History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v5.c81.s4: § 4. The struggle during 1681—1686.
History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v5.c81.s4
- Language
- English
§ 4. The struggle during 1681—1686.
v5.c81.s4.1
When the Emperor marched away from Rajputana to the Deccan (September, 1681), he left his wazir Asad Khan at Ajmir to control the occupation of Marwar. Mughal garrisons were posted in all the important positions (*thanas*) in the country, such as Sambhar and Didwana in the north, Mairta in the north-east, Jitaran Sojat Pali and Godwar along the eastern side, Jodhpur in the centre, Panchbhadra and Siwana in the west, and in the south,*-besides many smaller stations. After the Mughal occupation of their capital other cities, the Rathors took refuge in the hills out of the way nooks; but the plains lay exposed to the raids of their roving bands; and encounters frequently took place between them and the army of occupation near one or other of these outposts with varying success. The year 1682 is described as one of perpetual conflict, captures and recaptures of the Mughal thanas.
v5.c81.s4.2
∗ On 16 June 1701, according to *M.A.* p. 441, but *Mirat-i-Ahmadi* gives 9 July.
v5.c81.s4.3
The Rathor patriots suffered heavy losses in all these battles, even when they were victorious. But while, on the one hand, their ranks were thinned by the Mughal sword, they also received considerable additions to their strength. In 1681, Muhakam Singh of Mairta, the son of Rajah Kalyan Singh and a hereditary noble under Delhi, threw up the Mughal service and joined the national cause. Late in the same year, most of the Rathor chiefs who had escorted Akbar to Maharashtra returned home. In 1682 the Bhatti tribe of Jesalmir rose against the Mughals and joined the Rathors.
v5.c81.s4.4
The success of the Rajput patriots was often chequered by the death of notable leaders, and the annihilation of their invading force in a grand raid into Gujrat, in the hills of Rainpur, in 1682. In fact the situation of the country is best described in the words of the bard Karani-dan: "An hour before sunset every gate of Maru was shut. The Muslims held the strongholds, but the plains obeyed Ajit... The roads were now impassable."
v5.c81.s4.5
∗ Nagor in the extreme north of the State had long been a Mughal dependency, independent of Marwar, though ruled by a Rathor chieftain.
v5.c81.s4.6
§ 5. Durgadas again in Marwar, 1687-1696.
v5.c81.s4.7
We now turn to the history of the second stage of the contest. Durgadas's return from Maharashtra (1687) greatly stimulated Rathor activity, and happily just then they gained a valuable ally. Durjan Sal Hada, the leading vassal of Bundi, on being insulted by his chieftain Anurudh Singh (a loyal feudatory and general of Aurangzib) armed his kinsmen and retainers and seized the fort of Bundi by a sudden attack "falling on it like thunder and wind," as the Persian historian graphically describes it.* He then came over to Marwar, married a sister of Mukund Singh Champawat (a Rathor leader) and strengthened the Rathor national army with his thousand horsemen of the Hada clan.
v5.c81.s4.8
The united Rathors and Hadas, having slaughtered or driven away most of the Mughal outposts in Marwar, made a daring raid into the imperial dominions in the north. With a vast force of horsemen, Durgadas and Durjan Sal plundered Mohan, Rohtak, and Rewari, collecting a rich booty, and even menaced the capital Delhi. But hearing that a force of 4000 regular cavalry had been sent out against them from that city and had arrived within 20 miles of them, they declined an encounter, swerved away towards Sarhind, and finally returned to Marwar. Meantime, Inayet Khan, the faujdar of Jodhpur, had issued with his own troops to chase them. Durjan Sal evaded him and marched to Mandal, intending to sack it. "A party of banjaras (travelling grain dealers) had dismounted in the vicinity. They attacked him and a battle with bows and muskets began. Just then Dindar Khan, the faujdar of Mandal, and Raghunath Singh, the agent of Anurudh Hada, arrived there and joined in the battle. Durjan Sal was killed by a bullet in the front rank of the fight." [Ishwardas, 121a, 122b-123a.] Tod, however, adds that the Rathors succeeded in massacring the garrisons of Malpura, Pur and Mandal and in imposing a contribution on those parts.
v5.c81.s4.9
∗ M.A. says that 21 April 1683 the Emperor learnt that Durjan Singh Hada had taken Bundi by siege, and that on 13 Aug. he received a despatch from Mughal Khan reporting that he had assaulted Bundi like lightning and after a nine hours' fight put Durjan to flight, when Anurudh entered the city with the imperialists (226 and 235). I have followed Ishwardas, as he was a friend of Durgadas and had actually served in Jodhpur.
v5.c81.s4.10
In 1690 Durgadas gained a conspicuous success; he routed and drove back on Ajmir Safi Khan, the new governor of that province, who had taken post on the Marwar frontier. He kept up plundering and disturbing the parts of Marwar in Mughal occupation and rendered the roads unsafe for travellers. This alarming situation called Shujaet Khan,* the new governor, to the scene. He very tactfully won over many of the Rajput headmen (thakurs and pattawats) by granting them pattas (written land grants) on the terms enjoyed by their forefathers, while others were recommended for mansab and jagir on the condition of their serving under his deputy Kazim Beg in Marwar. By his friendly policy and polite dealings he turned many of the Rathors into allies and inspired them with ardour for the Emperor's cause. Kamal Khan defended Jhalor against the Rathor raiders in the south, Kazim Beg with a strong force was detached towards Mairta to suppress Durgadas's roving bands in that quarter, while Shujaet Khan himself took post at Jodhpur for some time. For the protection of trade, he bound down the carters and hired porters (such as owners of transport camels and ponies) of Mairta in security that in future they would transport goods to Gujrat through loyal Udaipur and not by way of disturbed Marwar.† (Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 343.)
v5.c81.s4.11
∗ Shujaet Khan was primarily subahdar of Gujrat and, in addition, faujdar of Marwar. In the latter country he usually governed by means of a deputy,—Kazim Beg (d. 1693), Firuz Miwati (d. 1699), Shaikh Muhammad Zahid [or Fazil?] (up to 1701), Jafar Quli, Yusuf (1704), Murshid Quli, and Jafar Khan. The fort of Jodhpur was held by another officer, called the qiladar.
v5.c81.s4.12
† It was probably at this time that he promised the Rathors one-fourth of the custom duties on all goods that they spared during passage through Marwar, as Tod tells us.
v5.c81.s4.13
Thus the year 1690 ended without any disaster. During the next year the Mughals enjoyed respite as the Rathor national army was diverted to Mewar in order to assist Maharana Jai Singh in suppressing the rebellion of his heir Amar Singh and all the leading nobles of that State. In 1692, also, there was truce in Marwar, as Safi Khan, the governor of Ajmir, opened negotiations with the Rathors for the surrender of Akbar's daughter, whom they had been nourishing since her father's flight in 1681. But nothing came of these overtures as the Emperor was not yet prepared to make any real concession to Ajit Singh. So, the war was renewed in 1693. Ajit Singh, guided by Durgadas, took post at Bhilara* and caused trouble. But Shujaet Khan soon hastened to Marwar, and a concerned movement by the faujdars of Jodhpur, Jhalor and Siwana forced Ajit Singh to flee back to the hills, after Akho Balla, who met the Mughal attack, had been defeated. [Mirat, 346 ; Tod.]
v5.c81.s4.14
§ 6. The restoration of Aurangzib's grand-daughter by Durgadas, 1696.
v5.c81.s4.15
But here the Mughal success ended. The situation in the Deccan had now become so serious that the Emperor could not spare any troops for a decisive campaign in Rajputana. Moreover, with the growing youth of his captive grand-daughter, his anxiety to get her back increased. The negotiations for this purpose which had failed in 1692 were renewed in 1694, but this time they were entrusted to the able and wise Shujaet Khan, and though protracted through the Emperor's niggardliness they bore fruit in 1696.*
v5.c81.s4.16
∗ The Persian text reads *T h l h a*, which I take to be an error for either Bhilara or Bhinmal.
v5.c81.s4.17
Shujaet Khan employed as his intermediary in this affair the historian Ishwardas, a Nagar Brahman of Patan (now in the Gaikwar's territory), who had been employed as a revenue collector (shiqdar or amin) in Jodhpur and had made many friends among the Rathors. He has left a graphic account of the restoration of the son and daughter of Akbar, which we quote here, as the evidence of the chief actor in the scene.
v5.c81.s4.18
Akbar's infant son Buland Akhtar and daughter Safiyat-un-nissa had been left in Marwar with his Rathor allies, as the children were too tender to bear the hardships of his flight from the country in 1681. Durgadas placed them in charge of Girdhar Joshi in an obscure place difficult of access. They were brought up with every care not only for their health and morals, but also for her education in the Islamic religion.
v5.c81.s4.19
∗ On 11th June 1696 the Emperor sent a slave named Shah Beg from his Court to Shujaet Khan, to take charge of Akbar's daughter and bring her away. If this girl was named Safiyat-un-nissa (as Ishwardas says), then she was married to Prince Khujista Akhtar, and died of fever on 1 July 1699 and was buried at Mangalvire (north of Bijapur) in a tomb built for Rs. 420. [Akh.]
v5.c81.s4.20
After Ishwardas had repeatedly approached Durgadas, the latter, who had wearied of the long and desolating struggle, wished to make terms for his chieftain and himself. "So he sent a letter to the author (Ishwardas) stating that if Shujaet Khan gave him a safe-conduct and spared his home from ravage pending the coming of the Emperor's reply to his petition for forgiveness, he would send Safiyat-un-nissa Begam to the imperial Court. The Emperor at once consented. On the arrival of his reply, the author, under instructions from Shujaet Khan, visited Durgadas, who was living in a place extremely difficult of access, and induced him by wise counsels to agree finally to the restoration of the princess. Then, returning to the Khan, he took proper escort and conveyances with him, and going back to Durgadas brought the princess away with him. As she was well pleased with the author's serviceableness and excellent arrangements during the journey, she asked him to accompany her to the imperial Court. On their arrival there, Aurangzib immediately spoke of appointing a tutoress to give his grand-daughter that education in Islamic scriptures which she must have missed so long in that uncivilised and inaccessible Hindu State. But the Begam informed him that Durgadas had been so attentive to her welfare that he had secured for her a Muslim mistress from Ajmir under whose tuition she had already studied the Quran and committed it to her memory.
v5.c81.s4.21
This fact convinced the Emperor of Durgadas's devotion and induced him to forget all his past offences. In exuberance of royal grace he asked her, "Tell me what reward Durgadas wants." The Begam answered that Ishwardas knew it. His Majesty at once ordered the author to be brought before him in his private chamber. Durgadas was granted a *mansab* and money allowance,* while Ishwardas was created a commander of 200 horse, invested with a robe of honour, and sent back to Marwar to bring Durgadas and Buland Akhtar to the Court.
v5.c81.s4.22
But in effecting this there was nearly two years' delay, mainly because Durgadas demanded the restoration of Jodhpur to Ajit Singh, while Aurangzib wished to satisfy the heir of Jaswant with a small portion of Marwar only. Durgadas could not be bought even with the highest *mansab* for himself; he insisted on the whole of the State being released by the Mughals. He knew what a valuable political pawn he held in his hand in the person of Buland Akhtar, a full-blooded heir to the Mughal throne, whom any powerful rebel might use as a potent instrument by proclaiming him Emperor of Delhi and trying to subvert Aurangzib's throne under his nominal leadership. So, the negotiations dragged on.
v5.c81.s4.23
∗ Durgadas was granted Mairta (afterwards Dhanduqa) pargana as *jagir*, but he was posted to Patan as *faujdar*. [Mirat, 351, 357, 368.]
v5.c81.s4.24
§ 7. Surrender of Akbar's son and submission of Durgadas, 1698.
v5.c81.s4.25
But Ajit Singh's position was now one of distress and despair. He was weary of roving in the wilderness, hunted by Mughal columns and subjected to every hardship. And his recent marriage to the daughter of Gaj Singh, the brother of the Maharana, made him eager for a settled home and income. So, in 1698, Durgadas abated his demands. Ajit was pardoned by the Emperor and given a *mansab* in the imperial army, with the parganas of Jhalor, Sanchod and Siwana as his jagir, of which he was also appointed faujdar.*
v5.c81.s4.26
Ishwardas thus describes his second embassy:—"After my return from the Emperor's Court (in 1696), I paid repeated visits to Durgadas, took solemn oaths of fidelity on behalf of Shujaet Khan, and reassured his mind by my promises. Durgadas, on getting letters-patent (*parwanas*) conferring jagirs on himself, and being put in actual possession of the lands assigned to him, came with the prince in my company to Ahmadabad and then to Surat. At the latter city many officers deputed by the Emperor met the prince in advance, both to welcome him on the way and also to teach him Court-etiquette. But the prince remained obstinately silent, and the Court doctors failed to remedy this defect."
v5.c81.s4.27
∗ *Mirat*, 359. Tod adds incorrectly that Ajit was also given Jodhpur. There is no support of the Rajput bard's assertion that in 1700 Ajit gained possession of the city of Jodhpur, "Prince Azam leading the way." The latter statement is impossible, as Azam became faujdar of Jodhpur (by deputy) late in 1701.
v5.c81.s4.28
Poor Buland Akhtar! We can well sympathise with him in his distress. He had been brought up ever since his birth among the rude Rajput peasantry, without seeing any city or Court, or talking with any cultured person. He did not even know the polished Hindustani language. Aurangzib was shocked and his Court was amused to find a grandson of the Emperor who could speak only the Rajput patois (*Rajasthani boli*)! Buland Akhtar felt overcome with shyness like a country youth suddenly brought to a large and polished city. Moreover, he had been taught by his life among the Rathor nationalists to regard Aurangzib as a sort of demon and the relentless enemy of Akbar and Akbar's family; and now he was being torn away from the protectors of his boyhood and the comrades of his youth and delivered over to this very Aurangzib. He thought the wisest course under the circumstances not to open his lips at all but to pretend dumbness, like the clownish new son-in-law of the Bengali folktale.
v5.c81.s4.29
[He was, however, gradually educated and polished, and lived to be employed in the Court, close to the Emperor's person, in charge of one of the royal seals].
v5.c81.s4.30
When, after surrendering Buland Akhtar, Durgadas arrived at the portico of the Audience Hall, in the camp at Islampuri on the Bhima, he was ordered to be ushered in unarmed, like a prisoner. Without a moment's hesitation or protest, he took off his sword. Hearing of it, His Majesty ordered him to enter with his arms on. As he entered the imperial tent, the finance minister Ruhullah Khan advanced to him, tied his wrists together with a handkerchief and conducted him to the Emperor. [This was a theatrical action by which, in Mughal times, the offender had to beg the royal pardon and soothe the royal dignity.] His Majesty now graciously ordered Durgadas's arms to be untied, appointed him a commander of 3,000 horse (nominal rank), presented him with a jewelled dagger, a gold pendant (*padak*), and a string of pearls, and advanced him one lakh of Rupees from the imperial treasury. (Ishwardas, 167a—168b, M. A. 395.)
v5.c81.s4.31
In October 1700 the Emperor received a letter from Ajit offering to come to Court with a contingent of 4,000 horse, and asking for some cash or jagir to maintain his retainers. The Emperor ordered a sum of money to be given to him from the Ajmir treasury and promised him a jagir on his arrival at Court. [Akhbarat, 16 Nov.]