New History of the Marathas v3.c37.s3: 2. Wellesley's first harvest
New History of the Marathas v3.c37.s3
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2. Wellesley's first harvest
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bad State was smoothed by the death of General Raymond.³ on 25th March 1798, i. e. a month before Wellesley's arrival. He immediately proposed his scheme of subsidiary alliance to Nizam Ali, who signed its acceptance on 1st September 1798. The French officers were replaced by British, not without a deal of trouble. This easy victory made Wellesley more confident in his projected trial of strength with Tipu Sultan.
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For three months, July to September 1798, Palmer pressed Bajirao and Nana to give their decision whether they were going to join in or keep aloof from the suggested alliance for a war against Tipu and whether and when Sindia would proceed to the north. The Peshwa received a special letter from Wellesley on 1st November, requesting Maratha armies to proceed to the war against Mysore, and forwarding for the Peshwa's consideration a copy of the subsidiary treaty executed with Nizam Ali, in expectation that the Peshwa would come forward of his own accord to do the same. Bajirao answered that he would take two months to send his quota of troops for the Mysore war. At this time Tipu Sultan's ambassadors arrived at Poona requesting the Peshwa's help against the British. The ambassadors were received with great cordiality and ceremonial, and were reported to have paid 13 lacs to the Peshwa in cash for his help. Palmer strongly protested against this conduct of
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3. Raymond born on 20 September 1755, came out to Pondicherry for trade in 1775 and first enlisted under Haidar Ali, and in 1785 transferred his services to Nizam Ali, working on the same lines as De Boigne's in Sindia's service. He trained for Nizam Ali a force of 20 battalions of infantry, that is, about 15 thousand men with an efficient park of artillery. He had about 124 European Officers under him and received for his expenses an assignment of separate districts yielding 52 lacs a year. He served his master faithfully and acquitted himself creditably on the field of Kharda, the Nizam's defeat on that day being in no way due to him. That battle place on 11th March 1795 and in June next Nizam Ali's son Alijah rebelled against him declaring himself independent at Bidar. Nizam Ali entrusted Raymond with the task of defeating his son and taking him alive. Alijah was hunted from place to place and captured by Raymond. While he was being taken to Haidarabad on an elephant, he swallowed poison and put an end to his life (September 1795). Raymond was in close touch with the revolutionary regime in France and entertained the ambition of restoring French influence in India. Wellesley arrived as Governor General, and at once sensed severe danger to British power from this capable French soldier at the Court of Haidarabad.
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the Peshwa. Nana at this time was in extreme anxiety about his own safety and would not undertake to decide the point of the Peshwa's participating in the war, either for or against Tipu. He left the choice entirely to Bajirao. The only man fit to lead the Maratha troops was Parashuram Bhau who was then engaged in a life and death struggle with Kolhapur. Bajirao never possessed decision and as usual wasted time by assuring Palmer that he was preparing for the expedition, fully believing that the war would go on for quite a long time and that he would ultimately join the winning side. Nana, however, gave the Peshwa a written warning against delay. News soon arrived that Tipu had been killed in one swift action on 4th May and Bajirao was dumb-founded. Tipu's dominions were reduced, a major part being handed back to the old Hindu Raja of Mysore, some territories were appropriated by the Nizam and the English as suited their existing frontiers, and a small portion was reserved for Bajirao's acceptance if he complied with the following conditions :—
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1. That the Peshwa should contract a subsidiary treaty with the British ;
2. That he should help the British if they came to war with the French ;
3. That in case of a dispute arising between him and the Nizam, the Peshwa should accept the decision given by the British ;
4. And that the Peshwa should relinquish his rights of Chauth against the new raja of Mysore.
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As compliance with these terms clearly meant the loss of independence of the Maratha State, Bajirao refused to accept them. Wellesley understood why the Peshwa was holding out and henceforth regulated his relations with him in that sense, i. e. a waiting game to overcome him. Nana did not fail to warn Bajirao from the fate of Tipu Sultan, saying, "Tipu is finished ; the British power has increased ; the whole of east India is already theirs ; Poona will now be the next victim. Evil days seem to be ahead. There seems to be no escape from destiny."
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But the two youths Bajirao and Daulatrao learnt no lesson and went on heedlessly in their course. As a counterstroke to Tipu’s fate, they declared their intention of making a war upon the Nizam. Palmer communicated this news to the Governor General, who wrote to the Nizam telling him emphatically, “So long as you remain on friendly terms with the British power, we are ready to run to your help with all our forces against any enemy that may attack you. You need entertain absolutely no fear of an attack from Sindia”. A copy of this letter was presented by Palmer to Bajirao and Daulatrao, and had the desired result. Their dream of going to war avainst the Nizam vanished into the air. Bajirao, a pigmy before the giant Governor General, did in his own foolish way try to build a confederacy of Indian Powers to oppose the British. He expected Tipu to hold on for some time so that he would join him at the right moment. In this policy he tried to win over Raghoji Bhosle of Nagpur. Daulatrao and Bajirao sent secret emissaries to Mysore to instigate the new Hindu raja and the sons of Tipu to rise against the British, hardly realizing that another giant, the Governor General’s younger brother Arthur Wellesley was now posted to Mysore. Arthur detected the intrigues of Bajirao and took prompt action to counteract them.
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During 1799 though Nana continued to be the ostensible minister, he had neither the will nor the strength to take any responsible part in the administration ; nor were the two youths disposed to give weight to his advice. He knew that his hoarded treasure alone was their object. The minister, therefore, occupied himself during that year in handling some second rate subjects, the settlement of the affairs of Amritrao, of the Sindian ladies, of the two Chhatrapatis and so on.
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Sindia’s affairs rapidly went from bad to worse. He brought Baloba Tatya to Poona from his confinement at Ahmadnagar on 22nd April 1799 and asked him to accept his ministership. Baloba flatly refused this offer and adopted the same apathy and indifference which Nana had evinced towards Bajirao. When Nana Phadnis died next year all restraint upon Bajirao was gone. Baloba and Aba Chitnis who had settled the ladies’ dispute, soon became obnoxious both to Sindia and Bajirao, as Sharzarao came to exercise full control over them. Under Sharzarao’s advice Sindia decided to get rid of all his old servants one by one. The method he employed against them was extremely cruel and detestable. Baloba, his nephew Dhondiba, Sadashiv Malhar, Krishnoba Modi, Devji Gauli were all put under arrest, severely ill-treated and sent to Ahmadnagar for detention. Baloba’s wife actually broke her head in agony when her husband was thus torn away from her. On 31st May 1800 Tuljaji Sindia and Manaji Wable were blown away from the mouth of a gun on the ground that they had supported the ladies’ cause. On 8th July Yashvantrao Shivaji and some others had their noses and ears cut off, were paraded through the lines and put to death. Dhondiba Pagnis suffered a similar fate. Rockets were tied round Narayanrao Bakhshi’s body and he was blown up like a kite in flight. Daulatrao and Bajirao thus wiped out every sane element in their administration under the suspicion that they had been planning to effect a revolution, by deposing both Bajirao and Daulatrao and making Amritrao the head of the State. Baloba himself had long been ailing and died at Ahmadnagar on 1st November 1800. Sadashiv Malhar alias Bhau Bakhshi the confidential and able foreign minister of Mahadji, similarly died two weeks before Baloba. Thus within a few months of Nana’s death all links with the past were finally snapped.
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These atrocious deeds while they disgusted the general public, gave fresh courage to men like Yashvantrao Holkar and to the two wives of Mahadji Sindia, who now took up their old war with renewed vigour. Wellesley carefully watched these events and patiently prepared for a final stroke.
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Against these blind thoughtless movements of Bajirao and Daulatrao, there was a body of sane experienced, wide awake opinion supporting Amritrao as the only alternative for saving the Maratha State. Baloba Tatya, Nana Phadnis, Narayan Bakhshi and some others desired to bring about such a change, but their efforts were wickedly crushed. Indeed Bajirao would have reached his doom much earlier than he actually did, if the British Resident had fully entered into the grasping schemes of the Governor General. But Palmer was a quiet uninterfering man, who had made friends with Sindia’s European officers at Poona during more than two years (1798-1800), so that Lord Wellesley had to transfer him for his inattention to the prevailing politics, for not manoeuvring Bajirao into the acceptance of British suzerainty. Col. Close was appointed in his place and took charge at Poona on 7th December 1801.
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Close had earned a good reputation during his two years' management of Mysore under Arthur Wellesley's supervision. After four years of mischievous activity in Poona, Daulatrao ultimately left that place at the end of 1800 and reached Burhanpur in the following February. Henceforward Bajirao found himself unable to maintain his position at the capital.
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3. Death and character of Nana Phadnis.—Nana Phadnis did not live long after he was readmitted into the administration. Daulatrao's treachery in having him arrested and confined against all principles of morality or reason, so worked on the high-strung mind and delicate constitution of that Minister, that he rapidly declined in health. Although he accepted office towards the end of 1798, he never was his former self again, and did not transact any important measure during that short period before his death. His was a temperament which corroded internally and sapped all his vitality. He now found himself forlorn and helpless with no friend or companion upon whom he could rely. The humiliations and insults which his enemies heaped upon him were unbearable. A report of 1st March 1799 says, "Nana has been in great distreses and has been getting fever intermittently." Another report of 7th April records, "Nana has not recovered from his ailment. His ears give him trouble. He only walks to his Belbag temple". A report in December 1799 runs, "Nana has now absolutely no strength. He cannot even walk to the Peshwa's palace next door". Since February 1800 he began to have a rise in temperature every day. On 4th March Bajirao paid him a personal visit and enquired after his health. On Thursday 13th March he expired at midnight. When his body was being removed for the funeral rites, the Arab guards on duty created a row, demanding their arrears of pay, which Bajirao discharged before the body was allowed to be taken away. Capt. Brownrigg paid a call and said, " Nana is gone and with him the Brahman raj. Poona has fallen." The British Resident Palmer reported to the Governor General, "With Nana has departed all the wisdom and moderation of the Maratha Government." Writes Sir Richard Temple "Maratha administration lost all vestige of honesty and efficiency by the death of the great Minister." Writes Grant Duff, " Nana Phadnis was certainly a great statesman. His principal defects originated in the want of personal courage and in an ambition not always restrained by principles. His life was entirely public. In private he was a man of strict veracity, humane, frugal and charitable. His whole time was regulated with the strictest order, and the business personally transacted by him almost exceeds credibility. Nana doubtless shines out as the last genius produced by the Maratha nation."
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Nana was not at all old in years; born on 12th February 1742 he was only 58 years and one month in age, five months younger than the Peshwa's son Vishvasrao with whom he was brought up. He was of medium height, thin in body and half fair in complexion. His countenance was grave and he was hardly ever seen to laugh. He possessed regular and studious habits, used measured language and despatched work with his pen more than in open discussion. Of all characters in Maratha history he claims the highest amount of the extant records. He married several wives, of whom the names of nine are available. His last wife named Jiubai who became a widow by his death, was then nine years of age. She experienced strange vicissitudes in life for preserving her character against Bajirao's wickedness.⁴
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⁴ She adopted a son in 1835 who died in 1877. The latter's adopted son is still living (1948).
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The office of Phadnis meant the control of accounts or the public purse, and was concerned with the earnings and expenditure of the State. In this task Nana was perfectly adept and has not been approached by any other Indian in recorded history. He acquired this efficiency under the rigid task-master Madhavrao I, whom he served for ten years. After that Peshwa's death Nana conducted the whole administration practically on his own responsibility, improving the system of accounts and never letting the State remain in want, in spite of the numerous wars and other concerns which he was called upon to handle. The charge usually made against him is that he accumulated his private fortune reputed to be several crores at the expense of the State. For a man of his times Nana's greatest drawback was his ignorance of fighting. This compelled him to depend upon others and launched him into all sorts of trouble and suffering.
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The greatest credit that goes to Nana’s statesmanship pertains to the success he achieved in co-operation with Mahadji Sindia over the British Power in the First Maratha War. Similarly his most glaring failure was his deplorable handling of the situation of the Maratha State after the death of the Peshwa Madhavrao II. So long as Haripant Phadke his loyal co-operator lived, Nana’s administration was successful, but after the former’s death Nana had no fixed policy and allowed vacillation and temporary shifts to have their course. During the last five years of his career his confusion of mind betrayed itself at every moment. A similar crisis had happened in the Maratha State at the death of Shahu, but Nanasaheb handled the situation with discretion, having convened a responsible conference and secured the co-operation of the leading members.
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If immediately after the Peshwa’s death Nana Phadnis had called together an open conference of responsible chiefs, Sindia, Holkar, Bhosle, Angre, the Patwardhans etc. and the senior advisors like Jivba Bakhshi and Baloba, there was every chance of Amritrao being selected for the Peshwaship as he had been pronounced even by the English as the most competent of the existing claimants. Thus Bajirao could have been kept away. But Nana’s method gave rise to low intrigue and selfish venality damaging the prospects of a smooth administration. One cannot but deplore Nana’s lack of magnanimity under these trying circumstances and his failure to sink his own individuality for the public good. He well knew the characters of the men in power about him and should have so formulated his policy as to prevent degeneration.⁵
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5. In this connection one is reminded of another contemporary celebrity, viz. Purnayya, the minister of Mysore, almost Nana’s equal in age and career, but handling different situations. He served loyally both Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan and like Nana Phadnis was noted for his financial acumen. At the fall of Tipu, Purnayya’s character was known to be so upright and his reputation so high, that Wellesley selected him as the minister of the Hindu raja whom the victorious British restored to the Kingdom of Mysore. Purnayya then laid the foundation of the prosperous rule which Mysore enjoyed during that revolutionary period of India’s fortunes. Purnayya was five years older than Nana and died fifteen years after him. He could earn credit from different masters like Haidar Ali, Tipu, Krishnaraj Wadiyar, Wellesley and Close, whom he served in succession.
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The death of Nana Phadnis marks a distinct change in our history and presents a strange contrast and an irony of fate in the Maratha and British personnel. Mahadji Sindia, Haripant Phadke, Ahalyabai, Madhavrao II, Tukoji Holkar, Jivba Bakhshi, Baloba Tatya, Parashuram Bhau and lastly Nana Phadnis all these and more died within a short period, leaving the political field in the hands of two incompetent youths Bajirao and Daulatrao. Side by side appear on the stage of history some brilliant British names like the three Wellesley brothers, Metcalfe, Kirkpatrick, Close, Elphinstone, Malcolm, Jenkins, Munro, who all formed a brilliant band the like of which is hardly found in the whole history of British India. The blemishes of Warren Hastings' regime had been removed by fifteen years of peaceful reform and these men of superior calibre had been attracted to the Company's service by the Scottish clannishness of Dundas. The destiny of India came thus to be decided by the singular genius of these British statesmen, at the close of the 18th century.
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4. The rebellion of Dhondia Wagh.—The coming of Lord Wellesley and the deaths of Nana Phadnis and the Sindian chiefs were events of far reaching importance. The year 1800 began with a marked decline in the Maratha fortunes. Wellesley resented the Peshwa's refusal to join in his war against Tipu Sultan, but the significance of the event was lost upon Bajirao. The large army raised by the Governor General for his Mysore War was not disbanded after its purpose had been served. The settlement of the territories conquered from Tipu Sultan and the establishment of orderly rule there, required a strong army under a capable commander. Wellesley appointed to this post his own brother Arthur, afterwards Duke of Wellington.⁶
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Arthur Wellesley was then a young Colonel just thirty-two, having seen no actual fighting before the day of Shrirangpattan. The Governor General appointed this brother Arthur
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6. Arthur Wellesley had arrived in India in February 1797 as an officer in the Indian army with a strong recommendation from Lord Cornwallis to Sir John Shore. Richard Wellesley came out later and brought with him as his secretary the third brother Henry Wellesley.
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to the chief command of the Mysore State, superseding General Baird, “the leader of the stormers”. But Arthur possessed both administrative and military capacity in an eminent degree. Barry Close and John Malcolm, two clever young officers, were appointed as Arthur’s assistants. Munro, Webbe, Tod, Elphinstone, Metcalfe, Jenkins, these and other future celebrities figuring in Maratha history, received their early training under the rigorous discipline of the Wellesley brothers.
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While in charge of the Mysore administration Arthur Wellesley was called upon to perform a curious piece of service which had indirect results for the fate of the Maratha State, and which gave the British officers and their armies their first experience of conducting operations in Maratha territory. It proved of inestimable value to them in overcoming the Maratha State at a later date. The affair was the singular rebellion of a Maratha freebooter named Dhondia Wagh, who for some time played havoc through the Karnatak regions and invited Arthur Wellesley’s attention.
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Dhondji was descended from an old Pawar family owing allegiance to the Adilshahi rulers. During the latter part of the eighteenth century Dhondia served several masters in turn, the Patwardhans, the Raja of Kolhapur and the Desai of Lakshmeshvar, a small principality north of the Tungabhadra. His extraordinary resourcefulness, boldness and address were found highly useful by those whom he served. He, however, practised wanton plunder and depredation upon innocent populations on both sides of that river, now the boundary line between the Mysore and Maratha dominions. He was severely checked by Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan. The latter captured and converted him to Islam. After the British conquest of Mysore he once more took to his old activities of plunder and destruction. In June 1800 Arthur Wellesley attacked and drove him into the Maratha territories north of the Tungabhadra. He then became a curse both to the Patwardhans and the Raja of Kolhapur. Gokhale was then the guardian of the Peshwa’s fort of Dharwar, whom Dhondia molested, so that it became an urgent task both for the Peshwa at Poona and for Wellesley in Mysore to destroy this troublesome despoiler. Wellesley for this purpose made a pact with the Patwardhans for joint measures to put him down. This involved penetration by British forces into the Peshwa’s territories. The Governor General no stickler for political niceties, ordered his brother to lead his forces in pursuit of Wagh into the Maratha territory along with the Patwardhans.
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General Wellesley accordingly formed his plans, crossed the Tungabhadra in the summer of 1800 and was joined by Ramchandra Appa and other Patwardhans. They jointly pursued the rebel for four months in the district of Dharwar, undergoing severe hardships on account of the monsoon floods of the river Malaprabha, along which Dhondia conducted his raids, being well served by the local populace imparting him correct timely information of the plans and movements of his pursuers. On 30th June Dhondia suddenly surprized the Peshwa’s troops near Kittur when Dhondopant Gokhale was killed and his nephew Bapu Gokhale (the future general of Bajirao) was wounded. This success appears to have turned Dhondia’s head and induced him thereafter to commit boundless iniquities. Arthur Wellesley thereupon tracked him with a grim determination, and dividing the combined forces into three bodies began to scour the country, two moving along the two banks from west to east, and the third pursuing the adventurer closely. The plan was doubtless arduous on account of the rains which made the terrain almost impassable. Wellesley’s ingenuity was put to a severe test, but his measures and ample resources, proved effective against the poor lonely rebel. In a couple of months he came to his last gasp, being deserted by most of his followers. His pursuers were on him wherever he turned. In his sore straits he wandered breathlessly and proceeded south-east towards Bellary in the vicinity of the Tungabhadra. At last he was compelled to stand an action at Bhanu near Bellary on 10th September 1800, when he was killed fighting along with six hundred followers. He was then sixty years of age.
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Wellesley acquired the distinction of having successfully conducted his first independent campaign in co-operation with Indian allies. He came into close contact particularly with the Patwardhans and obtained valuable information about the Maratha administration in general and the present troubles and ways of the Poona rulers. Col. Wellesley thus gained a close acquaintance with the Maratha character, their Government, their leaders, the calibre and methods of their troops. The friendship which the Patwardhans were able to form with Col. Arthur Wellesley in their present close association, went on increasing, cemented as it was in the brotherhood of war. It is this friendship which saved the Patwardhan chiefs from Bajirao’s enmity in the long run and enabled them to hold their former positions to the present day. The campaign in addition enabled Arthur Wellesley to go through a most valuable rehearsal of the process of fighting in the Maharashtra country, which proved of inestimable benefit in the war which came three years later.
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After the destruction of Dhondia Wagh Col. A. Wellesley stayed on in the Maratha territory seemingly without any purpose or necessity and to the wonder of the Indian public. He had received confidential orders not to return to Mysore. We now know the real object. Bajirao, then undergoing strict surveillance in his own palace under Sindia’s guards, told Resident Palmer that he could no longer endure Sindia’s domination and that he feared being deposed by him. Palmer reported the situation to the Governor General and the latter was glad to seize the opportunity of inducing Bajirao to accept a British Subsidiary Force for his own protection. This is the reason why the Governor General asked his brother to stay on near Dharwar with instructions to march upon Poona in case either Sindia put Bajirao in confinement or the Peshwa ran away from Poona. But as neither of these contingencies occurred, Col. Wellesley was compelled to return to Mysore. On 6th September 1800 Col. Palmer wrote, “Bajirao has great reliance on his own wisdom and dexterity in intrigue and on this reliance he will probably trifle with his situation until he is ruined”. Prophetic words indeed. For a time Bajirao experienced the glee of having outwitted the Wellesley brothers.
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5. Rise of Yashvantrao Holkar.—When a situation becomes intolerable, it seeks strange channels for its remedy. This cannot be better illustrated than by the rise of Yashvantrao, one of the illegitimate sons of the late Tukoji Holkar, probably of the same age as his adversary Daulatrao. The cruel fate that Tukoji’s son Malharrao suffered at the hands of Daulatrao Sindia, filled the outraged Yashvantrao with a grim resolve to avenge the wrong. Along with his elder brother Vithoji and several young spirits of the Holkar house, such as Kumar Haranathsinh, Achbesinh, Bharmall etc., Yashvantrao left Poona, prayed to the family deity at Jejuri, and begged for strength and blessing in the pursuit of his object. From Jejuri the youth wandered far and wide without a penny in his pocket in search of fortune, forming friendships and dreaming wild projects. For two years Yashvantrao and his companions roamed about gaining valuable experience of the condition of the country and gathering the sentiments of the oppressed souls, so as to judge for himself who could be his friends in adversity. Daulatrao’s minister Baloba Tatya strongly but in vain protested against the harsh measures that Sindia pursued towards the house of the Holkars, an equal partner with the Sindias in rearing up the Maratha State. Towards the end of 1799 Yashvantrao went to Nagpur to persuade the Bhosle raja to help him. Spies reported Yashvantrao’s activities to the Peshwa and Daulatrao, who threatened the raja with reprisals as the consequence of harbouring the rebel Holkar. The raja at their suggestion put Yashvantrao under arrest on 30th January 1800 and communicated the step to Poona. Yashvantrao managed to elude his custodians and escaping from Nagpur, wandered again through the wild regions of the Tapti and the Narmada. Here he picked up a faithful servant and adviser named Lala Bhavani Shankar, who thenceforward stuck to him through weal and woe. The two wanderers collected a couple of hundred Bhil followers and commenced raiding the territories of Sultanpur and Nandurbar in north Khandesh. Hearing that his brother Kashirao was marching against him, Yashvantrao crossed the Narmada and fled to Dhar where Anandrao Pawar gave him an asylum for some time and employed him in his army. But Anandrao was intimidated by Sindia and compelled to expel Yashvantrao from his territories. The latter had, however, amassed by now a large treasure with which he raised a considerable number of horse.⁷
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⁷ For Yashvantrao’s early activities refer to Phalke’s Kotah papers vol. 2. 128, 129, 138, 142, 143 : his seal in 151.
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Fired with an intense spirit of revenge, he freely laid his hands on the Sindian territory in Malwa and declared open war against his brother Kashirao to wrest from his custody Khanderao, Malharrao’s posthumous son, proclaiming the latter as the rightful heir to the Holkar estate. In this resolve most of the old servants of the Holkar house joined Yashvantrao with their following. Though disabled in one eye by an accidental shot, he soon gathered momentum in his career. He fell upon the large treasure of Ahalyabai preserved at Maheshvar and with the resources thus obtained, he conducted a relentless war against Sindia. During the summer of 1800 the two opponents entered upon a deadly combat. At this time the widows of Mahadji Sindia renewed their hostilities in the north, having been joined by Lakba Lad who managed the northern possessions of Sindia. When the ladies arrived in Malwa, Yashvantrao paid them a visit and offered them his help for deposing Daulatrao and putting some one else in his seat. But before a final agreement was reached the ladies when camping at Ujjain were suddenly raided by Yashvantrao on 1st November 1800. Lakba, however, soon arrived on the scene and effected a reconciliation between Yashvantrao and the ladies. The latter retired towards Gwalior and Yashvantrao returned to the Narmada to face Daulatrao’s forces that rapidly came to overcome him. Daulatrao left Poona in December 1800 having appointed Baloji Kunjar to remain with Bajirao as his administrative officer and also Sharzarao Ghatge with a sufficient force to defend Bajirao as well as to keep a watch on his movements. Malharrao Holkar’s wife and her son Khanderao were removed to Bajirao’s palace for safety. If Daulatrao had had the dash that Yashvantrao was gifted with, he could easily have crushed the latter. But Sindia took a long time to reach the Narmada.
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In the meantime the Sindian ladies were not idle. Having established their sway in Central India they tried to get the Emperor on their side. He sent Begam Samru to their help, so that Daulatrao’s position became critical. But happily Perron at the head of his battalions remained perfectly loyal to him. He attacked the ladies near Jhansi on 2nd June 1801; the action was grimly contested but no decision was reached. Lakba received serious wounds of which he died later on 7th February 1802, thus weakening the ladies' cause. Yashvantrao worked havoc in Malwa with his phenomenal activity. He plundered Ujjain and carried away all the wealth he could find there.
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6. Vithoji Holkar put to death.—While Yashvantrao was thus occupied in the region of the Narmada, his brother Vithoji was not idle. He carried fire and sword through Maharashtra, having been joined by all the refractory elements that had so long suffered at the hands of Bajirao and Daulatrao. The region between Khandesh and the Krishna became one general scene of anarchy and chaos. Plunder and fire raged furiously everywhere. There hardly remained a sign of Bajirao’s rule beyond the limits of his capital. Reports of the prevailing misery poured into his ears daily from all quarters.
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Vithoji Holkar proclaimed himself as an agent of Amritrao throughout the regions he devastated, adding that Bajirao had proved himself incompetent and unworthy of his position and that he (Vithoji) was maintaining the rule of Amritrao with the sole object of saving the Maratha State from the approaching ruin. This anti-Bajirao campaign began in 1799 and continued in ever increasing violence up to the end of 1802 when it culminated in the treaty of Bassein. These four years of disturbances and outbreaks, clearly disclosed to the world how at the hands of Bajirao no improvement was possible. The two brothers Yashvantrao in the north and Vithoji in the south practically destroyed all the vestiges of the power which the Peshwa and his henchman Sindia exercised. The Peshwa felt so terror-stricken that he thought Amritrao and Vithoji had finished him. In his embarrassment he hurriedly collected whatever men he could secure and sent them under Baloji Kunjar and Bapu Gokhale against Vithoji. The insurgence, however, broke out sporadically in diverse localities, so that Bajirao could easily encounter and crush his enemies separately; many of them were secured and many slain. Bapu Gokhale captured Vithoji Holkar alive and brought him in chains before the Peshwa, who in a fit of insane rage had him tied to the feet of an elephant, dragged about in the palace compound and killed with horrid cruelty, a sight which Bajirao and his minister Kunjar gleefully watched from the terrace above. The dead body was exhibited for full twenty-four hours before the funeral rites were allowed to be performed. This event took place on 16th April 1801. How this rash and thoughtless deed would recoil on himself, Bajirao in his infatuation failed to realize. Several well-wishers of the Maratha State earnestly pleaded for softer measures against a member of the Holkar house, but the Peshwa paid no heed to them.
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7. Yashvantrao Holkar stands out as champion.—The Peshwa’s action sealed his doom. While Vithoji was being dragged under the feet of an elephant at Poona, Yashvantrao was locked up in a deadly struggle with Sindia’s troops on the Narmada. It took him some months, up to the end of October 1801, before he could extricate himself from Sindia’s clutches, so as to pay attention to the Peshwa in the south. The fight on the Narmada during these summer months has become memorable in history. Here the trained European commanders of Sindia were pitted against the untutored wild spirit and innate genius of Yashvantrao. The theatre of war extended from the southern bank of the Narmada to Indore and Ujjain in the north, affording a variety of natural obstacles created by the river and the Vindyan range beyond. Intense fighting continued for four months from June to October 1801 with fearful slaughter of life on both sides in bloody actions. The whole region between the Narmada and Ujjain was reduced to a wilderness. Daulatrao reached the Narmada at the end of May, but took full three months to be able to cross over. He sent repeated urgent calls to Sharzarao at Poona to come to his help with all expedition. But this devil was occupied there in collecting the promised subsidy from the Peshwa and miraculously escaped even being murdered by Baloji Kunjar. This curious incident may be studied with profit, as it illustrates the vile intrigues to which most people had then succumbed. Sharzarao extricated himself with difficulty and left Poona on 12th July to join his son-in-law on the Narmada.
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On his way north Sharzarao left behind a trail of plunder and devastation and reached the Narmada on 9th October. The two then inflicted a crushing defeat upon Yashvantrao and recovered both Indore and Ujjain, wreaking terrible vengeance on the former city for the havoc that Holkar had perpetrated upon the latter the previous year. Bribes and inducements were freely employed by both the combatants to seduce each other's followers. On 30th October Holkar managed to inflict a severe defeat upon Ghatge and thereupon the two opponents separated and began different tactics, in which Sindia alone stood to lose what he already possessed, while Holkar starting from nothing had everything to gain. On the whole victory may be said to have crowned Holkar's efforts. Daulatrao offered to negotiate peace with him, recognizing him for the first time as a party in the dispute. The Peshwa in the capacity of a common master communicated definite instructions to both Sindia and Holkar calling upon them to cease fighting; but the master's voice had lost its weight.
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Although Yashvantrao in his campaign of the Narmada had not scored a decisive victory, he had by now undoubtedly built for himself a reputation for leadership much higher than that of his antagonist Daulatrao, and collected round himself a band of devoted followers, Shyamrao Mahadik, Fatehsinh Mane, Jivaji Yashvant, Haranath Sinh, Amir Khan and above all a sober experienced counsellor in Parashar Dadaji, an old servant of the Holkar family, who had been present on the field of Panipat. The above mentioned names frequently occur in the historical records of those days.
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Thus the year 1801 wore out, but the opening of the next brought with it fresh calamities for Bajirao and his State. Yashvantrao's star was now in the ascendant. A homeless wanderer three years before, he was now acclaimed as the saviour of the Holkar house and a terror to Sindia and Bajirao. His only weakness was his uncontrolled passion heightened by an addiction to drink which often sapped his reasoning powers. He was doubtless a born hero.
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8. Yashvantrao moves south.—The climax of the drama now began to approach fast. The year 1802 opened for the Deccan with the resounding exploits of Yashvantrao; and people quaked in uncertainty as to where his axe was going to fall next. His immediate purpose was to obtain possession of his nephew Khanderao out of Daulatrao's custody. He had already secured Kashirao and kept him well guarded in the fort of Sendhwa. In obedience to Bajirao’s commands Yashvantrao now took up his residence at Thalner in Khandesh and pitched his camp on the bank of the Tapti. From this place he began making representations to Bajirao, first through Parashar Dadaji whom he deputed to Poona for obtaining satisfaction of his grievances. For speedy communication he established a special postal service. Raghuji Bhosle arrived at Poona and advised Bajirao to effect an honourable compromise with Holkar.
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Parashar arrived at Poona in February 1802, but the Peshwa would not care to listen to him. Yashvantrao urged that the Peshwa as the master both of Sindia and Holkar, should deal out even justice to both, and demanded Khanderao Holkar from Sindia’s possession. But Bajirao showed no disposition to render him justice. Yashvantrao, chafing at the waste of time, despatched two of his chiefs Fatehsinh Mane and Shahamatkhan to exact retribution from Bajirao’s domains and soon moved south from Thalner himself. Bajirao now got frightened for his life. As the first proof of his sincerity Yashvantrao demanded restoration of Khanderao Holkar, disavowing any retribution for his brother Vithoji’s murder. Bajirao’s only answer was a show of negotiation on paper, recording oaths and promises but protracting action on one pretext or another. Parashar and Ahalyabai’s trusted secretary Govindpant Ganu, pleaded to Bajirao on bent knees to pacify Holkar, lest some terrible calamity should happen. But no heed was paid to them. On the contrary Sharzarao removed Khanderao Holkar and his mother to fort Ashirgad and kept them strictly confined with some of their followers in fetters, thus exasperating Yashvantrao even more. At the same time Daulatrao marched his forces to the south in support of Bajirao in order to prevent mischief on the part of Holkar. Yashvantrao was thus compelled to force a decision upon the Peshwa. His captains ravaged Bajirao’s territory right up to the river Krishna with merciless fury. Still Bajirao paid no attention to Yashvantrao’s solicitations and pursued with perfect unconcern his daily routine of pleasures and enjoyments in the garden houses adjoining Poona. At the same time he issued orders confiscating the whole estate of the Holkars, a climax which aggravated the quarrel beyond remedy.
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Bajirao at this very moment invited further trouble upon himself by confining the Pratinidhi at Poona and confiscating his estate. He also secured in close custody at Raigad the late Peshwa’s widow Yashodabai,⁸ as a possible source of danger to his own position. These side episodes, so many in number, must now be passed over without detailed narration, although they deteriorated Bajirao’s position in no small measure. He confiscated the property of the Rastes and persecuted the Patwardhans, suspecting their loyalty. It was Yashvantrao Holkar’s attack upon Poona, which compelled Bajirao to leave his capital and which saved many old chiefs who had long served the State, from a worse fate. As the summer advanced, the atmosphere grew threatening at Poona, the representatives of the various chiefs holding night and day deliberations, but Bajirao showed no disposition to attend to Yashvantrao’s grievances.
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⁸ A pretender impersonating this lady appeared after her death (in 1811) in north India between the years 1820-24. Elphinstone’s correspondence alludes to this pretender.
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Finding Bajirao utterly impervious to his solicitations, Yashvantrao moved south from Thalner in April and learnt that some forces of Sindia had arrived at Burhanpur. Bajirao at this moment sent a personal emissary to Yashvantrao asking him to return but without any reference to his demands. Yashvantrao moved on, crossing the Kasarbari pass near Chalisgaum and sent humble respectful letters to the Peshwa, begging for justice, with presents of elephants and horses. Bajirao’s only response was to ask him not to proceed further. He evidently meant to gain time for the disciplined corps of Sindia to arrive. Yashvantrao detected this trick and pressed on to the Godavari. Bajirao became utterly confused and implored Holkar’s agent Parashar to persuade his master to return to the Tapti, promising that if he so returned, his demands would be favourably considered and all his lands and property would be restored. These empty professions deceived no body. Parashar made a strong protest adding, “Here I am sitting at your door begging for justice for four months. Have you till now substantiated a single promise? How can I ask my master to return”? The two Nagpur agents of Raghuji Bhosle were present at this interview and strongly supported Parashar. Bajirao was half inclined to yield and offer some satisfaction to Holkar. But at this stage Baloji Kunjar, who was mainly responsible for the severe punishment meted out to Vithoji Holkar, treated Holkar’s complaints with contempt and warned Bajirao against the disastrous course of conciliating his devilish enemy. Bajirao then resumed his former stiffness and began to punish even a slight whisper in favour of Holkar, at the same time mustering all available forces to meet the contingency of an attack upon the capital. He appointed his favourites and menials as his military commanders to oppose a man of Holkar’s calibre.
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9. Bajirao routed at Poona.—Determined to exact retribution for all the wrongs he had suffered, Yashvantrao descended upon Ahmadnagar, now a possession of Sindia, with the greatest fury. He plundered the city and the fort and proceeding further dug up and burnt Sindia’s palaces at Shrigonda and Jambgaon. The glorious edifices erected by Mahadji and his chiefs were razed to the ground. This frightfulness so worked on the timid mind of Bajirao that he hurriedly despatched Parasharpant to Yashvantrao with dresses and presents and with messages begging him to adopt a peaceful course and abandon destructive methods. At this moment Sindia’s forces were coming rapidly in pursuit of Holkar, and as they crossed the Godavari, their chiefs, obtaining the news of Bajirao yielding to Holkar’s threats, sent him strong protests and stopped the dresses and presents from reaching Holkar. Bajirao felt himself utterly distracted. Overwhelmed by consternation, he went about the town asking advice from his friends and acquaintances how to meet the danger. Baloji Kunjar quaked at the prospect of retaliation by Holkar.
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Holkar’s captains, Fatehsinh Mane and Mir Khan, had been long devastating Maharashtra. Mane descended upon Pandharpur when the priests and religious managers of the place held a large congregation for a week conducting fervent prayers night and day for the safety of the shrine from spoliation. Mane arrived but refrained from doing any harm and even gave some presents to the deity. At Baramati on 8th October he had a stiff battle with Bajirao’s forces led by Nana Purandare. Mane declared his intention of not raising his arm against the Peshwa their common master; but Purandare opened fire and Mane was compelled to reply. Several chiefs were wounded and the Peshwa’s forces were dispersed in different directions. Just a week after this Yashvantrao himself arrived at Baramati and being joined by Mane organized his camp at Dhond, after visiting his family god at Jejuri. Mane had carried away the Peshwa’s proud flag which later he returned to Purandare, saying, “We are all one, equal servants of the same master and no rebels”.
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The little action at Baramati was only a precursor of great events to come. It altogether unnerved Bajirao, and the inhabitants of Poona left the city in search of safety outside. The Peshwa sent his jewellery and valuables to Sinhgad and himself prepared to flee to Raigad. But Baloji Kunjar opposed this course urging that it was not meet for the master to exhibit such cowardice. “If you run away, who will oppose the invader?”
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While Bajirao was hourly imploring his dearest friend⁹ Sindia to come immediately to his aid, the latter beset with all kinds of difficulties could not move from Ujjain. He had no money and no resources as all his territory and administration had been convulsed by Holkar. He, however, sent his Bakhshi Sadashiv Bhaskar in all haste with whatever forces he could spare to support Bajirao. This general reached Paithan at the end of August and Ahmadnagar on 8th September. He rapidly moved on and encountered Holkar’s troops under Shahamat Khan whom he gave a running fight, and arrived at the capital on 22nd October when he pitched his camp at Wanavdi. This put some fresh courage into Bajirao’s heart. Sindia’s Bakhshi talked in a confident manner of blowing away Holkar’s rabble with his guns. The Bakhshi was in great need of money and Baloji Kunjar relieved his need by paying three lacs. Yashvantrao Holkar was well served by his spies and prepared to meet any contingency with boldness and foresight. He had no desire to cause any personal harm to the Peshwa. He had been wronged by Sindia whom he wished to bring to
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9. Letter addressed by the Peshwa to Sindia, in which occur the words प्राणसख्या मित्राची भेट कधी होईल?
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justice through their common master. A large section of the populace which had similarly suffered at the hands of the Peshwa, welcomed Holkar's activities. From Baramati Yashvantrao sent the Peshwa a final warning in these words, "You are the master; I have not the least desire to raise my arm against you. It behoves you to effect a peaceful solution of my dispute with Sindia. The English are waiting at the gate for a chance to seize the Maratha State. This can be prevented only by Sindia and Holkar co-operating with you in sincere service. I have no time to waste in useless talks and am determined to force a solution by my own strength. This is the last chance I give you for a peaceful settlement. If you wish to avoid blood-shed, send to me at once Baloji Kunjar and Dajiba Deshmukh on your behalf, and Baburao Angre and Nimbaji Bhaskar on behalf of Sindia to negotiate terms. These alone can speak with responsibility and come to a decision. I will not talk to any others. If these agents do not turn up and an armed decision is forced on me, I call upon you to remain entirely aloof yourself. I do not wish to do any harm to you or to your partizans. I will engage the Sindian men only. If such an engagement turns out unfavourable to Sindia, you should not leave Poona. You must remember I am as loyal a servant of yours as Sindia. My dispute is with Sindia only, which I am prepared to settle in my own way. You are playing altogether into Sindia's hands and ruining the State. The English are at the door. You have only to act the master, let me act the servant."
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This emphatic warning reached the Peshwa on the morning of 23rd Oct. and filled him with abject terror. Not a single soul in that large capital of the Maratha State came forth to advise Bajirao to see Holkar, stop the war and save the State. After continuous discussions for one full day Bajirao sent three men on his behalf to meet Holkar along with Baburao Narayan Vaidya and Parashar Dadaji. Yashvantrao refused to meet them saying, "Why should Kunjar avoid to see me? If he has no faith in my word, I am ready to send such hostages to the Peshwa as he would name. Kunjar alone opposes reconciliation and unless he comes, all talk of peace must end. I will obtain redress to-morrow on the battle-field. I implore the Peshwa not to quit Poona. I will do nothing to endanger his life or position. He is under the magic spell of Sindia, that magic I will destroy with my sword to-morrow."
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The Peshwa's messengers brought back this reply and begged Kunjar to go and meet Holkar in person. But the Diwan rejected the suggestion, saying, "We will destroy Holkar on the battle-field, and call his bluff once for all." Holkar's agents knelt and appealed to the Peshwa to adopt the ways of peace and conciliation towards their master. But the promptings of his own cowardly heart and the advice of his villainous favourites, drove him to the suicidal course of hostilities.
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At last the fateful Monday of the Hindu Divali, October 25th 1802 arrived, on which Maharashtra was to have the customary bath not in oil and hot water but in blood. Both armies knew what was coming and prepared the previous night (the Hindu *Dhana-trayodashi*) to do their best on the morrow. Yashvantrao sent word that he would wait for two hours of the morning and then act as God would guide him. Bajirao ate a hurried breakfast very early and as he began flying away, he was forcibly carried to Sindia's camp by Baloji Kunjar. At about 8 o'clock Sindia's men opened a cannonade upon Holkar's forces. Yashvantrao restrained his men until 25 shots were received from the opposite side. Then Holkar delivered his charge up to 11 o'clock. Bajirao and his brother Chimnaji stood by the Peshwa's standard at Wanavdi. At the commencement of the action Holkar personally, in answer to the Sindian fire, galloped boldly to the enemy's guns, took and turned them upon their own ranks with great effect. When the Peshwa and his brother noticed the Sindian regiments discomfited and their standard removed, they left their position and proceeded towards the Parvati, but seeing Holkar's men arriving in pursuit, Bajirao fled to the neighbouring village of Wadgaon and thence on to the foot of Sinhgad. Young Chimnaji wished to stay on and encourage his men to fight, but Bajirao carried him away against his will. It was the intense personal courage of Yashvantrao and the equally earnest devotion of one and all of his chiefs, that won the day for them. The Sindian party although numerically stronger had no burning faith in their cause. Sadashiv Bhaskar was killed and his men admitted their defeat and submitted to Holkar's mercy, in the absence of a commanding personality to lead them. They lost nearly six thousand killed and about four thousand wounded. Holkar lost nearly half that number. During the thick of the action Yashvantrao moved about fearlessly watching the whole field, guiding his men and quickly checking any wavering that he noticed in his men. This success was perhaps the greatest achievement of his life. None of Bajirao’s chiefs lost his life, as they, like him, ran away to a place of safety. The battle was fought on the plain of the three villages, Ghorpadi, Wanavdi and Hadapsur, but is usually known after the last named village.
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