nine specific articles, purporting their acceptance of the Shudra status and renouncing that of the Kshatriyas. This action of the Peshwa made him lose the sympathies of that influential community, who in resentment readily joined the plot which Raghunathrao was now slowly and secretly forming. Some time during July R’rao became so exasperated with the restrictions imposed upon him, that he threatened to starve himself, his wife and his adopted son to death. In this predicament Narayanrao failed to adopt a cool and conciliatory course. He had no adviser in his confidence. Nana Phadnis had been already estranged for some time and he kept himself aloof from the current administration on account of the open want of confidence shown towards him. Nana disagreed with his senior colleague Bapu and avoided taking any direct part in the administration, except when absolutely necessary. This alone explains why Nana with his habitual circumspection did not notice the current reports of intrigues and plots then circulating in the town and take timely measures to suppress them. The little incident handed down in local tradition of the Peshwa removing the turban from Nana’s head with his stick, was a bad joke characteristic of Narayanrao’s freakish nature. He often vainly and carelessly talked of imitating the grand schemes and projects worthy of his famous ancestors, but possessed little capacity or perseverance to execute them.

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6. Plot to depose Narayanrao.—The Nagpur agents Vyankatrao Kashi and his brother Lakshman came to Poona primarily to obtain the Peshwa’s sanction to the succession of Raghuji the son of Mudhoji, to the Chiefship of Nagpur and thus put down the pretensions of Sabaji to that office. Narayanrao, however, supported the claim of Sabaji and sent armed reinforcements under Khanderao Darekar to assist him against his brother. Mudhoji got wild at this rebuff and wrote to the two agents to stay on in Poona and organize a strong opposition to Narayanrao. Mudhoji wrote, “It is no use any longer to put up meekly with the Peshwa’s high-handedness. You may use your discretion in whatever way you think best for gaining our object by supporting R’rao’s power.” This was indeed a vague direction; but it certainly authorized the agents to join in any intrigue that might be set on foot against the ruling Peshwa.

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The agents could not mature any plan unless they had a full and direct talk with R’rao; but he was strictly guarded against any outside communication. In this predicament the Nagpur vakils consulted Sakharam Hari Gupte, a devoted partizan of R’rao, who had already been extremely offended by Narayanrao’s action in imposing social restrictions upon the Prabhu caste. They together managed to obtain a secret interview with R’rao, in which a plot was hatched for seizing and confining Narayanrao and placing Raghunathrao on the Peshwa’s seat. For the success of the plan it was necessary for R’rao to be free and to organize an armed force. One dark night in August Raghunathrao tried to escape leaning on the arm of Lakshman Kashi. He was detected by the guards and taken back to his custody. Lakshman Kashi managed to escape capture and ran out of Poona to save his life. This incident was reported to Narayanrao, who thereupon increased the rigour of his uncle’s confinement and ordered that he should not be allowed to step out of his room. All his necessaries were provided within a circumscribed area. It was R’rao’s practice as part of prayer, to stand in the open and gaze long at the sun. This practice came to be disallowed, which made the uncle so furious that matters began to head towards a crisis. His lavish expenditure was at the same time severely curtailed.

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Cases of similar irritation in the late Peshwa’s time had not been rare, but Madhavrao had carefully avoided exasperating the uncle beyond the limits of endurance, while Narayanrao lacked the necessary prudence. Madhavrao usefully employed Sakharam Bapu, Sakharam Hari, Chinto Vithal, Gangadhar Yeshvant, Visaji Lele, Abaji Madhav Sohoni and other avowed partizans of his uncle and prevented any concerted action on their part. But Narayanrao neglected this precaution. These discontented elements now found a common platform for their hostile activity and the gratification of the revenge, which they had long nursed against Narayanrao. In addition to these helpmates, R'rao succeeded in enlisting the sympathies of Appaji Ram, the resident ambassador of Haidar Ali at Poona. Appaji entered into R'rao's plans and persuaded his master to extend his support to this unfortunate member of the Peshwa's family. James Forbes who later lived with R'rao and his party in Gujarat, writes, "Narayanrao's duplicity and ill-treatment at length occasioned Raghoba to concert measures with Haidar Ali's ambassador to effect his escape, which being known to the young Peshwa he confined him in his palace, suffering no friend to visit him nor any of his own servants to attend him. Whether from weariness of life or to intimidate his nephew, Raghoba now entered into a solemn vow to starve himself, when his death being attributed to Narayanrao's cruelty, the nation would stigmatize him as the murderer. Thus resolved he put his vow into execution and for the space of eighteen days took no other sustenance than two ounces of deer's milk each day until, when he was nearly exhausted, Narayanrao relented and promised he should have the government of a district with five castles and a jagir of twelve lacs of rupees per annum, provided some of the great chieftains would become surety for his future conduct."5

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Narayanrao getting disgusted with the intrigues of the two Nagpur agents, in exasperation issued prompt orders recognizing Sabaji Bhosle as the Sena-Saheb Subah and commanding the agents to proceed post-haste to Nagpur along with the third agent Bhavani Shivram who had just arrived. The orders appointing Sabaji to the Nagpur headship are dated 16th August, that is, two weeks before the murder of the Peshwa. This date thus marks the beginning of the storm that was gathering. A very influential personal servant of R'rao and Anandibai named Tulaji Pawar, now became the moving spirit of another plot which he skilfully hatched and fearlessly executed. The original plan was to seize Narayanrao, put him in confinement, liberate R'rao and make him the Peshwa. It was this Tulaji who organized the subsequent plot of murder. He was found to be the chief culprit in the enquiry into the affair. He long escaped capture and when in 1780 his evidence came to be recorded, he said, that the plot "had started in the days at Theur," meaning that the decision was taken by R'rao, while the late Peshwa was at Theur, to secure the Peshwaship for himself after he was dead. This resolution on the part of the uncle was never lost sight of, although under the circumstances he could not immediately carry it out. Looking at the affair at this distance of time and from the recorded evidence that has accumulated, one is sadly struck with the utter neglect or incapacity of Narayanrao to take the most ordinary precautions for self-protection, which for a ruler of his position would have been easy. He possessed a sour temper, which often turned his best friends into enemies.

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⁵ *Oriental Memoirs*, Vol. I, p. 301.

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Sakharam Bapu’s policy was to smoothe matters by compromise, to avoid extreme steps and to reconcile conflicting interests. When Raghunathrao and his wife Anandibai often bitterly complained to him about the harsh treatment that they were receiving from the Peshwa, Sakharam Bapu had a delicate task to perform as the responsible administrator. He probably had no knowledge of the conspiracy for murder that was being hatched.

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From 16th to 30th August was a period that witnessed an unprecedented stir in Poona with secret talks and concealed discussions among the various partizans of Raghunathrao, but as these had been a normal occurrence at the Peshwa’s palace, no responsible official paid any serious attention to them. The annual Shravan charities to Brahmans passed off as usual on 25th July. Next came the ten days of the Ganapati festival when the administration had a holiday and all officials and staff were fully occupied with the various details of the celebration, the daily worship both morning and evening, Vedic recitations, music, dance, Durbars, feasts, and processions. This festival commenced on 21st August and was to have ended on 31st, the Anant 14th of Bhadrapad. The murder of the Peshwa took place on 30th August shortly after midday.

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During these Ganapati celebrations Tulya Pawar began his activities in right earnest. He approached the Gardi leaders and sounded them as to their attachment to the Peshwa and his uncle. Possessing a peculiar dash and an audacious desire to see his master placed in the highest position so as to avenge a real or fancied wrong he had suffered from Narayanrao and possibly from Madhavrao himself, Tulaji strained every nerve to put into a definite shape the vague and scattered bits of a plot that were in the air, select instruments for its execution and assign to them the parts that they were expected to play. Being a personal servant of long standing and familiarity in the palace, he could not have been abruptly dismissed, even if he had come to be suspected of some deep-laid plan. He had ready access to his master and could well arrange the details of the plot in consultation with R'rao and his wife Anandibai in the palace and the Gardi chiefs outside. The initial idea of the conspirators having been only to confine Narayanrao and put R'rao in his place, the latter cautiously fathomed Sakharam Bapu's attitude towards the intended project. Possibly Bapu honestly believed R'rao to be in no way inferior to his nephew : he was certainly not enthusiastic on behalf of Narayanrao and as no personal harm was intended to him, Sakharam Bapu took no active steps either to promote or prevent the project.

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Moroba Phadnis was also a member of the executive Government, but he shared the indifferent attitude of his senior colleague Bapu. Haripant Phadke too shared the apathetic spirit of his friend Nana. Thus if one bears in mind the divergent views of these several responsible councillors, one need not wonder why the murder was not prevented. Sumersinh was the Gardi officer appointed by Narayanrao to be in immediate charge of his confined uncle and as such the man had free access to him. He was won over by Tulaji to join the conspiracy along with Muhammad Yusuf, Kharagsinh and Bahadur Khan, so that the plan proved easy of execution. To confine Narayanrao appeared as the only means of easing the agonies of Raghunathrao. "You four chiefs have each a thousand men under you," urged Tulaji, "and you can easily execute this task." Sumersinh replied, "This is a venture in which our lives are at stake in case of failure. So we must obtain some substantial reward.” It was thereupon agreed that a cash reward of three lacs should be paid to the Gardi chiefs if they accomplished the object. A written order by R’rao was procured and delivered to these four chiefs, purporting that the Peshwa should be “seized”. This word came to be later scratched and replaced by the word ‘slain’ by Anandibai, says the *Peshwa-bakhar*. But who indeed made this change has ever remained an unsolved mystery. Anandibai all along averred that she had no hand in the affair. The *Nagpur bakhar* says that Lakshman Kashi delivered to the Gardi chiefs a written promise by R’rao offering them a reward of three lacs upon their placing N’rao in confinement. Thus the plot came to be arranged by R’rao with the Gardis through the instrumentality of Tulaji Pawar and Lakshman Kashi. Duff says that Ram Shastri made a full enquiry of the affair, when the paper with the word “seized” scratched and replaced by “slain”, was produced before him. That note is now nowhere to be traced. It seems that when the Gardi chiefs undertook the venture at the instance of R’rao, they discovered that in the process of the arrest it was quite possible that the Peshwa might come to be slain, if he on his part offered armed resistance. They, therefore, represented this difficulty through the mediators and were absolved by R’rao from any responsibility for murder, if the Peshwa came by his death in the course of the encounter. Hence came this change in the material word of the contract.

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7. The tragedy acted.—From 16 August onward the the plot began to thicken. Narayanrao remained fatally incautious during this momentous period. Raghuji Angre of Kolaba had come to Poona and called on the Peshwa. The latter had to pay a return visit which he fixed for the morning on Monday 30th August. Accompanied by Haripant Phadke Narayanrao rode to Angre’s residence outside the city at about ten in the morning. During their conversation Raghuji drew the Peshwa’s attention to the crop of rumours he had been hearing, and cautioned him to be on his guard against danger to his life. When the visit concluded, the Peshwa and Phadke proceeded to the Parvati temple where their breakfast was fixed for that day along with some guests and invitees. The meal being over, the Peshwa rode back to his palace along with Haripant. During their ride the Peshwa communicated to Haripant what he had heard from Angre and asked him to take immediate steps to prevent mischief. Haripant assured the Peshwa that he would attend to the affair after finishing his midday meal which he was going to have with a friend. The Peshwa reached his palace and retired to his room for rest. Tulya Pawar somehow got scent of the Peshwa being forewarned and immediately reported to the Gardi chiefs that unless they executed their plan immediately, they would all be undone, as the secret had leaked out. At this intimation a body of about five hundred Gardis headed by their four chiefs, immediately rushed into the palace through an opening of a hind gate then being widened. They cut down the few men on duty at the gate and demanded payment of their long delayed salaries.

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It was about one o'clock in the afternoon. The clerks and servants on duty harangued the mutineers saying that they must not raise a clamour and disturb their master's repose ; and that their grievances would be listened to in the office. At this the protesting clerks were cut down; when one of them took shelter behind a cow, that used to be kept on the premises always for fresh milk, the Gardis hewed down the animal and the man, closed the front gate and proceeded to the Peshwa's room upstairs with drawn swords and deafening shouts. The palace resounded with the cries of horror and grief raised by the inmates, but none could oppose the unruly attack. Narayanrao in fear of life and entirely unarmed, escaped through a backdoor of his room into his aunt Parvatibai's apartment. She directed him to go to his uncle and seek his protection. He then ran to the spot where R'rao was performing his worship and clasped him, begging to be saved and imploring him to become the Peshwa if his own life were spared. Sumersinh and the Gardis who in the meantime had closely followed the Peshwa there, pulled him away from his uncle. Tulya Pawar dragged him out violently and Sumersinh hacked him to pieces. Narayanrao's servant Chapaji Tilekar fell upon his master's body to save him along with some maid servants and they were all cruelly cut to pieces. A little later after this first rush, one Naroba Naik, an old and trusted man on palace duty, came forth and roundly censured R'rao for allowing such foul deeds to take place in his presence. The enraged Gardis thereupon slew that innocent man too. Thus within the short space of about half an hour eleven persons came to be murdered in cold blood in that famous palace, seven being Brahmans, two Maratha servants, two maids, besides one cow, no less sacred a life, all in the heart of a Brahman city. Forbes corroborates these details, saying, “The accounts of this catastrophe are variously related. The Peshwa family and a large part of the nation accused Raghoba of the murder ; some of the Maratha Chiefs and numerous partisans asserted his innocence. When we consider his ambitious character and his peculiar situation at the time, it is difficult to exculpate him.”

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Selections from the Peshwa Daftar — Marathi

New History of the Marathas v3: Volume 3

Contents

Volume 3

Front matter

The Author's Farewell

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