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A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar): A Contribution to the History of India c19: Chapter XIII. The Reign of Achyuta Râya

A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar): A Contribution to the History of India c19

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English

Chapter XIII. The Reign of Achyuta Râya

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Achyuta Râya—Fall of Raichûr and Mudkal—Asada Khân and Goa—Disturbances at Bîjapûr—Ibrahim Shâh at the Hindu capital—Firishtah on Vijayanagar affairs—Rise of Râma Râya and his brothers—“Hoje” Tirumala—Varying legends—Venkatâdri defeated by Asada Khân near Adoni—Asada Khân’s career—Belgaum and Goa—Asada’s duplicity—Portuguese aggressions—Religious grants by, and inscriptions relating to, Achyuta.

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ACHYUTA, according to Nuniz and some other authorities, was a brother of the late king,¹ and, in company with two other brothers and a nephew, had been confined by Krishna Deva in the fortress of Chandragiri, in order to prevent dissensions in the kingdom. The new monarch is said by Nuniz to have been specially selected by Krishna Deva. If so, the choice was singularly unfortunate, for Achyuta was a craven and under him the Hindu empire began to fall to pieces.

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¹ I have broadly declared this relationship, but, as a matter of fact, almost every inscription and literary work in the country differs as to the genealogy of the sovereigns who reigned from this time forward. Nuniz, however, as a contemporary writer residing at the capital, is an excellent authority.

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His minister was one of the powerful Sâluva family, to which also had belonged Timma, the minister of King Krishna. Nuniz calls him “Salvanay.” The earliest known date of Achyuta’s reign is gathered from an inscription bearing a date corresponding to Monday, August 15, A.D. 1530.²

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² *Epig. Ind.*, iv. 3, note 4 (Professor Kielhorn).

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The beginning of his reign was ominously signalised by the loss of the frontier fortresses Mudkal and Raichûr. Firishtah³ states that the Âdil Shâh had, some time before the death of Krishna Deva, made preparations to recover possession of these cities, and proceeds:—

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³ Scott’s edition, i. 252.

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“The Sultan . . . put his army in motion, attended by Ummad Shaw and Ameer Bereed with their forces; and the affairs of Beejanuggur being in confusion owing to the death of Heemraaje, who was newly succeeded by his son Ramraaje,¹ against whom rebellions had arisen by several roies, met with no interruptions to his arms. Roijore and Mudkul were taken, after a siege of three months, by capitulation, after they had been in possession of the infidels for seventeen years.”²

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¹ These names are discussed below.

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² This is apparently an error. The period was only ten years.

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The relief and delight of the Âdil Shâh at these successes, and at the death of his mortal enemy Krishna, must have been great; and Firishtah relates that the Sultan, “who had vowed to refrain from wine till the reduction of these fortresses, at the request of his nobility now made a splendid festival, at which he drank wine and gave a full loose to mirth and pleasure.” Raichûr and Mudkal were never again subject to Hindu princes.

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Those who desire to obtain an insight into the character of the new king of Vijayanagar should turn to the chronicle of Nuniz. It will suffice here to say that he alienated his best friends by his violent despotism, and at the same time proved to the whole empire that he was a coward. His conduct and mode of government ruined the Hindu cause in Southern India and opened the whole country to the invader, though he himself did not live to see the end.

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After the fall of Raichûr and the Doâb, Ismâîl Âdil had another fight (1531) with his rival at Ahmadnagar and defeated him; after which the two brothers-in-law consolidated a strong alliance. Three years later Ismâîl died, having contracted a fever while besieging a fortress belonging to the Qutb Shâh of Golkonda. His death occurred on Thursday, August 13, 1534,³ and he was succeeded by his son Malû. Asada Khân was appointed regent of Bîjapûr, but immediately on his accession the new sovereign so offended his powerful subject that he retired to Belgaum, and Sultan Malû, giving himself up to all kinds of excesses, was deposed after a reign of only six months. Malû was blinded by the orders of his own grandmother, and Ibrahîm Âdil, his younger brother, was raised to the throne. It was now 1535.

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³ 16th Safar, A.H. 941 (Firishtah).

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Da Cunha, the Portuguese governor of Goa, took advantage of these events to erect a fortress at Diu, and early in 1536 to seize again the mainlands of Goa, which had been for ten years in the possession of Asada Khân. The Khân sent a force to recapture these lands, and in February an engagement took place in which the Portuguese were victorious. A second attack by the Moslems was similarly repulsed. A third fight took place in July, and again the Muhammadans were beaten; but Asada Khân then assembled a larger army, and the foreigners were compelled to retire after blowing up their fortress.

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About this time¹ Qult Qutb Shâh is said to have attacked Kondavîd on account of its withholding payment of tribute, to have taken it, and built a tower in the middle of the fort in commemoration of its reduction.

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¹ Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 374-375.

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Two inscriptions at Conjeeveram, dated respectively in 1532 and 1533,² imply that at that period King Achyuta reduced the country about Tinnevelly; but apparently he was not present in person, and nothing further is known regarding this expedition.

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² "Lists of Antiquities, Madras," vol. i. p. 181 (No. 86), and p. 182 (No. 115).

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We now enter upon a period very difficult to deal with satisfactorily, owing to the conflict of evidence in the works of the various writers.

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"A year after his accession," writes Firishtah,³ "Ibrahîm Âdil led his army to Beejanuggur on the requisition of the roy." This would be the year 1536 A.D. But what led to such an extraordinary complication of affairs? Can it be true that King Achyuta was so humiliated and hard pressed as to be compelled to summon to his aid the hereditary enemies of his country?

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³ Scott's translation, i. p. 262.

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Nuniz is silent as to the cause, though he admits the fact. It is quite possible that Firishtah is correct, that the public were not taken into confidence by their despotic rulers, and that the troops of Bījapūr marched to the Hindu capital at the request of King Achyuta. That they actually came there seems quite certain, and it is probable that Nuniz was in Vijayanagar at the time; but there is a *lacuna* in his story which can only be filled up by reference to Firishtah. Accepting Firishtah, we can readily understand why King Achyuta received the Sultan and his army without open opposition, as Nuniz declares that he did, and why the Muhammadan king received splendid presents before he retired. To Nuniz, however, this conduct was inexplicable except on the basis of Achyuta’s craven spirit and utter unworthiness.¹ As to the assertion of Nuniz that the Sultan entered Nāgalāpur or Hospett and "razed it to the ground," we may remember the treatment of the city of Bījapūr by Krishna Deva Rāya,² and surmise that the houses of the Vijayanagar suburbs may have been pulled to pieces by the Mussalman soldiery in search for firewood. However all this may be, my readers have before them the story as given by Nuniz in Chapter XX. of his chronicle, and the following is Firishtah’s account of the event.³

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¹ Below, p. 367.

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² Idem, p. 354.

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³ Scott, i. pp. 262 ff.; Briggs, iii. p. 80.

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"Heem" Râjah, or, as Briggs renders the name, "Tim" Râjah—representing "Timma," and referring doubtless to Sâluva Timma, the great minister of Krishna Deva—had, forty years earlier, become *de facto* ruler of Vijayanagar on the death of the two sons of a former king, “Seo” Râya. He had poisoned the infant son of the younger of these sons, and had thus succeeded in becoming head of the state. During these forty years he had been obeyed by all. On his death his son Râma Râjah became ruler. Râma's marriage to “a daughter of the son of Seo” Râya¹ had greatly added to his dignity and power, and he now tried to secure the throne for himself and his family. He was, however, compelled by the nobles to recognise as king an “infant of the female line,” whose person he committed to the care of the child's uncle, “Hoje” Tirumala Râya,² a man of weak intellect if not absolutely insane. In five or six years Râma cut off by treachery most of the chiefs who opposed him.³ He then marched on an expedition into Malabar, and afterwards moved against a powerful zamindar to the south of Vijayanagar, who held out for six months and in the end beat off the troops of Râma Râya. Vijayanagar was at that time governed by a slave whom Râma had raised to high rank, and this man, on being applied to by the minister to send supplies from the capital, was so amazed at the wealth which he saw in the royal treasury that he resolved to attempt to gain possession of it. He therefore released the child-king, obtained the co-operation of Hoje Tirumala, assumed the office of minister, and began to raise troops. “Several tributary roies, who were disgusted with Ramraaje, flew with speed to Beejanuggur to obey their lawful king; and in a short time thirty thousand horse and vast hosts of foot were assembled under his standard at the city.” Tirumala then had the slave-governor assassinated. Râma Râjah at once returned to the capital, but was unable at that juncture to assert his authority. Finding himself deserted by many of the nobles he concluded a treaty with his lawful sovereign, and retired to his own province, which by agreement he was allowed to retain as his own independent state. Tirumala shortly afterwards strangled the king and seized the throne. The nobles submitted, since he was of royal blood, and better, in their opinion, than Râma Râjah; but when afterwards they found themselves unable to endure his tyranny and oppression, they rebelled and invited Râma Râjah to return.

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¹ Briggs has it “a daughter of Shew Ray.” Râma married a daughter of Krishna Deva, who was son of the first Narasimha.

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² Inscriptions do not give us the name of any prince of the female line at this period. Briggs calls the uncle “Bhoj” Tirumala. Couto (Dec. VI. 1. v. cap. 5) renders the name as “Uche Timma,” and states that uche means “mad.”

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³ Here we probably find an allusion to the reign of Achyuta. Râma was the elder of three brothers afterwards to become very famous. He and his brother Tirumala both married daughters of Krishna Deva Râya. Achyuta being, in Nuniz's belief, brother of the latter monarch, that chronicler calls these two brothers “brothers-in-law” of King Achyuta. (Below, p. 367.) Nuniz says that King Achyuta “destroyed the principal people in the kingdom and killed their sons” (p. 369).

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Tirumala then found himself in great straits, and sent ambassadors with large presents to Ibrahîm Âdil Shâh, begging him to march to his assistance and promising that the Vijayanagar kingdom should be declared tributary to Bîjapûr. Ibrahîm, delighted beyond measure, after consulting Asada Khân accepted the terms, moved from his capital, and arrived before Vijayanagar “in the year 942,” which corresponds to the period from July 2, A.D. 1535, to June 20, 1536.¹ “He was conducted into the city by Hoje Termul Roy, who seated him on the musnud of the raaje and made rejoicings for seven days.” This conduct led to a change of front on the part of Râma Râjah and his supporters. They entreated Tirumala for the sake of the country to procure the retreat of the Sultan to his own dominions, promising submission and obedience if this should be done; and Tirumala, thinking that now he had no further use for his allies, requested the Sultan to return home. He paid over the subsidy agreed upon, which was assessed at something approaching two millions sterling, and made many other gifts. The story then ends with a tragedy.

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¹ Achyuta had then been for about six years on the throne.

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“Ibrahim Adil Shaw had not yet recrossed the Kistnah, when Ramraaje and the confederates, who had bribed many of the troops in the city, broke their newly made vows, and hastened towards Beejanuggur, resolved to put the roy to death, on pretence of revenging the murder of his predecessor. Hoje Termul Roy, seeing he was betrayed, shut himself up in the palace, and, becoming mad from despair, blinded all the royal elephants and horses, also cutting off their tails, that they might be of no use to his enemy. All the diamonds, rubies, emeralds, other precious stones, and pearls, which had been collected in a course of many ages, he crushed to powder between heavy millstones, and scattered them on the ground. He then fixed a sword-blade into a pillar of his apartment, and ran his breast upon it with such force that it pierced through and came out at the back, thus putting an end to his existence, just as the gates of the palace were opened to his enemies. Ramraaje now became roy of Beejanuggur without a rival.”

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After this point in Firishtah’s narrative we hear of no more “young Roies” or imprisoned sovereigns of the Second Dynasty. “Ramraaje” alone is spoken of as king, and Kings Achyuta and Sadâsiva—the latter of whom was undoubtedly recognised as king for some years though he was kept in custody—are not so much as mentioned.

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Thus Firishtah and Nuniz both agree that Ibrahim Âdil advanced as far as the city of Vijayanagar, and retired after payment of immense sums of money and the gift of many valuable presents. The date was A.D. 1535-36. With this date ends the historical portion of the chronicle of Nuniz.¹

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¹ If the Sultan’s march towards Vijayanagar began in 1535-36, we shall perhaps not be far wrong in assigning Nuniz’s chronicle to the year 1536-37, seeing that the author alludes to the dissatisfaction and disgust felt by the nobles and others for their rulers, which presupposes a certain interval to have passed since the departure of the Mussalman army.

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We continue the narrative of events in Achyuta's reign as gathered from Firishtah.¹ As soon as he heard of the death of Hoje Tirumala and the seizure of the throne by "Ramraaje," Ibrahîm Âdil Shâh sent Asada Khân to reduce the important fortress of Adoni, which was undisputedly in Vijayanagar territory. Râma Râjah despatched his younger brother, Venkatâdri, to its relief, and the latter hastened thither with a large force.

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¹ Scott's edit., i. 265.

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"Assud Khan, upon his approach, raised the siege and moved towards him. A sharp engagement ensued, and Assud Khan, finding that he was likely to have the worst of the action, from the vast superiority in numbers of the enemy, retreated in good order, but was followed fourteen miles by the victors, when he encamped; and Venkatadry,² in order to be ready to harass the retreat the next day, halted in full security at a distance of only two miles from him. Assud Khan, who had ardently wished for such an event, towards the dawn of day, with four thousand chosen horse, surprized the camp of Venkatadry, whose self-confidence had left him wholly off his guard against such a manœuvre. Assud Khan penetrated to his tents before he received the alarm, and he had scarce time to make his escape, leaving his treasures, family, and elephants to the mercy of the victors. When the day had fully cleared up, Venkatadry collected his scattered troops, and drew up as if to engage; but seeing Assud Khan resolute to maintain his advantage, and fearing for the personal safety of his wife and children, he declined hazarding a battle, and, retiring some miles off, fixed his camp; from whence he wrote Ramraaje an account of his disaster, and requested reinforcements to enable him to repair it. Ramraaje immediately sent supplies of men and money, openly declaring his intentions of carrying on the war, but privately informed his brother that he had reason to imagine that Ibrahim Adil Shaw had not been led merely of his own will to besiege Oodnee; that he suspected the zemindars of that quarter had invited him to make war, and that many of the nobility with him were secretly in his interest;

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² Scott spells the name "Negtaderee," but I have substituted the rendering given by Briggs, "Venkatadry," as less confusing.

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therefore, he thought he would act prudently by making peace with the mussulmauns at present, and procuring the release of his wife and family from Assud Khan. Venkatadry, in consequence of the desires of his brother, having procured the mediation and influence of Assud Khan, addressed the sultan for peace, which being granted, and all affairs settled to the satisfaction of both states, Ibrahim Adil Shaw returned to Beejapore with Assud Khan and the rest of his nobility and army.”

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Asada Khân after this was greatly honoured by the Sultan, in spite of the intrigues which were fomented against him. Quarrels and disturbances, however, arose in the Bîjapûr dominions which lasted during the whole of the year 1542; in the course of which year King Achyuta died, and was succeeded nominally by Sadâsiva, during whose reign Vijayanagar was practically in the hands of Râma Râjah and of his two brothers, Tirumala and Venkaṭâdri.

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Firishtah was a great admirer of Asada Khân and supports him in all that he did.¹ Asada was a Turk, who, beginning life under the simple name of Khusrû in the service of Ismâîl Âdil Shâh, distinguished himself in his sovereign’s defence during the attack on Bîjapûr in 1511, a defence celebrated on account of the heroic conduct of the Sultan’s aunt, Dilshâd Âgha. Khusrû was rewarded by Ismâîl with the title of “Asada Khân,” a name which he bore for the rest of his life, and a grant of the jaghir of Belgaum. He rose to be chief minister and commander-in-chief of the army of his master, and died full of years and honours in A.D. 1549.

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¹ Firishtah writes glowingly (Scott, i. 277) of the grandeur of Asada Khân. He “was famed for his judgment and wisdom. . . For nearly forty years he was the patron and protector of the nobles and distinguished of the Dekhan. He lived in the highest respect and esteem, with a magnificence and grandeur surpassing all his cotemporary nobility. The sovereigns of Beejanuggur and every country observing a respect to his great abilities, frequently honoured him with letters and valuable presents. His household servants . . . amounted to 250. He had sixty of the largest elephants and 150 of a smaller size. In his stables he had 400 horses of Arabia and Persia, exclusive of those of mixed breed foaled in India. His treasures and riches were beyond amount,” &c.

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The Portuguese at Goa had a very low opinion of Asada’s character. They held him to be an inveterate intriguer, ready at every moment to betray his best friends, even his sovereign, if only by so doing he could advance his own personal and selfish interests; and in this, owing to his consummate skill and tortuous ways, he invariably succeeded. If space permitted, many interesting stories could be narrated of him, culled from the various writings of the day.¹

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¹ Firishtah’s story of Asada Khân’s life is contained in Scott’s edition, i. pp. 236-278; Briggs, iii. pp. 45-102.

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Barros calls him “Sufo Larij,”² a name which some writers have derived from “Yusuf of Lar.” Castanheda spells the name “Çufolarim.”

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² Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5.

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Asada Khân is entitled to a chapter to himself, but, to avoid prolixity, I will only give one extract from the “Asia” of Barros.³ Allusion has been made above to an attack on the mainlands of Goa by three Hindu chiefs, when Ponda was besieged. The inhabitants appealed to Nuno da Cunha, the governor-general, who hesitated to interfere for fear of bringing on a war with the Âdil Shâh. The principal danger was the lord of Belgaum, Asada Khân.

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³ Dec. IV. l. vii. cap. 6.

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“Acadachan, like one who in a safe and lofty place watches some great fire spreading over the plains below, watched from his city of Belgaum the events that were passing;”—but did nothing till the Âdil Shâh wrote desiring him to return to Bîjapûr, which he had temporarily left owing to a disagreement, and to assist him in the government of the kingdom. Asada Khân replied craftily that he had done with the affairs of this life, and proposed to go and die at Mecca. At this Ismâîl flew into a passion and vowed revenge against his powerful subject, who, to save himself, wrote to Da Cunha, professing his unalloyed friendship for the Portuguese, and inviting them to take possession of certain tracts on the mainland; declaring that his master, the Sultan, was powerless to defend himself against the armies of Vijayanagar. This was, it must be borne in mind, long after the Hindu victory at Raichûr. Da Cunha sent Christovão de Figueiredo, Krishna Deva’s valiant friend, to bear his reply, since the latter was on friendly terms with the lord of Belgaum. A conversation took place, in which Asada Khân said that he was afraid of his master, who was of variable and inconstant character, and that he desired of all things to preserve friendship with the Portuguese. He therefore begged to be allowed to visit Goa and cement an alliance with the governor-general, to whom he faithfully promised that the lands in question should become for ever the property of the king of Portugal. Accordingly the lands were seized by Da Cunha.

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Immediately afterwards Asada began to intrigue with the king of Vijayanagar, and being invited to visit that city on the occasion of one of the great *Mahânavamî* festivals, left Belgaum with 13,000 men and 200 elephants. Before starting he wrote to Da Cunha, asking that Figueiredo might be sent to accompany him, and promising to obtain for the Portuguese a definite cession of the lands from the Râya, since these had formerly been the latter’s possession. Accordingly Figueiredo left for Vijayanagar, but learned that the Khân had already arrived there and had joined the king. The Râya received Asada favourably, and, as a present, gave him two towns, “Tunge and Turugel,”¹ since he hoped for his aid against the Sultan.

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¹ Turugel is probably Tirakhol, north of Goa.

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When the Sultan heard of Asada Khân’s defection he gave himself up for lost, but assembled an army and advanced to within twelve leagues of the king's camp, where Asada Khân had pitched his tents at some distance from those of the Hindu lords. The Sultan thence wrote to the Râya demanding the delivery to him of his recalcitrant "slave," and the Râya sent on the letter to Asada Khân, who told the king that he would never join the Muhammadans, but would remain faithful to Vijayanagar. A short pause ensued, during which the Râya learned that constant messages were passing between the camps of the Sultan and Asada Khân. Both armies then marched towards Raichûr, the Râya to retake the place from the Sultan, the Sultan watching for an opportunity to attack the Râya.

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On the third day Asada Khân started with his forces two hours in advance of the royal troops, crossed the river first, and hastened to join the Sultan. Âdil Shâh received him with great apparent cordiality, and at length freely forgave him on the Khân's protestations that his intrigues with Vijayanagar and the Portuguese were only so many moves in a game undertaken for the advancement of the Sultan's interests. Previous to this move the Khân had held a conversation with Figueiredo, in which he succeeded in totally deceiving him as to his intentions, and reiterated his promises to obtain the cession of the mainlands from the Râya, for whom he professed the greatest friendship.

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In the end, says Barros, the Âdil Shâh, secretly fearful of Asada Khân's duplicity, made a treaty of peace with the Râya, by which the Muhammadans retained Raichûr but gave up some other territory.

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Though this story differs from Firishtah at almost every point, it is permissible to think that it may refer to the events of 1535, when the Sultan visited Vijayanagar; for in continuing his narrative, Barros a little later mentions the year 1536. It seems hopeless to try and reconcile the conflicting stories of Nuniz, Barros, and Firishtah, but enough has been said to afford insight into the character of Asada Khân. Nuniz echoes the general sentiment when he writes of the Khân's rescue of the Âdil Shâh, after his defeat at Raichûr in 1520 A.D., as being effected "by cunning" for his own purposes; and when he describes how, by a series of lies, Asada contrived the execution of Salâbat Khân at the hands of Krishna Râya.

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During this reign the Portuguese were busy establishing themselves at various places on the coast, and they built several forts there for the protection of their trade. They had been constantly at war with the Samuri of Calicut and other feudatories of Vijayanagar; but with the Râya himself they were on terms of friendship, and in 1540 they ratified a treaty of peace with the sovereigns of Bijapûr and Ahmadnagar as well as with the Samuri.

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Throughout the whole of their dealings with the Portuguese I find not a single instance where the Hindu kings broke faith with the intruders,¹ but as much cannot, I fear, be said on the other side. The Europeans seemed to think that they had a divine right to the pillage, robbery, and massacre of the natives of India. Not to mince matters, their whole record is one of a series of atrocities. It is sad to turn from the description given us by Paes of the friendship felt for the Portuguese, and especially for Christovão de Figueiredo, by the "gallant and perfect" King Krishna Deva, and then to read of the treachery of the Viceroy towards the great Hindu Government; with which the Portuguese had made alliances and treaties, and for which they openly professed friendship. Thus, to take one instance only, in 1545 the governor of Goa made ready a large fleet and a force of 3000 men, but kept all his preparations secret, for very good reason. His object was to sail round the coast to San Thomé, near Madras, land his troops, march inland, and sack the great temple of Tirumala or Tirupati, purely for lust of gain. Luckily a severe storm prevented him from setting sail, but he plundered and destroyed some rich temples on the western coast, and enriched himself with the spoil. This was a mere wanton attack on property belonging to feudatories of the Vijayanagar empire, for there has never been any pretence that the peace-loving Brahmans attached to these temples had in any way offended or interfered with the Portuguese.

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¹ Couto tells us (Dec. VII l. vii c. 1) that Râma Râya in 1555 made an expedition against the Christian inhabitants of San Thomé, near Madras, but retired without doing great harm, and it is quite possible that the king acknowledged no connection between San Thomé and Goa.

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In the time of Achyuta a large number of grants were made by the nobles to temples throughout Southern India, and numerous inscriptions on stone and copper-plates are extant relating to these charitable and religious donations. One of the most important has been published by Professor Kielhorn.¹ It relates that the king, being on the banks of the Tungabhadra on the 12th October A.D. 1540, at the temple of Vitthalasvâmi or Vitthalêśvara—the splendidly sculptured pavilions of which remain to this day, even in their ruin and decay, an object of astonishment and admiration to all beholders—gave a grant of a village not far from Madras to the Brahmans learned in the Vêdas.

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¹ *Epigraphia Indica*, iii. 147.

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The last date of Achyuta known to epigraphists at present is found in an inscription² bearing a date corresponding to January 25, A.D. 1541; and the earliest date similarly available of his successor, Sadâsiva, is July 27, A.D. 1542.

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² *Epigraphia Carnatica* (Rice), Part i. p. 176, No. 120.

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THE STONE CAR IN THE TEMPLE OF VITTHALASVAMI AT VIJAYANAGAR

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who, after obtaining sanction at the feet of Sadâsiva-deva Mahârâya, granted a village to the great temple at Vellore. Râma Râjah and Venkatâdri were both at that time dead, and Tirumala was king de facto. Couto¹ even goes so far as to say that the three brothers "went on one day every year and prostrated themselves before their lawful sovereign in token of his rights over them." But as to the real relationship of Achyuta to Krishna, and Sadâsiva to both, we are still completely in doubt.

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¹ Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

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We saw that, according to Nuniz, Krishna Deva, immediately on his accession to the throne, imprisoned his three brothers and a nephew, then eight years old, son of the late king, "Busbalrao." This was in the year 1509 A.D., and Krishna was then over twenty years old. We hear of no king of the name of "Busbalrao," or anything like it, from other sources; nor are the names of Krishna's three brothers as given by Nuniz² at all like those of the two half-brothers mentioned in some of the inscriptions.

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² "Tetarao," "Ramygupa," and "Ouamysyuaya" (text, below, p. 314).

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More than one epigraphical record contains the following genealogy:—

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TIMMA. (m. Devakî.) | ÎSVARA. (m. Bukkamma.) | NARASA or NARASIMHA. (Three wives.) (Usurped throne about A.D. 1498.) | (By Tippâji.) VÎRA NARASIMHA. (King [?] for a few years till 1509-10.) (By Nâgalâ.) KRISHNA DEVA. (King 1509-10 to 1530.) (By Obâmbikâ.) | RANGA. (m. Timmâmbâ.) ACHYUTA. (King A.D. 1530 to 1541-42.) | A daughter. (m. Râma Râya.) A daughter. (m. Tirumala Râya.) SADÂSIVA. (King in name A.D. 1542-67.) VENKATA.

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Here we have two half-brothers of Krishna Deva named Ranga and Achyuta, the latter being chosen king; and a nephew, Sadâsiva.

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Two inscriptions noted in my "Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India"¹ state that Achyuta was the son of Krishna Deva; while a Telugu work, the *Manucharitram*, makes him son of the second Narasimha. Couto² says that he was nephew of Krishna Râya.

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¹ Page 108

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² Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

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As to Sadâsiva, some authorities make him, as stated above, nephew of Krishna Deva and son of Ranga, while another says that he was the son of Achyuta.

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An inscription at Conjeeveram³ states that Achyuta had a wife named Varadâ Devî who bore him a son, Venkata. Venkata was actually raised to the throne, but lived only a short time, and then young Sadâsiva was crowned king.

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³ *Epig. Ind.*, iii. 236

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If it is necessary to make any choice amid all this confusion, I recommend my readers to accept provisionally the pedigree given in the above table, leaving it for future research to finally settle the question.

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As to Râma Râya, several inscriptions state that he and his two brothers were sons of one Ranga Râya, whose pedigree is given; and Professor Kielhorn considers it established that Râma married Krishna Deva's daughter.⁴ She was probably a child at her marriage. She had a brother eighteen months old at the time of Krishna Deva's death—so Nuniz says—but we hear nothing more about him, or what became of him. Another daughter of Krishna Deva Râya's is said to have been married to Râma Râya's brother, Tirumala. Some authorities state that Râma's wife was Sadâsiva's sister.¹

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⁴ Firishtah (Scott, i. 252) states that Râma Râya "married a daughter of the son of Seoroy, by that alliance greatly adding to his influence and power." If so, "Seoroy" must be the first Narasa. The historian says that "Seoroy" dying was succeeded by his son, a minor, who did not live long after him, and left the throne to a younger brother. These brothers, then, were the second Narasa, called also Vira Narasimha, and Krishna Deva. The rest of Firishtah's account does not tally with our other sources of information. As being son-in-law of Krishna Deva, Râma was called "Aliya," which means "son-in-law," and by this name he is constantly known.

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¹ *Ind. Ant.*, xiii. 154.

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That there were disturbances at the capital on the death of Achyuta in 1542 seems clear; and indeed it could hardly be otherwise, for he appears to have dislocated the whole empire, alienated the nobles, upon whom the defence of the country rested, and aroused in them a spirit of rebellion to the crown.

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Gaspar Correa has left us an account of what took place at Vijayanagar at that time, and I repeat his story for what it is worth; though it certainly seems as if he had made a mistake and brought down to this year the affairs of 1535-36, the story of which has already been told. For he alludes to a visit of the Âdil Shâh to Vijayanagar, and unless there were two such visits, Correa would seem to be in error, since Firishtah's date is confirmed by Nuniz, in whose time King Achyuta was alive.

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Correa² states that in 1542 Achyuta, king of Vijayanagar, died, leaving a young son in the power of his uncle, brother of the dead king, who had been king contrary to right.³ The nobles wished to keep the boy at liberty, nominating two ministers to carry on the government; but the uncle disagreed, since in this way he would lose all power, and he contrived to gain over some partisans to his side. The nobles in disgust separated, returned to their estates, and, in despair of good government, began to assume independence each in his own province. The queen, mother of the boy, begged the Âdil Shâh to come to her aid and secure the kingdom for her son, promising him, in return for this favour, immense riches. The Sultan set out for this purpose, intending to visit Vijayanagar, but on the road he was met by emissaries from the minister, and bought off with lavish gifts. The king by real right (probably the uncle, Ranga), who had been detained in a fortress, was then liberated, and he also sought aid from the Sultan of Bījapūr. The Sultan took advantage of the opportunity to set out afresh, nominally to aid the true king, but really to acquire the kingdom for himself. The Hindus, in fear for their safety, placed on the throne the brother of the dead king, and succeeded in defeating the Ādil Shâh close to Vijayanagar. The new king, in order to strengthen his position for the future, caused the boy, his rival, to be assassinated, as also two of the latter's uncles and a nephew of the dead king (Achyuta).¹ Then, in dread of the power of the principal nobles, he summoned them to court, and put out the eyes of those who arrived first; so that the rest returned in great anger to their homes and began to intrigue with the Sultan. They urged him to depose the tyrant, promising their aid, and offering him the kingdom for himself if only the country could be freed from this monster. The Ādil Shâh therefore advanced, entered the kingdom of Vijayanagar, and was received as sovereign by many; but he also assumed such intolerant and haughty airs that he aroused the hatred of all around him, and in the end was obliged, in fear for his own safety, to retire to Bījapūr. “Meanwhile a new king had seized the throne of Vijayanagar, a great lord from Paleacate, married to a sister of the king that preceded the dead king,¹ and in the end he secured the kingdom."²

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² Vol. iv. pp. 247-249, 276-282.

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³ See the pedigree above. The young son would be Venkata, and the uncle, Ranga.

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¹ Who all these were we do not know. The boy Venkata's uncles would be either brothers of Ranga or brothers of the queen-mother, widow of Achyuta. Achyuta's nephew referred to could not be Sadâsiva, because he survived. He may have been nephew of the Rânî. The assassination of the boy-king recalls to our minds the story of Firishtah of the murder of the infant prince by “Hoje” Tirumala.

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¹ Sister, that is, of Krishna Deva. As above stated, Râma Râya, for undoubtedly he is here referred to, married Krishna Deva's daughter, not sister, so far as we can gather.

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² Cæsar Frederick states that Râma and his two brothers, of whom Tirumala was minister and Venkatâdri commander-in-chief, kept the rightful kings prisoners for thirty years prior to their downfall in 1565. If so, this would include the reign of Achyuta, and the story would differ from that of Nuniz, who represents King Achyuta as free but subject to the malign influence of his "two brothers-in-law." These two may, perhaps, represent Râma and Tirumala, who are said to have married two daughters of Krishna Deva. They would, however, not have been really brothers-in-law of Achyuta.

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It seems impossible, as Senhor Lopes justly observes, to get at the truth of all this at present, and I think it best to abandon the subject and pass on to consider the events of the reign of Sadâsiva, which lasted from 1542 to 1567. It is pretty evident that each chronicler acquired his knowledge "from stories transmitted from mouth to mouth and disfigured in the process."³

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³ Senhor Lopes, *Dos Reis de Bisnaga*, Introduction, p. lxix.

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In 1543 Burhân Nizâm Shâh made an alliance with Râma Râjah and Jamshîd Qutb Shâh, Sultan of Golkonda, and attacked the Âdil Shâh, whereupon Râma Râjah, taking advantage of the latter's troubles, sent Venkatâdri to reduce Raichûr and the Doâb, "so that Beejapore, attacked at the same time by three powerful princes in three separate quarters, was full of danger and disorder."⁴ True to the traditions of his predecessors, the new Sultan of Bijapûr "called Assud Khân from Balgoan to his presence and demanded his advice on the alarming state of affairs," with the result that he patched up a peace with Burhân, making over to him the rich districts surrounding Sholâpur, and sent ambassadors to arrange terms with Vijayanagar. This done, and the allies having retired, Asada Khân marched against the Qutb Shâh of Golkonda, defeated him under the walls of his capital, and in a personal encounter grievously wounded him in the face with his sabre.¹

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⁴ Firishtah (Scott, i. 271).

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¹ So Firishtah. The Muhammadan historian of the Qutb Shâhî dynasty of Golkonda, translated by Briggs, tells this story of Qulî Qutb Shâh, Jamshîd's predecessor (Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 371).

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The Portuguese at this period had been very active, and amongst other more or less successful enterprises the Governor, Affonso de Sousa, attacked the territory of the Rânî of Bhatkal on the pretext that she had withheld tribute due to the king of Portugal, and wasted her country with fire and sword. Her city was burnt, the Hindus were slain in large numbers, and the Rânî reduced to submission.

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About the year 1544—the date is somewhat uncertain—Sultan Burhân again attacked Ibrâhîm Âdil at the instigation of Râma Râjah, but was completely defeated.

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"The sultan (Ibrâhîm) after this victory growing haughty and imperious, treated the ambassadors of Nizam Shah in a contemptuous manner, and behaved tyrannically to his own subjects, putting to death many and severely punishing others of his principal nobility for slight offences, which occasioned disaffection to his government."

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On Burhân again invading Bîjâpûr territories, a party was formed to depose Ibrâhîm and raise to the throne his brother Abdullah. This prince, finding that the conspiracy had been discovered, fled for safety to Goa, where he was well received. But when Ibrâhîm promised certain provinces to the Portuguese if they would send Abdullah away to a place where he could no longer disturb the peace of the Bîjâpûr territories, De Sousa accepted the conditions; receiving the gift of Salsette and Bardes for the crown of Portugal, and the whole of the vast treasures accumulated by Asada Khân at Belgaum as a personal present for himself. Having pocketed as much as he could of the bribe, however, he only took Abdullah as far as Cannanore and then brought him back to Goa; and when, at the end of the next year, De Castro succeeded De Sousa as Governor, the former refused to surrender the rebel prince. This duplicity placed the Sultan in great difficulty, and in February 1546 he executed a treaty of peace, one of the terms of which was that no person belonging either to the Dakhan, or to the territories of the Nizâm Shâh, or to those of the king of Vijayanagar, with certain others specially mentioned, should be permitted to have any communication with Abdullah or his family until the reply of the king of Portugal was received to an embassy which the Âdil Shâh proposed to send to him. There were other terms also, and these not being acted up to by the Portuguese, the Sultan in 1547 sent some troops into the provinces of Salsette and Bardes, which were driven out by the Viceroy after a stubborn fight.

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De Castro then concluded treaties with Vijayanagar on the 19th September 1547, and with Ahmadnagar on the 6th October of the same year, by the former of which the Hindu king was secured in the monopoly of the Goa horse trade,¹ and by the latter a defensive alliance was cemented between the Portuguese and the Nizâm Shâh. This constituted a tripartite league against Bîjapûr.

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¹ The terms of this treaty are interesting, as they throw much light on the political and commercial relations of the Portuguese at this period with the two great states their neighbours. The contracting parties are stated to be the king of Portugal by his deputy, the captain-general and governor of Goa, Dom João de Castro, and the great and powerful King Sadâsiva, king of Bisnaga.
(a) Each party to be friends of the friends, and enemy of the enemies, of the other; and, when called on, to help the other with all their forces against all kings and lords in India, the Nizâm Shâh always excepted.
(b) The governor of Goa will allow all Arab and Persian horses landed at Goa to be purchased by the king of Vijayanagar on due notice and proper payment, none being permitted to be sent to Bijapûr.
(c) The king of Vijayanagar will compel all merchants in his kingdom

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Shortly afterwards a still more determined attack was made by the Bîjapûr troops against the mainlands of Goa, and in the battle which ensued one of the Âdil Shâh's principal generals was slain.

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In 1548 the Viceroy concluded a more favourable arrangement with Bîjapûr and also with the Rânî of Bhatkal.

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The Portuguese historians say that De Sousa and Asada Khân both joined the ranks of the supporters of Abdullah, and that Asada Khân promised to give the king of Portugal all the territories of the Konkan on the downfall of Ibrahim, but the Viceroy changed his mind and withdrew, while Asada Khân's death put a stop to all intrigues in that quarter.

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Firishtah's account, however, of the conduct of Asada at this period totally differs, as do his dates. He states that, although the Khân was much distressed at his master's neglect, his coldness towards him, and his attitude of suspicion, yet he himself was consistently loyal in his actions, and did his utmost to crush the conspiracy. As to the Portuguese, this historian avers that, so far from abjuring the cause of Abdullah, they actually marched with that prince from Goa towards Bîjapûr, supported by the Nizâm Shâh, and even reached the neighbourhood of Belgaum; but when it

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trading with the coast to send their goods through ports where the Portuguese have factors, permitting none to proceed to Bîjapûr ports.

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(d) The king of Vijayanagar will forbid the importation of saltpetre and iron into his kingdom from any Bîjapûr port, and will compel its purchase from Portuguese factors.

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(e) The same with cloths, copper, tin, China silk, &c.

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(f) The king of Vijayanagar will allow no Moorish ship or fleet to stop in his ports, and if any should come he will capture them and send them to Goa. Both parties agree to wage war on the Âdil Shâh, and all territory taken from the latter shall belong to Vijayanagar, except lands on the west of the Ghâts from Banda on the north to Cintacora on the south, which lands shall belong to the king of Portugal.

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became evident that Asada could not be corrupted, the nobles of Bijapûr returned to their allegiance to their sovereign, and the alliance broke up. Sultan Ibrahim advanced to Belgaum in February 1549,¹ but on the road heard that Asada had died.

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¹ Muharram, A.H. 956. But the Portuguese records state that Asada Khân died in 1545 (Danvers, i. 465).

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Firishtah’s account of the Bijapûr Sultan’s conduct when he arrived at Belgaum is too suggestive to be omitted. The king, he says, “*comforted his (Asada Khân’s) mourning family with khelauts and assurances of royal favour, but all his estates and treasures he took for his own use*”—though these treasures were the accumulated property of a man whom the historian declares to have been, during the whole of his long life, the most faithful, courageous, and devoted adherent of his royal master, whom on many occasions he had personally rescued from difficulties which appeared almost insurmountable! The Portuguese account as to the fate of the treasures accumulated by Asada Khân is given by Mr. Danvers, who, treating the Khân as an unprincipled rebel, writes:—

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“In addition to making over Salsette and Bardes to the Crown of Portugal, the Adil Khan had also given Martim Affonso (De Sousa, the Viceroy) the vast treasure which Acede Khan had collected for the purpose of carrying out his rebellion, and which is said to have amounted to ten millions of ducats, *of which, however, only one million came into the hands of Martim Affonso.* Some accounts state that he sent about half of this amount to Portugal for his own use, but others aver that he employed a great part of it in the public service in India, besides sending some home for the king’s use in Portugal.”²

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² Danvers’ “Portuguese in India,” i. 465, 466.

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It will be seen that the two accounts differ widely in details.

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At this time Ibrahim Qutb Shâh, younger brother of Jamshid and heir presumptive to the throne of Golkonda, was at Vijayanagar, whither he had fled in fear of Jamshid's despotic and violent temper. Firishtah¹ relates a story of him which is worth repeating here, partly because the event occurred in the Hindu capital, partly because it illustrates the practice of duelling which, as Nuniz tells us, largely obtained at that time,² and partly because it confirms the assertions of Nuniz that the king of Vijayanagar was in the habit of disposing at will with the revenues of his provinces.

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¹ Briggs, iii 328

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² Below, p 383

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Rāma Rāya had despotically turned out of his estate an Abyssinian officer in his employ named Ambur Khān, and conferred the same on Prince Ibrahim for his support.

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"Ambur Khan, enraged at the alienation of his estate, and meeting Ibrahim Kootb Shah in the streets of Beejanuggur, accused him of depriving him of it. The latter replied that monarchs were at liberty to dispose of their own property, and that the king of Beejanuggur had chosen to give him the estate. Ibrahim Kootb Shah proceeded on his way; but the Abyssinian called him coward in refusing to dispute his title with the sword. Ibrahim warned him of his imprudence; but the Prince's mildness only added fury to the Abyssinian's anger, who proceeded to abuse him in grosser language. On this the Prince dismounted and drew. The Abyssinian rushed upon him, but the Prince's temper giving him the advantage, he killed his antagonist, whose brother, standing by, insisted on taking up the cause, and he also fell a victim to his temerity."

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Prince Ibrahim succeeded to the throne of Golkonda in A.D. 1550. In the previous year, says Firishtah, an alliance was cemented between Sultan Ibrahim of Bijapur and the new sovereign of Bidar, Ali Barid, son of Amir Barid.

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Rāma Rājah having at this period accepted the presents and professions of regard sent to him by the Nizām Shāh with an embassy, Sultan Ibrahim, roused to indignation, treated the Vijayanagar ambassadors at Bîjapûr with such indignity that they fled in fear of their lives, and Râma Râjah, offended in his turn, induced Burhân Nizâm to attack Ibrahîm. He did so successfully, and captured the fortress of Kalliân; and on Ibrahîm’s retaliating by seizing one of the Ahmadnagar forts, an open alliance was entered into between Burhân and Râma. The two kings met near Raichûr in 1551, laid siege to the place and took it. Mudkul also capitulated, and the Doâb was thus once more restored to the Hindu sovereign.

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About this time,¹ so we are told by a Muhammadan historian, Râma Râya’s two brothers rebelled against his authority during his absence from the capital, and seized the fortress of Adoni; upon which Râma begged aid from the Qutb Shâh Ibrahîm, and this being granted, Râma besieged Adoni for six months. The place eventually capitulated, and the brothers were then pardoned.

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¹ Briggs’ “Firishtah,” iii. 397, &c.

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In 1553 Burhân died, and once more the two leading Muhammadan states became friendly for a short time; but the air was too full of intrigue and jealousy for this to last long. Sultan Ibrahîm negotiated an understanding with Vijayanagar, and this led to a renewal of the war, in the course of which a battle took place at Sholâpûr, where Ibrahîm was worsted.

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But the most serious reverse which he suffered was at the hands of a chief named Ain-ul-Mulk, whom by ingratitude and ill-treatment he had driven into open rebellion. At the end of a short campaign against this person the royal troops were completely beaten, and the Sultan was driven to take refuge at Bîjapûr. In a state of desperation he called on the Râya of Vijayanagar for aid, and Râma, as usual representing the puppet sovereign, sent his brother, Venkatâdri, with a large force to expel the enemy from the Sultan’s dominions.¹ The story of the rebel “Ein-al-Moolk’s” discomfiture at the hands of Venkatâdri is thus told by Firishtah:²—

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¹ Senhor Lopes has recently found amongst the archives in the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon a paper, dated 1555 A.D., which states that the king of Vijayanagar had consented to aid Ibrahîm Âdil Shâh against Ain-ul-Mulkh and “the Meale” (i.e. Prince Abdullah, called “Meale Khan” by the Portuguese), in return for a present of 700,000 pardaos (Corpo Chronologico, Part i., packet 97, No. 40).

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² Scott’s edit., i. 284.

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“Syef Ein al Moolkh, imitating Assud Khan, resolved to surprize the infidels; but Venkatadry, having intelligence of his designs, ordered his troops to be on their guard; and having procured long faggots, with cloth steeped in oil bound round one end of each, commanded his followers upon the alarm being given to light them, and holding them up as high as possible, give the troops a full sight of the enemy. Ein al Moolk, agreeably to his intentions, having one night chosen two thousand men for the purpose, marched with Sullabut Khan to the enemy’s camp, which he was allowed to enter unmolested; but upon a signal given, all the brands were instantly lighted up, and Venkatadry, who was prepared with his troops, rushed upon the surprizers, who expected no resistance, with such success that above five hundred of them were killed before the detachment could clear the camp. Ein al Moolk and Sullabut with the greatest difficulty made their escape; but, losing the road through the darkness of the night, a report spread in his camp on the return of some of the fugitives, that he was killed; and his troops being immediately struck with a panic, separated and fled to different quarters. Ein al Moolkh and Sullabut Khan, with two hundred horse, about daylight arriving at their ground, and seeing it deserted, fled in confusion by the route of Maan to the dominions of Nizam Shaw, where they sought protection, but were basely assassinated by his treachery.”

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