Fall of the Mughal Empire v1.c16.s8: § 10. Wazir's plan for rescuing the Emperor from Imad and the Marathas

Fall of the Mughal Empire v1.c16.s8

Language: English

§ 10. Wazir's plan for rescuing the Emperor from Imad and the Marathas

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The civil war had left Imād as indisputably the most powerful and renowned noble at the Court of Delhi. His large and seasoned personal contingent and his close and staunch alliance with the Marathas (who now stood aloof from the Emperor) would have made his power irresistible if the Jāt Rājah could be crushed and the fabulous wealth hoarded in his strongholds seized by the Bakhshi, because the Jats now remained as the only people capable of opposing Imād’s overgrown strength. Nothing could then prevent him from deposing the house of Timur and taking the throne himself. Intizām, who was an intriguing politician, though no soldier, therefore contrived from the outset to save Safdar Jang from total annihilation, maintain the Jāt power intact, and rally these two and the Rājput Rajahs in a coalition under the Emperor’s banners for expelling the Marathas from Hindustan and effectually guarding the imperial dominions from their encroachments in future. If Imād persisted in allying himself with these enemies of the State, he was to be crushed. The sword-arm of this new imperial defensive policy was to be the Hindu princes of Rajputana ‘‘whose lands were every year worse ravaged by the Marāthas than the imperial territory’’ [Muz. 88], and the Jats of Bharatpur, whose accumulated hoards had excited the envy and greed of the professional spoilers from the South. This bold plan of action was to be stiffened by the adhesion of Safdar Jang’s long experience, eminent position in the peerage, and command of a body of veterans. For building up this coalition it was necessary for these late enemies to meet together, exchange personal assurances and oaths with the Emperor, and settle the terms quickly at a conference. Intizām, therefore, arranged that the Emperor should go out of Delhi (where he was no better than a prisoner of the soldiery), to Sikandrabad on the plea of hunting and visiting the State gardens, and there meet Suraj Mal and Safdar Jang to whom secret letters of invitation had been sent, and then their combined forces would open the campaign. For this the imperial heavy artillery was to be taken out of Delhi, ostensibly for the Sovereign's escort, but really for giving the necessary support to his attempt to recover the Crownlands on that side from the hands of the rebels who had seized them.

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∗ *TAh. 112a-124a. D.C. (differs in details.) Muz. 85-86.

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In pursuance of this policy, the new wazir had persistently influenced the Emperor to evade Imād's demand for taking away all the provincial governments from Safdar Jang and turning him into a beggar, and also to save Suraj Mal from destruction by withholding the big guns so pressingly demanded by Imād for helping the Marathas to take Kumbher. He had also secured the Emperor's reluctant pardon for Safdar's two foremost Hindu officers Rajah Lachhmi Narayan and Jugalkishor as early as 19th December 1753, and an order for the restoration of their escheated house and property on 17th May 1754. [T Ah. 96b; DC.]

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Such a policy of action required for its success courage and initiative on the part of the leaders. But the Emperor was constantly absorbed in drink or pleasure, his wazir was incompetent, and both were extremely timid and fond of ease. The Queen-mother, too, with feminine obstinacy and pique now opposed the idea of coming to friendly terms with the ex-rebel Safdar Jang [Siyar, iii. 49.] The result was that Intizām’s fine paper-scheme of a confederacy and restoration of imperial authority broke down when put in operation, and this one event of the march to Sikandrabad caused the instant and irretrievable ruin of Ahmad Shah and his wazir. Delhi historians have charged Intizām with treachery to his master for this failure; but there is no valid ground for this view. The character of these two chiefs made such a catastrophe as inevitable as the working of destiny.

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§ 11. The Emperor marches to Sikandrabad.

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But how was the insolvent sovereign to make this royal journey with all his family, household staff and artillery? The gunners refused to move unless their arrears were paid; the royal elephants had been kept fasting for four days at a time and grown too weak to carry loads; there was no draught bullock left in the artillery department; the imperial stores were denuded of their materials; no menial or porter could be secured and no cart hired except for cash, of which there was none in the Treasury. But somehow or other, the Emperor with his mother and wazir made a start from Delhi and went to Luni on 27th April; the other princesses and the royal artillery arrived a few days later. Aqibat Mahmud then fell back from Ghaziabad (10m. s. e. of Luni) to Sikandrabad, plundering the wayfarers and the carts of food-stuff coming to Delhi. The wazir kept urging the Emperor to advance to Sikandrabad for recovering that tract of Crownlands from the usurpers. The Emperor at last consented, in spite of his lack of the money and material necessary for the journey and the projected compaign. Leaving Luni on 8th May, he reached a camp a few miles beyond Sikandrabad on the 17th. Meantime, Aqibat, after extorting Rs. 50,000 from the local traders in cloth and ghee by attaching their waggons of goods on the roads, had fallen back further south to Khurja, and the Emperor's administration was restored at Sikandrabad.

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Here came the alarming news that Imād and the Marāthas having made peace with the Jāts had reached Mathurā, evidently intending to attack the Emperor or his capital with their overwhelming forces. Aqibat now sought an interview with Ahmad Shah through the wazir, who always "preferring peace to fighting," agreed. The Emperor felt himself utterly helpless and faced with ruin. On Friday the 24th of May, he prayed long in his tent and wept before God.

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Aqibat came and interviewed him. The subtle Kashmiri wore a *darvish's* frock ("a long *gul-ārmāni* robe known in India as the badge of a man who has abandoned the world," *Muz.* 89), and whined that he was bent on retiring to a life of asceticism as his master Imād did not appreciate him. The Emperor was taken in and gave him a post in his own service! Then Aqibat took leave for Khurja, promising to bring that district under his new master's control.

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Next day Aqibat wrote to inform the Emperor that Malhar Holkar was marching on Delhi with 50,000 horse, intending to release some prince from the State-prison of Salim-garh and crown him. At this news Ahmad Shah was unnerved and decided on returning to Delhi; but he took no precaution, nor posted patrols round his camp, as no Maratha had been reported within 50 miles of him. He only sent his advance-tents on the 25th towards Jhaunsi (10m. n. of Sikandrabad) on the way to Delhi, intending to march there the next day. [*TAh.* 125b-128b. *Muz.* 89-90. *Siyar*, 49.]

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§ 12. Malhar surprises imperial camp at Sikandrabad, 26 May 1754.

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But in the night between, spies brought the news that 20,000 Maratha light horse under Malhar had arrived within 24 miles of the camp.* Ahmad Shah called his wazir for counsel, but the latter was sick of his worthless master and exasperated at the failure of his plan of campaign, and gave an angry reply. The Emperor controlled himself and immediately ordered the drums to beat a march, called for his portable chair (*takht-i-rawān*), and ordered that that night they would go to Shorajpur, 7 miles north of Sikandrabad. At this sudden order, for which none had been prepared before, his servants became utterly confused and disturbed. The camp stood at the crossing of two roads, and every one, in the absence of guidance or concerted plan of marching, went away some one way, some another.

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The Emperor had arranged that Udham Bāī (his mother), Ināyetpurī Bāī (his favourite wife), Mahmud Shah alias Prince Bankā (his son), and Sāhiba Begam (his half-sister) should mount with him from the royal gate; the other princesses were ordered to enter their carriages at the Khawāspurā gate of the camp and to be conducted by the nāzir Roz-āfzun Khan. After the Emperor had started, his wife's sister, with his daughter Dilāfroz Banu (or Muhammadi Begam) and some other ladies and maids got into a bamboo-covered waggon at the royal gate and followed him. "During this confusion some arrived and some were left behind, none knew or cared who came and who did not. At the Khawāspurā gate a large party of royal ladies, including Malika-i-zamāni and Sāhib Mahal (two widows of Muhammad Shah), two daughters of Ahmad Shah, and Sarfarāz Mahal and Rāni Uttam Kumari (two of the Emperor's secondary wives) had mounted their covered waggons (rath) when the Marathas were sighted and an alarm was raised." It was two o'clock in the morning of the fourth day of the new moon, which had set long ago. The numerous munition carts and the waggons of the imperial stores and workshops and a vast crowd of followers blocked the road and caused indescribable confusion, which was heightened by the darkness of the night and the horror of the Maratha attack who had opened fire with their matchlocks. Every one fled wherever he could find an opening, forgetful of duty or friendship.

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∗ *TAh.* 128b-131a, most detailed and accurate, followed here. Shākir (77) present, but gives no detail. Siyar iii. 49. Muz. 90-92. D.C. Bayān 283-284 (incredible.) S.P.D. xxi 60 (Maratha side.)

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The numerous waggons ridden by the ladies of the harem could not maintain one unbroken line of caravan, but became dispersed, so that they could not be guided or protected. Roz-āfzun Khan (though a septagenarian and invalid)

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guarded the princesses’ carriages as far as he could. "But how could a hundred resist a thousand?" Malika-i-zamāni was captured by the Marathas and conveyed back to the imperial camp now in Maratha possession. The carts of Sāhib Mahal and some other ladies along with Roz-āfzun himself were overtaken by Aqibat’s brother and conducted to the house of the qāzi of the city. Thus the night passed, none getting anything to eat.

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After Ahmad Shah had reached Shorajpur with his few companions, spies brought the report that the Marathas were coming up in pursuit. He immediately mounted two fast-paced female elephants,—himself and his son on one with an open haudā, and his mother and wife on the second which carried a covered litter on its back,—and fled to Delhi with the utmost speed. About 2 o’clock in the afternoon of 26th May he sneaked into the palace of Delhi by the side of the octagonal tower; the few waggons following him entered by the southern gate. Only the royal jewellery had been brought away in safety, all other kinds of property, both of the State and of individuals, as well as all the artillery (said to be over 500 pieces of all calibres, Bayān 283), stores, treasure (some lakhs in gold and silver coins), tents &c. fell into the enemy’s hands. But the greatest loss was that of the honour of the imperial family; queens and princesses were held in captivity by the rude spoilers from the South. Such a calamity had never before fallen on the house of Timur and it lowered the head of every one in Delhi.

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Three hours after the Emperor's arrival, the wazir, the Chief of Artillery (Samsām)* and some other officers reached Delhi and came to him. Ahmad Shah asked, "Why did you not bring with yourself the people of the harem and my 'honour' (i.e., wives and daughters) who were there?" The wazir replied, "In the darkness of the night nothing could be learnt and nobody brought me news of their plight."

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From the capital we turn to the captives who had not been so fortunate as to escape. Many of the *raths* of the women which had been scattered during the confusion of the night, were overtaken by the Marathas who tore off their screens and took away the money in their carriages and the ornaments on their persons; many women were outraged. Some escaped to different sides, and some came to Delhi on foot. Malika-i-zamāni and other captives were honourably treated by Malhar and placed under the care of the imperial officers of Sikandrabad, but guarded by Maratha soldiers. The change of linen of many of these ladies had been plundered, and as communication with Delhi was cut off for some days, the women of the harem, high and low, who remained captives in the camp suffered extreme hardship.

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∗ According to D.C., during the attack on the camp, Samsām had fought for an hour and thus enabled some Begams to reach the capital in safety.

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It shamed Imād even. On 28th May he came to Malhar’s camp, went to Malika-i-zamāni, presented five mohars to her, laid his turban on the ground before her, and wept, professing shame and disgrace to himself at the hardships that had befallen her, and pleading in excuse, “I was helpless in the matter. The Deccanis would listen to none. I am like their servant. My face has been blackened.” The ex-queen stoically laid the blame on Fate.

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§ 13. Imad-ul-mulk terrorises Emperor with Maratha help.

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On 30th May, the head clerk of the captive Rozāfzun Kh. brought to the Emperor a letter from Malhar making certain demands, which Rozafzun had strongly recommended as the only means of saving the capital from sack and the female captives from dishonour. Intizam gave bellicose counsel and said that he was ready to fight the Marathas, though his troops had mutinied and threatened to mob him only a few days before! The Emperor, therefore, asked for a day’s respite before giving a reply to Malhar.

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The next day (31st May) brought the news that a Maratha force had crossed the Jamunā and was plundering Jaisinghpurā and other suburbs south-west of the city. In fear that the capital would be sacked and the Emperor overthrown, Ahmad Shah wrote a *farmān* granting all the demands of Holkar. This first Maratha detachment withdrew in the afternoon, when another body forded the Jamunā near Khizirabad and plundered the *katra* of Nizamuddin Auliya’s shrine and some other places and burnt the Khurma mart. Imād, on hearing of it, went to Malhar and asked, "What is this? Why are your men plundering the city?" The Maratha general replied, "These are soldiers. They always do so." Then Imād passionately cried out, "Either slay me, or withdraw your hand from such work," and drawing his dagger placed it before his ally. At this Malhar took horse, forded the Jamunā at the time of the sunset prayer, chastised the Maratha raiders and took them back across the river. The tumult ceased, but all who could fled from the environs into the walled city of New Delhi, so that "the suburbs became totally ruined and desolate like the homes of the head, from the hands of these unclean people."

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The Emperor was stupefied and utterly helpless. On 1st June Aqibat Mahmud came to him and got his consent to making Imād wazir, while Roz-āfzun Khan would be appointed superintendent of the Privy Council, thus relieving Intizām of both his high offices. In return, Aqibat swore on the Qurān that Imād and Malhar would never play him false nor trouble him and his kingdom in future. [*TAh.* 131*b*-134*b*.]

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§ 14. Fall of Emperor Ahmad Shah.

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The second of June, Imād-ul-mulk came to the Court with Tātyā Gangādhar (Holkar's *diwān*) Aqibat Mahmud, and his brother Saif-ullah, three hours after dawn.* Ahmad Shah first placed the Holy Book in the hand of Imād and called upon him to swear that he would not practise treachery against him. Imād did so, with the strongest oaths, and was next invested with the robe of the wazir. Then he went to the Chancellor's office, where its clerks were in attendance, signed a few papers as required by the rules, and retired to an ante-room behind it, dismissing the Mir Atish and all other officers present. Immediately after this he sent Aqibat Mahmud with the harem superintendent's assistant and a guard of 50 Badakhshi soldiers to the gate of the princes' quarter in the palace where all the grandsons of the Emperors lived in confinement.

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∗ *TAh.* 135*a*-136*a*. D.C.

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Aqibat sent his own eunuch inside and brought out Muhammad ‘Aziz-ud-daulah, the son of Muizz-uddin, the son of Shah Alam Bahadur Shah I, and went back to his master with him. Imād came out of the wazir’s office, made humble obeisance to the prince and followed him. By way of the triple-arch gate, they entered the *Diwān-i-ām*, where this prince was seated on the throne, the royal umbrella held over his head, and he was proclaimed Padishah Alamgir II.

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The new Emperor immediately ordered his predecessor to be brought under arrest. Saifullah with his Badakhshis entered the harem by the Khās-mahal porch and discovered Ahmad and his mother hiding among the trees of the small garden in front of the Rang-mahal. The soldiers first seized the ex-Emperor and confined him in a room outside, and then throwing a *shāl* to cover his mother’s face dragged her into the same prison. Mother and son were not parted in this their last adversity. The fallen monarch cried out for water in the agony of thirst and mental anguish. Saifullah held up to his lips some water put in the sherd of a broken earthen pot lying in the dust there, and the King of Kings of an hour ago was glad to drink from it. “What a revolution of fortune!” cries the annalist of his reign.

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History of Aurangzib

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OPINIONS.

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A SHORT HISTORY OF AURANGZIB

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511 pages, with a large map, Rs. 5.

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S H I V A J I

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3rd edition, thoroughly rewritten and enlarged, with four portraits, Rs. 5.

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In the second edition the Persian text of the *Anecdotes* has been carefully corrected. Aurangzib has been well called *a master of the sword and the pen*, and this book illustrates what a powerful, and sometimes caustic, style in the Persian language he wielded.

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Second edition, rewritten and enlarged to more than double the size of the first edition. 272 pages.

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Studies in Mughal India

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Studies in the Reign of Aurangzib

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The Aryans and their legacy. The work of Buddhism. The life-story of Buddhism in India. The Muslim settlement and the changes it wrought. The English and their gifts to India. The Renaissance in British India and its effect.

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Times.—"An excellent little compendium of the history of India. The author treats his subject under five main headings. Each of these is considered as a great culture-movement, without emphasis on the battle and conquest side of the picture. He writes with a generous appreciation of the benefits, moral and intellectual, as well as merely administrative, conferred by England on India, and his closing estimate of the situation at the present day is thoughtful and valuable."

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J. R. A. S.—"The causes which led to the spead of Buddhism, and to the transition from Buddhism back to Hinduism, are clearly and interestingly sketched; so also is the brief review of the growth of English education in Bengal. Professor Sarkar writers without partiality or bias, and, from the special study that he has made of the Muhammadan period, is peculiarly fitted, for a Hindu writer, to give a just and appreciative view of the influence which Muhammadan administration and institutions have had on the evolution of India. The book gives an interesting and clearly written review of the successive factors which have contributed to the composite development of the India of the present day."

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Sir F. A. Gait—"India Through the Ages gives a wonderfully clear bird's eye view of a vast subject."

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CHAITANYA

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3rd ed. with a portrait Rs. 2

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Completed by addition of his early life from Chaitanya Bhagabat.

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Chaitanya, (1485-1533), the greatest saint of Bengal, caused a complete moral revolution in Eastern India by preaching the seed of *bhakti* or devotion to God as incarnate in Krishna. His faith conquered Bengal, Orissa and Assam, and also established its strongholds in several other places, notably Brindaban.

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English readers who know not Bengali will find here the most authoritative and unvarnished account of Chaitanya's wanderings and preachings exactly as known to his comrades and personal disciples.

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C. F. Andrews.—"Of surpassing value . . . . gives the clearest picture of the Saint, and his teaching, and is full of intense human interest from beginning to end . . . . The picture drawn of the Saint is one of extraordinary beauty: a truly human figure comes before us and attracts our own love, even as it attracted the love of his first disciples." (Mod. Review, Oct. 1913).

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Economics of British India

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Fifth edition, revised and enlarged, (in prep.)

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This book gives, in one volume of manageable size, a complete account of India's physical features, economic products and resources, industries, transport facilities, currency, public finance, labour laws, land tenure system and legislation, foreign trade, &c.

v1.c16.s8.99

An indispensable guide to a right understanding of the country and its people as they are to-day.

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Jules Sion—"This little book is THE BEST WORK that we possess on the economic condition of India. For all essential questions one finds here a very concise but very substantial exposition, nourished with facts and figures and of great personal charm." (*Annales de Geogr.*, Paris.)

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Modern Review.—An INDISPENSABLE VADE MECUM."

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Sir Theodore Morison—"The author of the present book appears to possess the further essential qualifications of courage and independence. The conscientious investigation of detail is no less evident in the present economic treatise." (*Economic Journal*).

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BENGALI TRANSLATION OF Shivaji Rs. 2-4.

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HINDI TRANSLATION OF Shivaji, Rs. 2-8. [in 1933.]

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| MARATHI TRANSLATION OF Shivaji, Rs. 2-4 |
| (Karnatak Press, Thakurdwara, Bombay 2) |

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PUBLISHERS : M. C. SARKAR & SONS, CALCUTTA. LUZAC & CO., LONDON.

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The first of these, the *Gospel of the Hebrews*, was used by the Jewish Christians of Palestine, and was probably a version of the Gospel of Matthew, though it contained some traditions not found in our canonical books. The *Gospel of the Egyptians* was used by the ascetic sects of Egypt, and was marked by a strong tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. The *Gospel of Peter* was used by the Docetists, and taught that Christ did not really suffer, but only appeared to do so.

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These gospels, and others like them, were not accepted by the Church as a whole, and were gradually lost or suppressed. The Church, however, felt the need for a standard collection of writings that would serve as a guide for faith and practice. This led to the formation of the New Testament canon, a process that took several centuries to complete.

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The first step in this process was the collection of the letters of Paul, which were widely circulated among the churches. Then came the four Gospels, which were accepted as the authoritative accounts of the life and teachings of Jesus. The Acts of the Apostles and the other epistles were gradually added, and finally the Book of Revelation.

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By the end of the second century, the core of the New Testament was generally accepted by the Church. The process of canonization was not a formal act of a council, but rather a gradual recognition by the churches of the writings that were most valuable for their life and worship. It was only in the fourth century that the canon was formally closed by the councils of the Church.

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The formation of the New Testament canon was a crucial event in the history of the Church. It provided a standard of faith and practice that helped to unify the Church and to protect it from the influence of heretical sects. It also ensured that the teachings of Jesus and the apostles would be preserved for future generations.

Linked texts (3)

Bayān-i wāqiʿ — Khwāja ʿAbd al-Karīm Kashmīrī 1780, Persian
Selections from the Peshwa Daftar — Marathi
চৈতন্যভাগবত — Vṛndāvanadāsa Ṭhākura 1540, Bengali