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History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v4.c59: Chapter XXXIX. The Rise of the Maratha Power.

History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v4.c59

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English

Contents

Chapter XXXIX. The Rise of the Maratha Power.

§ 1. Maharashtra: the land and its produce.

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The dominating feature of the Deccan land is the Western Ghat or Sahyadri range, forming a towering wall along the entire western edge of the peninsula. Between the Ghats and the Indian Ocean lies a long narrow strip of land of varying breadth, called Konkan (between Bombay and Goa) and Kanara (south of Goa.) It is an area of certain and heavy rainfall,—from 100 to 120 inches in the year,—with rice for the predominant crop, and dense mango-groves, plantain orchards and coconut-palms adding to the beauty of the landscape and the wealth of the inhabitants. Here the districts of Thana, Kolaba and Ratnagiri (with the State of Savant-vadi),—a total area of over 10,000 miles,—are now predominantly Marathi-speaking.

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After crossing the Ghats eastwards we have a belt of land, some 20 miles in breadth, called Dang or Maval in the north and Mallad in the south (i.e., Kanara.) "It is extremely rugged, a series of table-lands cut on every side by deep winding valleys. From the valleys, hills of various heights and forms arise, terrace above terrace, with steep sides often strewn with black basalt boulders......Here and there are patches of ancient evergreen forests." (Bomb. Gaz., xviii. pt. 1, pp. 2, 13.)

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The Western Ghats have thrown off a large number of short spurs eastwards, every two of which enclose a valley, the bed of some stream rolling east to add its waters to the mighty Godavari or Krishna. Towards the east the spurs sink, the valleys widen out and form Desh or the vast rolling black-soil plain of the Central Deccan.

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This land, almost locked among the hills and open only in the east, is the cradle of the Maratha kingdom. Originally Maharashtra was formed by the Nasik, Puna and Satara districts, parts of Ahmadnagar and Sholapur, and the western corner of Aurangabad,—a rough total of 28,000 square miles. East of the Ghats the rainfall decreases rapidly, and is uncertain and insufficient for agriculture, while the soil is naturally sterile and broken up by low ranges of bare rocky hills which neither store water for cultivation nor attract the rainfall. "The Deccan, generally speaking, yields to much labour a bare measure of subsistence."

§ 2. Character of the Marathas.

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The Maratha people had lost their great independent kingdoms, in the central richer and more level parts of the Deccan, early in the 14th century, and been gradually pushed into the western edge of the plateau by the pressure of Muslim expansion. Here in the small lonely valleys isolated by Nature, their petty chieftains retained a sort of rude local independence, usually forgotten by the kings of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur, or offering a nominal obedience when pressed hard. In their rugged and inhospitable nooks the natives found safety and peace, while the richer plains were the scenes of revolution and rapine.

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In such a country no one can afford to lead a sheltered idle life. Every man, and often every woman, in Maharashtra, has to work and work with the hand. Where Nature enforces a Spartan simplicity, there can be no luxury, no learned leisure (except among the priests), no aesthetic development, no polished manners even. But such a country and climate have their compensating advantages. They develop self-reliance, courage, perseverance, a stern simplicity, a rough straightforwardness, a sense of social equality and consequently pride in the dignity of man as man. In the 7th century, the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang noted the Marathas for being "proud-spirited and warlike, grateful for favours and revengeful for wrongs." This racial character was somewhat modified in the course of the next ten centuries, and the remnant of the Maratha population at last became more cunning and less chivalrous. But the basis of their character remained the same,—activity, self-reliance, self-respect and love of equality. Indeed, in their combination of courage, cleverness and power of endurance,—in their ability to plan and execute surprises and night-attacks, in the skill of their soldiers to extricate themselves from a tight corner or to vary their tactics according to the changing phases of a battle without waiting for guidance from a superior,—the Marathas resemble the Afghans most among all Asiatic races.

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Social distinctions were fewer and much less sharp among the 16th century Marathas than among richer and more civilized communities. The rich man was not immeasurably above the poor in such a simple society; and even the poorest man had his value as a soldier or indispensable labourer; at least, he preserved his self-respect, because where few had anything to spare, none was tempted to lead the pampered life of the professional beggars and hangers-on of Delhi or Agra. The same sense of equality was fostered by religion. Their popular saints in the 15th and 16th centuries created a religious revival, which was truly a reformation in its spirit. It taught the sanctity of conduct rather than mere birth, the superiority of a living personal faith to mere ritual, and the oneness of all true believers before God. "This religious revival was level parts of the Deccan, early in the 14th century, and been gradually pushed into the western edge of the plateau by the pressure of Muslim expansion. Here in the small lonely valleys isolated by Nature, their petty chieftains retained a sort of rude local independence, usually forgotten by the kings of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur, or offering a nominal obedience when pressed hard. In their rugged and inhospitable nooks the natives found safety and peace, while the richer plains were the scenes of revolution and rapine.

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In such a country no one can afford to lead a sheltered idle life. Every man, and often every woman, in Maharashtra, has to work and work with the hand. Where Nature enforces a Spartan simplicity, there can be no luxury, no learned leisure (except among the priests), no aesthetic development, no polished manners even. But such a country and climate have their compensating advantages. They develop self-reliance, courage, perseverance, a stern simplicity, a rough straightforwardness, a sense of social equality and consequently pride in the dignity of man as man. In the 7th century, the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang noted the Marathas for being "proud-spirited and warlike, grateful for favours and revengeful for wrongs." This racial character was somewhat modified in the course of the next ten centuries, and the remnant of the Maratha population at last became more cunning and less chivalrous. But the basis of their character remained the same,—activity, self-reliance, self-respect and love of equality. Indeed, in their combination of courage, cleverness and power of endurance,—in their ability to plan and execute surprises and night-attacks, in the skill of their soldiers to extricate themselves from a tight corner or to vary their tactics according to the changing phases of a battle without waiting for guidance from a superior,—the Marathas resemble the Afghans most among all Asiatic races.

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Social distinctions were fewer and much less sharp among the 16th century Marathas than among richer and more civilized communities. The rich man was not immeasurably above the poor in such a simple society; and even the poorest man had his value as a soldier or indispensable labourer; at least, he preserved his self-respect, because where few had anything to spare, none was tempted to lead the pampered life of the professional beggars and hangers-on of Delhi or Agra. The same sense of equality was fostered by religion. Their popular saints in the 15th and 16th centuries created a religious revival, which was truly a reformation in its spirit. It taught the sanctity of conduct rather than mere birth, the superiority of a living personal faith to mere ritual, and the oneness of all true believers before God. "This religious revival was the work of the people, of the masses, and not of the classes. At its head were saints and prophets, poets and philosophers, who sprang chiefly from the lower orders of society,—tailors, carpenters, potters, gardeners, shopkeepers, barbers, and even mahars (scavengers),—more often than Brahmans." (Ranade, 10.) They taught in the vernacular and not in the sacred tongue.

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The simplicity and uniformity of early Maratha society were also reflected in their language and literature, which were poor, undeveloped, and essentially popular. The spoken tongue of the country was a rough practical speech incapable of expressing the ceremonious courtesy indirectness and delicate shades of meaning of the highly polished Urdu language. The democratic temper of the Maratha people is shown by their having no respectful mode of address; all ranks are theed and thoued.

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The Maratha people's inborn love of independence and isolation was greatly helped by Nature, which provided them with many ready-made and easily defensible forts close at hand, where they could quickly flee for refuge and whence they could offer a tenacious resistance. "The whole of the Ghats often terminate towards the top in a wall of smooth rock, the highest points of which, as well as detached portions on isolated hills, form natural fortresses,......(with) a level space on the summit ......In many of them there are springs of the finest water."

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Thus a remarkable community of language, creed and life was attained in Maharashtra in the 17th century, even before political unity was conferred by Shivaji. What little was wanting to the solidarity of the people was supplied by his creation of a national State, the long struggle with the invader from Delhi, and the imperial expansion of the race in the 18th century under the Peshwas. Thus in the end a collection of castes and tribes was fused into a nation by their political history.

§ 3. Marathas as soldiers.

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The backbone of Shivaji's army was composed of the peasantry belonging to the *Maratha* and *Kunbi* castes. "As a class the Marathas [of today] are simple, frank, independent and liberal, courteous, and, when kindly treated, trusting. They are a manly and intelligent race......No caste supplies the Bombay army with so many recruits as the Ratnagiri Marathas. Others go into the police." "The Deccan Kunbis are steady and hard-working.........a very quiet and orderly class,......strong, hardy, enduring and muscular."

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The Marathas had been noted as soldiers as early as the 7th century, when their king Pulakesin II. repulsed Harsha-vardhan, the conqueror of Northern India. But with the Muslim conquest of the Deccan and the extinction of the last Hindu kingdom in Maharashtra in the 14th century, the fighting classes among the natives gathered round their own leaders in small bands and hired out their swords to the new rulers of the land. There were Maratha auxiliaries and mercenaries in the service of the Bahmani Sultans, the Nizam-Shahis and the Adil-Shahis from the very beginning. And with the disintegration of the Muhammadan power in the Deccan, the importance of these local troops greatly increased.

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The sterile soil of Maharashtra discouraged its sons from the thankless task of tilling it. Strong muscles and stout hearts found greater rewards and a higher position by serving in the armies of the many monarchies of the central plateau. An able partisan leader was sure of high pay, noble rank, and it might be the proud position of a king-maker, at any of these Courts, which were constantly at war with their neighbours, and prepared to bid high for the lances of useful *condottieri* from the Desh country.

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Many Maratha families rose to wealth, power and distinction as captains of mercenary troops in the service of the Muslim States in their neighbourhood. Some of them claimed to be Kshatriyas and bore names suggesting their descent from the royal .

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dynasties of ancient India,—such as the Mauryas (Marathi More), Yadavas (Marathi, Zadon), Yaudheyas (Marathi, Jedhe), Chalukyas, &c.

§ 4. Shahji Bhonslé: his career.

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One such family, bearing the name of Bhonslés, originally lived in the Patas sub-division of the Puna district, as the headmen (patil) of two villages. Towards the end of the 16th century they migrated to the village of Virul or Elur, within sight of the hill-fort of Daulatabad and the caves of Ellora. They followed agriculture and gained much local credit by their sober honest character and religious benefactions. Some buried treasure that they discovered in their fields enabled them to buy arms and horses and develop into captains of mercenaries. The decline of the Nizam-Shahi dynasty and the Mughal invasion of the Deccan at the close of the 16th century gave them the chance of rapid rise. Some of the Bhonslés were won over by the Mughals with high mansabs and salary, others changed masters frequently in quest of better pay, during the first quarter of the 17th century.

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Such was Shahji Bhonslé, the eldest son of Maloji. Born in 1594, he was married when a child to Jija Bai, the daughter of the high-born Lakhji Yadav Rao, baron of Sindhkhed and one of the greatest Hindu nobles of Ahmadnagar. Shahji first saw service probably as the commander of the small contingent of his family during the rule of Malik Ambar, the regent of Nizam Shah. On the death of Malik Ambar in May 1626, the State fell into rapid decay; there were frequent assassinations at Court, among the victims being Lakhji Yadav (1630) and the Sultan himself (1632). During these troubled times, Shahji first followed the Nizam-Shahi Government, then "fought for his own hand," joined the Mughals, deserted them, fought against the Bijapuris, went over to their side afterwards, and finally blossomed into a king-maker. After the loss of Daulatabad, the last capital of the dynasty, he set up a puppet Nizam Shah (1633) in one of the hill-forts of the Sahyadri range. He seized all the Nizam-Shahi dominion from Puna and Chakan to Balaghat and the neighbourhood of Junnar, Ahmadnagar, Sangamner, Trimbak and Nasik, and for three years (1633-36) carried on the government in the Sultan's name, occupying districts and forts and levying troops. During all this time the Bijapur Government backed him, as a very useful obstacle to Mughal progress. Treacherously seizing the fort of Junnar, he made it his capital and lived in great wealth and power, looting Mughal territory on his east and conquering Konkan on his west. But in 1636 a grand campaign was opened by the imperialists against Shahji and his patron of Bijapur, which we have described in detail in Chapter 3. In the end (Oct. 1636) Shahji had to own complete defeat and give up to the Mughals the shadowy Nizam Shah and eight of his forts (including Mahuli and Junnar). Even the name of the Nizam-Shahi State was now abolished, Adil Shah acknowledged the overlordship of the Emperor, and Shahji entered the service of Bijapur. By this Government he was recognized in possession of the jagirs in the Puna district.

§ 5. Birth and childhood of Shivaji.

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Shivaji, the second son of Shahji and Jija Bai, was born in the hill-fort of Shivner, which overlooks the town of Junnar, on 10th April 1627. Soon after his birth he and his mother were neglected by Shahji, who had taken a younger and more beautiful wife, Tuka Bai Mohite, on whom and whose son Vyankaji (the ancestor of the Tanjore Rajahs) he lavished all his affection and wealth. The roving and perilous life that he led during the nine and a half years following Shivaji's birth also made it impossible for him to take sufficient care of his senior wife and her sons, even if he were so inclined.

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After entering Bijapur service towards the end of 1636, he went away to the Tungabhadra region and the Mysore plateau, and later on to the Madras coast to conquer fresh territories for his new master and jagirs for himself. But here his favourite wife and her son accompanied him, while Jija Bai and Shivaji were sent to live at Puna, in charge of his land-steward Dadaji Kond-dev.

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Shivaji was, therefore, a stranger to his father for several years after his birth. Her husband's neglect drove the mind of Jija Bai inwards and deepened her natural religious spirit, which she imparted to her son. Shivaji grew up in solitude, a mateless child, without brother, sister or father. The isolation of their life drew mother and son very close together and intensified his love for her till it became almost an adoration for a deity. From a very early age, he was thrown on his own resources, and learnt to carry out his own ideas unaided and to take the initiative without referring to any higher authority. Such education as he received was eminently practical; he became skilled in fighting, riding and other manly accomplishments; but the weight of evidence is in favour of the view that he was unlettered, though he mastered the contents of the great Hindu epics by listening to recitations and story-tellings and thus learnt their political lessons and moral maxims. He loved to distraction religious readings and songs (kirtan) and sought the society of Hindu and Muslim saints wherever he went. The want of book-learning, therefore, did not leave his mind a dull and sterile soil, nor impair his efficiency as a man of action in a world that was mediæval.

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The Mavals or western belt of the Puna district, stretching along the rugged forest-clad side and foot of the Sahyadri range, were the homes of a sturdy, healthy, and brave race of peasants called Mavlés. From them Shivaji drew his earliest comrades, his most devoted followers, and his best soldiers. In the company of Mavlé chieftains of his own age, young Shivaji wandered over the hills and forests of the Sahyadri range, and along the mazes of the river valleys, thus hardening himself to a life of privation and strenuous exertion, as well as getting a first-hand knowledge of the country and its people. During his residence at Puna his plastic mind was profoundly influenced by the readings from the Hindu epics and sacred books given by his guardian and other Brahmans, and still more by the teaching of his mother. The deeply religious, almost ascetic, life that Jija Bai led amidst neglect and solitude imparted by its example, even more than by her precepts, a stoical earnestness mingled with religious fervour to the character of Shivaji. He began to love independence and loathe a life of servile luxury in the pay of some Muslim king. It is, however, extremely doubtful if at this time he conceived any general design of freeing his brother Hindus from the insults and outrages to which they were often subjected by the dominant Muslim population. An independent sovereignty for himself he certainly coveted; but he never posed as the liberator of the Hindus in general, at all events not long afterwards.

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On the question of his future career he came into conflict with his guardian. Dadaji Kond-dev was, no doubt, an able and honest land-steward, a man of methodical habits, leading a sober blameless and humdrum life, but quite incapable of lofty ideals, daring ambition or far off vision. Shivaji's love of adventure and independence appeared to his guardian as the sign of an untutored and wayward spirit, which would ruin his life's chances. He argued long with Shivaji, advised him to follow the footsteps of his ancestors and rise to wealth and position as an obedient vassal and captain of mercenaries under Adil Shah. The young lad's association with the hill brigands and his projects for robbery and the surprise of forts filled Dadaji with apprehension about his future. He complained to Shahji, but without succeeding in effecting a reform. Worn out by anxiety and age, Dadaji Kond-dev died about the middle of 1647, and Shivaji became his own master at the age of twenty.

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§ 6. Shivaji's early conquest of forts, 1646-1647.

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The death of Dadaji Kond-dev found Shivaji ready for his task. He had already been trained in martial exercises and civil administration; he had familiarized himself with the troops of his father's western jagir and the people he would have to govern. Initiative and power of command had been freely developed in him without check or interference from his guardian. Administrative orders had for some time before this been issued in his name, as his father's representative.

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The year 1646 marks a crisis in the history of Bijapur. The king fell seriously ill, and for some time his life was despaired of. Though he lingered on for ten years more, these years were by popular belief held to be a portion of the life of the saint Shah Hashim Uluvi, given away by that holy man to the king. During this time no serious business was attended to by Muhammad Adil Shah. The expansion of territory in the Karnatak went on under some of the nobles, but at the capital the king was inert, and the administration fell into the hands of the queen Bari Sahiba.

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This was Shivaji's opportunity. Even before the death of Dadaji, he had begun his annexations. In 1646 he had sent his captains Baji Pasalkar, Yesaji Kank and Tanaji Malusare with a force of Mavlé infantrymen and occupied Torna fort by tricking its Bijapuri commandant. Here he seized Government treasure amounting to 2 lakhs of hun. Five miles east of it, on the crest of the same spur of hills, he built a new fort named Rajgarh, with three walled redoubts (*machi*) on the successive terraces of the hill-side.

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After the death of Dadaji, Shivaji set himself to bring all parts of Shahji’s western jagir under his own control, so as to form one compact State ruled by one authority. But this was effected gradually and took years to complete.

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Chakan in the north and Baramati and Indapur, in the south-eastern corner of the Puna district, now passed into his hands from his father’s officers. And the occupation of Rajgarh, Kondana and Torna from Bijapuri agents gave him a chain of hill-forts in the south.

§ 7. Adil Shah imprisons Shahji, 1648.

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Shivaji’s annexations had reached this point by the middle of 1648, when his career of conquest was suddenly checked by alarming news from the Karnatak. There on 25th July his father was arrested and all his property and contingent attached by the Bijapuri commander-in-chief, Mustafa Khan, then investing Jinji in the South Arcot district.

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Shahji was brought in chains to Bijapur, and kept under guard until he submitted to his sovereign.

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Shivaji was in a terrible dilemma: he could not submit to Bijapur and thereby sacrifice all his gains and hopes of future greatness; nor, on the other hand, could he leave his father in danger of torture and starvation. By diplomacy alone could he rescue his father, and diplomacy pointed to only one path as open to a man in his position.

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Shivaji, therefore, appealed to Prince Murad Bakhsh,* the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan, entreating him to secure the Emperor's pardon for Shahji's past conduct and protection for him and his sons in future, and offering to come and join the Mughal service on receiving a written assurance of safety. To this Murad replied on 14th March 1649 telling him to send first a trusty agent to report his demands. This was evidently done, and Murad after reporting the case to the Emperor and learning his wishes, wrote to Shivaji on 14th August asking him to come to Court with his father and kinsmen, that he might be created a 5-hazari, while Shahji would get back the rank he had once held in the Mughal peerage. Still later, on 31st October, Murad wrote directly to Shahji to inform him that Shivaji's appeal for his release had been received, and that as the Prince was soon going back to the imperial Court, he would there report the prayers of Shahji to the Emperor and take his orders. Shah Jahan, however, did not put pressure on Adil Shah to release Shahji.

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∗ Shivaji neither wrote nor sent any envoy to the Emperor at Delhi All his negotiations about his father were conducted with Murad, as the four original Persian letters of Murad in Parasnis's possession show

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The official history of Muhammad Adil Shah tells us that Shahji was set at liberty, through the mediation of the Bijapuri noble Ahmad Khan and in return for the surrender of three forts (Bangalore, Kondana and Kandarpi) to the Sultan, (at the end of 1649).

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As the release of Shahji had been conditional, Shivaji kept comparatively quiet during the six years from 1649 to 1655, instead of giving the Bijapur Government new provocation by fresh annexations. His chief acquisition at this time was the hill-fort of Purandar, gained by treachery.

§ 8. Conquest of Javli, 1656.

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At the extreme north-western corner of the Satara district lies the village of Javli, which was then the centre of a fairly large principality including nearly the whole of that district.

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A Maratha family named Moré had received a grant of the State of Javli from the first Sultan of Bijapur early in the 16th century, and made the claim good by their sword. For eight generations they conquered the petty chieftains around and amassed a vast treasure by plunder. They kept 12,000 infantry, mostly sturdy hillmen of the same class as the Mavles, and succeeded in getting possession of the entire district and parts of Konkan. The head of the family bore the hereditary title of Chandra Rao.

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The State of Javli, by its situation, barred the path of Shivaji's ambition in the south and south-west. As he frankly said to Raghunath Ballal Korde, "Unless Chandra Rao is killed, the kingdom cannot be secured. None but you can do this deed. I send you to him as envoy." The Brahman entered into the conspiracy, and went to Javli, attended by an escort of 125 picked men, and stabbed Chandra Rao to death and wounded his brother Surya Rao during pretended negotiations for a marriage between Shivaji and the late Chandra Rao's daughter. Then they escaped to a hiding place in the forest.

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Shivaji had kept himself ready to follow up his agent's crime; according to later accounts he had arrived at Mahabaleshwar with an army on the plea of a pilgrimage. Immediately on hearing of the murder of the Mores, he advanced and assaulted Javli (15 Jan. 1656). The leaderless garrison defended themselves for six hours and were then overcome. The whole kingdom of Javli now passed into Shivaji's possession and he was free to invade South Konkan with ease or extend his dominion southwards into the Kolhapur district.

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The annexation of Javli not only opened to Shivaji a door for the conquest of the south and the west, but brought a very important accession to his strength, in the form of many thousands of Mavle infantrymen from among the subjects and former retainers of Chandra Rao. In short, his recruiting ground for these excellent fighters along the Sahyadri range, was now doubled. The Mores had accumulated a vast treasure in eight generations of undisturbed and expanding rule, and the whole of it fell into Shivaji's hands. Two miles west of Javli he built a new fort named Pratapgarh, and here he set up an image of his patron goddess Bhavani, as the more ancient Bhavani of Tuljapur was beyond easy reach to him. In the April following he captured Raigarh, his future capital, from the Mores.

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The possession of Supa, Baramati and Indapur rounded off the south-eastern corner of the Puna district, while the occupation of Purandar, Rajgarh, Kondana and Torna secured Shivaji's territory by a strong chain of hill-forts on the south. Another fort in the same direction was Rohira, gained some time afterwards. North-west of Puna he acquired the forts of Tikona, Lohgarh, and Rajmachi,—the last being on the Sahyadri crest, 6 miles north of the Bhor pass and overlooking the Konkan plain on the west.

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§ 9. First war with the Mughals, 1657.

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For many years after his first assertion of independence, Shivaji carefully maintained peace with the Mughals. For one thing, his power was not yet secure, and it would have been the height of folly to provoke both Bijapur and Delhi at the same time. Secondly, from 1653 onwards Mughal Deccan was governed by Prince Aurangzib with singular efficiency and vigour, and his neighbours rightly dreaded giving him any offence. When Aurangzib was involved in war with Golkonda (January-March 1656), Shivaji was too busy organizing his conquests in Javli and the northern Ratnagiri district to raid Mughal territory during that Prince's absence from his charge.

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On the death of Muhammad Adil Shah (4 Nov. 1656), Aurangzib began active preparations for the invasion of Bijapur, and tried to seduce as many Adil-Shahi nobles and vassals as he could. Shivaji then wrote a letter to Multafat Khan, the Mughal governor of Ahmadnagar, offering to join the imperialists if his desires were granted. To this a conciliatory reply was given, in accordance with Aurangzib's instructions to "keep the path of correspondence with him open." [*Adab.* 144b.]

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Shivaji also wrote directly to Aurangzib. His envoy Sonaji reached the Prince's siege-camp before Bidar (in March 1657) and was assured that the Mughal Government would grant all the prayers of the Maratha chief, namely (i) a formal recognition of his right to all the Bijapuri forts and villages actually in his possession and (ii) the annexation of the port of Dabhol and the territory appertaining to it. A reply in these terms was also written to Shivaji by Aurangzib on 23rd April, 1657, when about to start for the siege of Kaliani, and Shivaji was urged to prove his devotion by rendering armed help to the Mughal cause.

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But long before this date, Shivaji had already decided on the different policy of fighting for his own hand. The vague promises of the Mughal Prince could not satisfy him. Even a less astute man than he must have known that such promises would amount to nothing in practice when the need of the imperialists would be over. He considered it more profitable to make a diversion in favour of Bijapur by raiding the south-western corner of Mughal Deccan while Aurangzib's forces were concentrated at the siege of Kaliani, beyond his south-eastern frontier. He had cunningly prepared for action by quietly recalling his envoy from Aurangzib's camp, on the pretext of consultation, (about the middle of April); and he launched on war immediately afterwards.

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Two Maratha captains, Minaji Bhonslé at the head of 3,000 horse and Kashi, crossed the Bhima and plundered the Mughal villages in the Chamargunda and Raisin sub-divisions respectively. They carried devastation and alarm to the very gates of Ahmadnagar, the chief city of Mughal Deccan. (Kambu, 3b; Adab. 148a.)

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A Maratha attempt to loot the city (peth) which nestled under shelter of the fort of Ahmadnagar was defeated, by a timely sortie of the garrison; but so great was the alarm it caused that Multafat Khan, the qiladar of the fort, removed the property of the inhabitants for greater safety within the fort. (Adab. 148b.)

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While Minaji was raiding the Ahmadnagar district in the east, Shivaji was busy looting the Junnar sub-division in the north. In the dark night of 30th April, he silently scaled the walls of Junnar city with rope-ladders and after slaughtering the guards, carried off 300,000 hun in cash, 200 horses, and much costly clothing and jewellery. (Sabh. 8; Adab. 153b.) The success of the Maratha raiders was due to the negligence of the local Mughal officers (as the Delhi historian Kambu asserts) and probably also to their military weakness. Aurangzib, on hearing of these disturbances, censured the thanahdars and poured reinforcements into the Ahmadnagar district.

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Nasiri Khan, Iraj Khan and some other officers at the head of 3,000 cavalry were ordered there.

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Rao Karn, who was coming from Aurangabad to Bidar, was diverted from the way to the same place. Shaista Khan was ordered to detach 1,000 men from his contingent there. But Nasiri Khan's movements were provokingly slow. On 30th April he entered the pargana of Bir and four days later marched towards Ashti.∗ Thus, there was a great delay in his going to Ahmadnagar and Junnar, expelling the enemy, and ravaging Shivaji's territory, as ordered by Aurangzib.

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∗ *Bir* (or Bid) is 68 m. e. and *Ashti* is 35 m. s. e. of Ahmadnagar. Chamargunda (or Shrigunda) is 33 m. s. of Ahmadnagar. (*Ind. At.* 39 N. E.) Raisin is 20 m. s. e. of Chamargunda.

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Meantime, Multafat Khan had issued from the fort of Ahmadnagar and relieved the beleaguered outpost at Chamargunda by defeating Minaji, (28th April.) But the Marathas continued to rove about the pargana for some time longer. However, the retainers of Multafat and Mirza Khan followed up their victory and at last cleared the Chamargunda subdivision.

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Shivaji had stayed in the Junnar sub-division for some time, robbing the villages, as the Mughal reinforcements were late in arriving there and he found the field clear. But, at the approach of Rao Karn and Shaista Khan, he fled from the neighbourhood of Junnar city and wandered over the district for some time, as he could not be caught and crushed. But when the pressure became great, he slipped away to the Ahmadnagar district and began to plunder it. By this time (end of May), however, Nasiri Khan had reached the scene. By a forced march he surprised Shivaji's army and nearly encircled it. Many of the Marathas were slain, many wounded, and the rest put to flight, (4 June.) But there was no pursuit, as the Mughal horses were too tired.

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Aurangzib's letters to Nasiri Khan and other officers breathed fury and revenge; they must beat the raiders back from the imperial dominions and make reprisals by entering Shivaji's land from all sides, "wasting the villages, slaying the people without pity, and plundering them to the extreme"; Shivaji's possessions, Puna and Chakan, must be utterly ruined, and not the least remissness shown in slaying and enslaving the people; the village headmen and peasants of the imperial territory who had secretly abetted the enemy, must be slain without pity.

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Aurangzib's new dispositions for guarding his south-western frontier showed excellent combination and judgment. Kar Talab Khan was posted near Junnar, Abdul Munim at Garh Namuna, and Nasiri Khan and Rao Karn at Panda "opposite Parenda fort," to guard the Chamargunda, Kara and parganas. These officers stood facing and barring every path of the enemy's advance, so that the imperial ryots behind them might enjoy safety. The officers were further bidden to make a dash forward across the frontier, whenever they got an opportunity, ravage as much of the enemy's territory in front of them as they could, and then quickly return to the defence of their respective posts..

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After Nasiri Khan's victory over Shivaji in the Ahmadnagar district, he was ordered by Aurangzib to "pursue the Marathas and extirpate them." But this could not be done. The rains now set in with the full violence of the monsoons, and the campaign had to be closed. Shivaji retreated to his own country and the Mughal officers fell back on their appointed stations, watching the frontier. "There was peace in the whole district." (Adab. 156a, 149a.)

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June, July and August 1657 passed in enforced idleness for the imperial troops. In September the situation was complicated by the illness of Shah Jahan and the preparations for a War of Succession among his sons. Bijapur made peace with the Mughals. But throughout the month of September Aurangzib continued to urge his officers not to relax their vigilance, but hold the s. w. frontier in force, lest Shivaji should renew his raids. About the middle of October he wrote to the governor of Ahmadnagar to take care of the city and keep his troops in readiness, lest when Nasiri Khan went back, Shivaji finding the field clear should begin to plunder again. (*Adab.* 149*b*, 157*b*.)

§ 10. Shivaji makes peace with the Mughals.

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When in September his liege-lord, the king of Bijapur, made peace, Shivaji found it useless and even ruinous to himself to continue the war with the Mughal empire single-handed. He must try to save his patrimony. So, he wrote to Nasiri Khan offering submission, and the Khan replied in a conciliatory tone. Then Shivaji, as requested, sent a trusty agent to the Khan to state his demands. These were reported to Aurangzib (*Adab.* 156*b*, 157*a*); but no definite agreement followed. Shivaji now sent Raghunath Pant to Aurangzib directly. The Prince was just then starting on his march to Northern India (25 Jan., 1658) and wrote to Shivaji in reply, "Though your offences do not deserve pardon, I forgive you as you have repented. You propose that if you are granted all the villages belonging to your home [*i.e.*, Shahji's old jagir] together with the forts and territory of Konkan, after the imperialists have seized the old Nizam-Shahi territory now in the hands of Adil Shah,—you will send Sona Pandit as your envoy to my Court and a contingent of 500 horse under one of your officers to serve me, and you will protect the imperial frontiers.

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You are called upon to send Sonaji, and your prayers will be granted.'*

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But while Aurangzib received Shivaji's submission with outward pleasure, his mind was not really composed about him. He omitted no precaution to maintain peace in that quarter by force, for he felt convinced that the young Maratha chief was a raider whose daring was only equalled by his cunning, and an ambitious adventurer who would place self-interest above fidelity to his plighted word or gratitude for favours received. He wrote to Mir Jumla (December, 1657), "At Nasiri Khan's departure that district has been left vacant. Attend to it, as the son of a dog is waiting for his opportunity." (*Adab.* 92a.) Adil Shah was thus urged by the Prince: "Protect this country. Expel Shiva who has sneaked into the possession of some forts of the land. If you wish to entertain his services, give him jagirs in the Karnatak, far from the imperial dominions, so that he may not disturb them." (*Adab.* 163a.)

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Aurangzib, therefore, left the Deccan without granting peace and pardon to Shivaji. The Mughals also repaired and garrisoned the old and ruined fort of Pedgaon, as a convenient outpost for operations against Puna. (*Adab.* 157b.) But Shivaji was freed from all fear of the Mughals by the War of Succession which kept Aurangzib busy for the next two years, 1658 and 1659.

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∗ This letter, dated 24th February 1658, was not actually sent to Shivaji till after the battle of Dharmat (15 April), as a postscript reports Aurangzib's victory there. (Parasnis MS., letter No. 6.)

§11. Shivaji invades Konkan.

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In the second half of the year 1657, the northward retreat of Prince Aurangzib, the likelihood of a civil war for the throne of Delhi, and the wrangles among the Bijapuri nobles about responsibility for their ill-success in the recent war with the Mughals (which culminated in the murder of the wazir Khan Muhammad),—all combined to remove the only checks on Shivaji's ambition, and he now launched forth on a fresh career of conquest and plunder unhampered by any fear or caution.

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Crossing the Western Ghats he burst into Konkan. The northern part of this coast-strip formed the Kalian (modern, Thana) district and was then held by an Arab named Mulla Ahmad of the Nawaiyat (emigrant) clan, one of the leading nobles of Bijapur. The protracted illness of Muhammad Adil Shah had detained this governor at Bijapur for a long time, and during his absence the defence of his jagir had grown slack and inefficient. (*A. N.* 576). A considerable amount of disaffection and disorder seems to have prevailed among the petty chieftains of the district, which was a recent acquisition from the Nizam-Shahi State and where the authority of the new Government sat loose.

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He easily seized the rich towns of Kalian* and Bhivandi (24 Oct. 1657), which were then without walls, and there took much wealth and costly merchandise. The fort of Mahuli, which had once been the last refuge of Shahji, was next captured (8 Jan. 1658.) The Kalian sub-division with some other parts of the Thana district, thus passed into Shivaji's possession, and he got a firm footing in Northern Konkan, which he rapidly improved in the course of the year. His progress southwards into the Kolaba district seems to have been assisted by the petty local chiefs who were eager to throw off Muslim yoke and wrote inviting him to come. (T. S. 13a.) Kalian and Bhivandi were immediately turned into naval bases and dockyards by Shivaji.

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By the year 1659 he had extended his dominions in the uplands or Desh to the southern limit of the Satara district, and in Konkan from Mahuli to near Mahad. Thus he now became master of the whole of North Konkan except the ports and adjacent lands on the west coast (which belonged to Bijapur, the Siddis, and the Portuguese) and the extreme north of the Thana district, while the country from Mahad southwards was yet to be won.

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∗ Shivaji's chivalry to a Muhammadan girl (the daughter-in-law of Mulla Ahmad) captured in the Kalian campaign, T. S. 14a. Tavernier (ii 205) reports the rumour that Shiva discovered buried treasure at Kalian. Jedhe S.; T. S. 13a—14a.

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The greatly expanded Maratha kingdom was now organized on a stronger and more elaborate plan: Moro Trimbak Pinglé was appointed Chancellor (Peshwa) in the place of the incompetent Shyamraj Nilkanth Ranjhekar, Nilo Sondev Accountant-General (majmuadar) vice Balkrishna Pant, and Netaji Palkar as Master of the Horse (sar-i-naubat.) Two new posts, those of Surnis (Superintendent of Correspondence) and Waqnis (Newswriter) were created and given to Abaji Sondev and Gangaji Mangaji respectively. The cavalry now mustered 10,000, out of whom 7,000 were mounted on Government horses and the rest on their own; the Mavlé infantry numbered 10,000 and their commander was Yesaji Kank. (Sabh. 11.) The forts, old and newly acquired, held by Shivaji in 1659 numbered forty. (A. N. 576.) On 14 May, 1657 the newly-founded kingdom was blessed with the birth of an heir to the throne, the ill-fated Shambhuji.

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§12. Afzal Khan's expedition against Shivaji.

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After the Mughal invasion of 1657 had rolled back and Aurangzib had marched away to Northern India, the Bijapur Government gained respite and some accession of vigour. Freed for the time being from the constant menace of the Mughals on the frontier, the Bijapur Government now began to call its refractory vassals to account. The command of the expedition against Shivaji, however, went abegging at the Bijapur Court, till Afzal Khan accepted it in a spirit of bravado.

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Abdullah Bhatari, surnamed Afzal Khan, was a noble of the first rank, who had risen to power and honour under the late Sultan of Bijapur. As a general he was of the highest standing in the kingdom, being the peer of Bahlol Khan and Randaula Khan, and he had fought with conspicuous bravery and skill in the Karnatak expeditions and the more recent war with the Mughals. But the resources of Bijapur had been crippled by that war and the disorder and impoverishment natural in a regency under a veiled woman. Only 10,000 cavalry could be spared to accompany Afzal, while popular report had raised the strength of Shivaji's Mavle infantry to 60,000 men as the result of his conquest of Javli, and he had also enlisted a regiment of valuable Pathan mercenaries from the disbanded soldiery of Bijapur. (T. S. 13b.) Afzal Khan, therefore, did not prefer an open contest of force with Shivaji. Indeed, he was instructed by the Dowager Queen to effect the capture or murder of Shivaji by “pretending friendship” with him and offering to secure his pardon from Adil Shah.*

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From Bijapur the expedition marched due north to Tuljapur, one of the holiest shrines in Maharashtra and the seat of Bhavani, the guardian goddess of the house of Bhonslé. Here, according to the story current among the Marathas, he ordered the stone image of Bhavani to be broken and pounded into dust in a hand-mill, and committed similar outrages at other Hindu shrines on his way.

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In a short time (probably in April), the Khan reached Wai (20 miles north of Satara), of which town and district he had been jagirdar and governor for the last ten or twelve years. At Wai he halted for several months, hatching plots for getting Shivaji seized. That chief had taken up his residence at Pratapgarh, some time before. Afzal sent his land-steward Krishnaji Bhaskar to Shivaji with a very alluring message, saying, “Your father has long been a great friend of mine, and you are, therefore, no stranger to me. Come and see me, and I shall use my influence to make Adil Shah confirm your possession of Konkan and the forts you now hold. I shall secure for you further distinctions and military equipment from our Government. If you wish to attend the Court, you will be welcomed. Or, if you want to be excused personal attendance there, you will be exempted." (Sabh. 13-14.)

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∗ “Against Shivaji the Queen this year sent Abdullah Khan with an army of 10 000 horse and foot and because she knew with that strength he was not able to resist Shivaji, she counselled him to pretend friendship with his enemy, which he did And the other [i e, Shivaji], whether through intelligence or suspicion it is not known, dissembled his love toward him &c ” (Revington at Rajapur to Company, 10 Dec 1659, F R Rajapur)

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Meantime, the news of Afzal's coming had caused great terror and perplexity among Shivaji's followers, and they naturally shrank from the idea of resistance. At the first council of war which he held, they urged him to make peace, as the enemy was strong and hostilities would only cause a great loss of life to their side.

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Shivaji himself was in a terrible dilemma. For a night he pondered on his life's choice and then chose the manlier part. A legend, dating from his lifetime, tells us that the care-worn chieftain's sleep was broken by a vision of the goddess Bhavani who urged him to confront Afzal boldly and promised him victory and her full protection.

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Then came Afzal's envoy, Krishnaji Bhaskar, with the invitation to a parley. Shivaji treated him with respect, and at night met him in secrecy and solemnly appealed to him as a Hindu and a priest to tell him of the Khan's real intentions. It was well known that when Afzal was besieging the fort of Sera, he had put to death Kasturi Ranga, the Rajah of the place, who had come to the Khan to make his submission. Krishnaji yielded so far as to hint that the Khan seemed to harbour some plan of mischief. Shivaji then sent the envoy back with Pantaji Gopinath, his own agent, agreeing to Afzal's proposal of an interview, provided that the Khan gave him a solemn assurance of safety. Pantaji learnt by a liberal use of bribes that Afzal's officers were convinced that "he had so arranged matters that Shivaji would be arrested at the interview, as he was too cunning to be caught by open fight." On his return, Pantaji told it all to Shivaji and urged him to anticipate the treacherous attack on himself by murdering Afzal at a lonely meeting and then surprising his army.

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The place chosen for the interview was the crest of an eminence, below the fort of Pratapgarh, and overlooking the valley of the Koyna. On both sides of the forest path leading up the hill-side to the pavilion picked soldiers were posted in ambush at intervals by Shivaji. Here he erected tents and set up a richly decorated canopy with gorgeous carpets and cushions worthy of a royal guest.

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Meanwhile Afzal Khan had started from his camp at Par, a village one mile below Partapgarh, with a strong escort of more than a thousand musketeers. Pantaji objected to it, saying that such a display of force would scare away Shivaji from the interview, and that the Khan should, therefore, take with himself only two body-guards exactly as Shivaji had done. So, he left his troops some distance behind and made his way up the hill-path in a palki accompanied by two soldiers and a famous swordsman named Sayyid Banda, as well as the two Brahman envoys, Pantaji and Krishnaji.

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Messengers were sent to hurry up Shivaji, who was waiting below the fort. He advanced slowly, then halted on seeing Sayyid Banda, and sent to demand that the man should be removed from the tent. This was done, and at last Shivaji entered the pavilion. On each side four men were present,—the principal, two armed retainers and an envoy. But Shivaji was seemingly unarmed,[*] like a rebel who had come to surrender, while the Khan had his sword at his side. But concealed in Shivaji's left hand was a set of steel claws (baghnakh) fastened to the fingers by a pair of rings, and up his right sleeve lay hidden a thin sharp dagger called the scorpion (bichwa). His companions were only two, but both men of extraordinary courage and agility,—Jiv Mahala, an expert swordsman, and Shambhuji Kavji, the murderer of Hanumant Rao Moré. Each of them carried two swords.

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∗ Khafi Khan, ii. 117, states that both Afzal and Shivaji came to the interview unarmed. But kamar wa karda, 'with no sword girt on the waist,' was the customary attitude of the defeated party, so often described in Persian histories.

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The attendants stood below. Shivaji mounted the raised platform and bowed to Afzal. The Khan rose from his seat, advanced a few steps, and opened his arms to receive him in his embrace. The short slim Maratha only came up to the shoulders of his opponent. Suddenly Afzal tightened his clasp, and held Shivaji's neck in his left arm with an iron grip, while with his right hand he drew his long straight-bladed dagger and struck at the side of Shivaji. The hidden armour rendered the blow harmless. Shivaji groaned in agony as he felt himself being strangled. But in a moment he recovered from the surprise, passed his left arm round the Khan's waist and tore his bowels open with a blow of the steel claws. Then with the right hand he drove the bichwa into Afzal's side. The wounded man relaxed his hold, and Shivaji wrested himself free, jumped down from the platform, and ran towards his own men outside.

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The Khan cried out, "Treachery! Murder! Help! Help!" The attendants ran up from both sides. Sayyid Banda faced Shivaji with his long straight sword and cut his turban in twain, making a deep dint in the steel cap beneath. Shivaji quickly took a rapier from Jiv Mahala and began to parry. But Jiv Mahala came round with his other sword, hacked off the right arm of the Sayyid, and then killed him.

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Meanwhile the bearers had placed the wounded Khan in his *palki*, and started for his camp. But Shambhuji Kavji slashed at their legs, made them drop the *palki*, and then cut off Afzal's head, which he carried in triumph to Shivaji.

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