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The Sultanate of Delhi, 711–1526 A.D. c20: 14. The Tughluq Dynasty

The Sultanate of Delhi, 711–1526 A.D. c20

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14. The Tughluq Dynasty

Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq Shah, 1320—1325

Early career

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Ghazi Tughluq was a man of humble origin. His father was a Turki slave of Balban and his mother a Jat woman of the Panjab. He seems to have begun his life as an ordinary trooper, but he rose to a position of importance by dint of his ability and hard labour. In 1305 he was appointed governor of the Panjab with his head-quarters at Dipalpur. He was entrusted with the duty of the protection of the north-western frontier from the Mongols. It is said that he encountered the invaders on twenty-nine occasions and defeated them. Hence he was called Malik-ul-Ghazi. Towards the end of Ala-ud-din's reign he became one of the few powerful Turkish nobles in the kingdom. He retained his position during the reign of Qutub-ud-din Mubarak. On his accession Khusrav tried to conciliate him and confirmed him in the governorship of the Panjab; but he and his son, Fakhr-ud-din Jauna, had their own ambition. This, together with Ghazi Malik's thirteenth century racial and religious orthodoxy, prompted him to organise the opposition to Khusrav Shah, who was, eventually, defeated and killed. After this he entered Delhi as a conqueror. He is said to have caused an enquiry to be made whether there yet remained any descendant of Ala-ud-din Khalji whom he might raise to the throne. It is doubtful whether he was sincere in this enquiry or whether he had made this display in order to win popular sympathy. Be that as it may, he ascended the throne on September 8, 1320, under the title of Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq Shah Ghazi. He was the first Sultan of Delhi to add the word Ghazi (slayer of the infidel) after his name.

Domestic policy

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The first work of the new Sultan was to conciliate the nobles and the people. He enjoyed the advantage of pure Turkish lineage and hence felt no difficulty in establishing his authority over the remnants of the Turkish nobles and officers. He made an arrangement for giving away in marriage the Khalji girls who had survived the downfall of their house. Like a wise politician, he did not take steps against the nobles who had supported Khusrav and confirmed all important officers in their posts. He dealt strictly with the confirmed partisans of the late regime who were dismissed from their offices and deprived of their lands. He restored the lands of those who had been deprived of them by Ala-ud-din Khalji. He tried to recover the treasure which had been squandered by Khusrav or plundered during the confusion that followed his downfall; but he encountered much opposition from some of those who had been benefitted by its prodigal distribution. Large sums of money had been given away by Khusrav to the leading shaikhs of Delhi, some of whom returned it; but Shaikh Nizam-ud-din Auliya, who had received five lakhs of *tankas*, refused to make good the sum and replied that he had given it away in charity. The Sultan was highly enraged, but he was helpless as the Shaikh was a holy man and very popular with all classes of people. Ghiyas-ud-din endeavoured to denounce him “for indulgence in the ecstatic songs and dances of darveshes, a form of devotion regarded as unlawful by rigid Sunnis of the established religion.” In this policy he did not succeed, as fifty-three theologians whom he consulted on this point did not find fault with the above form of devotion. With other people, however, his policy was successful and he recovered most of the treasure squandered by Khusrav Shah.

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Ghiyas-ud-din followed the policy of encouraging agriculture and protecting the cultivators. He ordered that the *Diwan-i-Wizarat* should not enhance the land revenue of any *iqta* beyond one-tenth and one-eleventh in a year. His instructions were that the enhancement should be gradual and should be spread over a number of years. The state demand was not ascertained by measurement of the land as in the time of Ala-ud-din Khalji. He gave up the practice of survey of land as it did not work satisfactorily in the hands of his officers and as it required an elaborate and technical staff. Instead, the Sultan ordered that the land revenue should be assessed by the collectors in person, which meant in practice the revival of the old sharing (*Ghalla-Bakhshi* or *Batai*) and *Nasq* or *Kankut* systems. The revenue collectors were not to be paid a commission on the sum collected by them, but by grants of land which were exempted from taxation. In addition, they were permitted to charge a nominal fee from the cultivators. Here also Ghiyas-ud-din abandoned Ala-ud-din’s scientific system and reverted to the practice that existed before the Khalji times. His next regulation was directed towards extending the area under cultivation. He believed that the cultivator should not be driven into despair and rebellion by an excessive demand and that the surest method of increasing the revenue was “the extension of cultivation, not the enhancement of the demand.” This policy led to happy results. Much waste land was reclaimed and the area under cultivation was increased. Many ruined villages were repopulated. Canals were dug for irrigation and gardens were planted.

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The revenue reform was followed by an attempt to improve the means of communication. Roads were cleared and works of public utility, such as, building of forts, bridges and canals, were undertaken. To Ghiyas-ud-din belongs the credit of improving the system of communication, particularly perfecting the postal system which had existed in India from time immemorial. In his time, as well as long before it, posts were carried by runners and by horsemen who were stationed at distances of two-thirds of a mile and seven or eight miles, respectively, all over the kingdom. News travelled at the rate of one hundred miles a day (twelve hours).

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Ghiyas-ud-din reformed the department of justice which had fallen into decay during the weak rule of Qutub-ud-din Mubarak and Khusrav. He prohibited torture in the recovery of the State debts. This form of punishment, however, continued to be given to thieves, to revenue defaulters or to those who embezzled State money.

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Ghiyas ud-din’s treatment of the Hindus was not praiseworthy. He retained some of the restrictions imposed on them by Ala-ud-din Khalji. He ordered that the Hindus should not be permitted to amass wealth. They were, therefore, left with as much fruit of their labour as was necessary for them to live in moderate comfort. We are told by Zia-ud-din Barani that if the Sultan did not over-tax the Hindus it was with a view not to compel them to desert their lands and business in despair. The lot of the vast majority of the people during his reign could not have been happy.

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Ghiyas-ud-din was, in his personal life, an orthodox Sunni Musalman. He was devoted to the ordinance of his faith and was punctilious in observing its rites. He ascended the throne as a champion of orthodox Islam. It was, therefore, natural for him to behave like a fanatic. He forbade the manufacture and sale of liquor and tried to enforce the ordinances of his religion on the Muslim section of his subjects. Perhaps he was not very much of a persecutor of other faiths; but he did indulge in temple-destruction and image-breaking during the course of his campaigns.

Expedition on Warangal

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Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq was a great annexationist. His foreign policy was directed towards reducing to submission those States which had renounced their allegiance to Delhi during the weak reign of Khusrav. But he would not stop short of their reconquest. He wanted to annex them and to bring them under the direct rule of Delhi. In 1321 he sent his heir-apparent, Fakhr-ud-din Muhammad Jauna, now entitled Ulugh Khan, to reduce Prataprudra Deva, the Kakatiya ruler of Warangal who had repudiated his vassalage to the Sultan. Ulugh Khan besieged Warangal and so harassed the ruler that he sued for peace. Ulugh Khan wanted unconditional surrender and, therefore, rejected the peace offer. Prataprudra Deva, thereupon, grew desperate and cut the lines of communication of the besiegers with the result that news from Delhi ceased to come. There arose rumours that Ghiyas-ud-din had died at Delhi. On the advice of some of his friends, such as Ubaid, the poet and the Shaikhzada of Damascus, the prince raised the siege and started for Delhi in order to be there in time to obtain possession of the throne. He was much harassed on the way by the ruler and the people of Telingana. The first Dakhin expedition of the prince was, therefore, a failure.

Second expedition to Warangal

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Reaching Devagiri Jauna Khan learnt that the news of his father’s death was false. So he travelled quickly to Delhi and apologised to his father for the mistake that he had committed. He was forgiven; but his associates and the Sultan’s enemies were put to death. In 1323 the prince was again sent to Warangal. This time he arranged to see that his lines of communication remained safe so as to ensure a regular flow of news from Delhi. The prince captured Bidar and then marched on Warangal. This time the siege was prosecuted with such vigour that Prataprudra Deva and his family and nobles fell into the hands of the victors. The raja was sent to Delhi. Telingana was occupied and was divided into districts which were allotted to Turkish nobles and officers. The capital city of Warangal was named Sultanpur and it became the capital of a province of the Sultanate of Delhi.

Raid on Utkala

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While on his way back to Delhi from Telingana, prince Jauna undertook a raid into the kingdom of Utkala in Orissa (Jajnagar of Muslim writers), where he captured fifty elephants besides other valuable articles. He returned to Delhi laden with rich spoils and treasures from Telingana and Utkala.

Rebellion in Bangal

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There was a dispute for the throne of Bangal between the three brothers, Ghiyas-ud-din, Shihab-ud-din and Nasir-ud-din. Ghiyas-ud-din, who was governor of East Bangal, overthrew Shihab-ud-din and occupied the throne of Lakhanauti in 1319. Their third brother, Nasir-ud-din, who, too, was eager to rule over Bangal, appealed to Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq for help. The Sultan responded and proceeded in person towards Bangal. On the way at Tirhut he was joined by Nasir-ud-din, and the Sultan despatched one of his capable officers, Zafar Khan, to Lakhanauti. Ghiyas-ud-din of Bangal was defeated and taken a prisoner. Nasir-ud-din was reinstated on the throne of West Bangal as a vassal of Delhi. East Bangal was annexed to Delhi. After these arrangements the Sultan returned with a large booty.

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On his way back from Bangal Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq attacked Raja Har Singh Deva of Tirhut (Mithila) as the loyalty of this Hindu ruler was doubtful. He reduced him to submission and proceeded to Delhi by quick marches.

The Mongol invasion

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In 1324, when prince Jauna Khan was absent in the Dakhin, the Mongols invaded northern India; but they were defeated. The Mongol leaders were captured and brought to Delhi. We do not hear of any other Mongol invasion during the reign of this king.

Death of Ghiyas-ud-din

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While occupied in Bangal, the Sultan received disquieting news of prince Jauna Khan’s behaviour in Delhi. It is said that he was increasing the number of his followers in order to have a powerful party of his own. He had also become a disciple of Shaikh Nizam-ud-din Auliya who was on bad terms with his father and was reported to have made a prophecy that the prince would very soon become king of Delhi. Some astrologers had also prophesied that Ghiyas-ud-din would never return to Delhi. These reports enraged the Sultan who threatened Jauna Khan with his displeasure and proceeded back to Delhi by forced marches. Nizam-ud-din Auliya, who was similarly threatened, is said to have replied : “Delhi is yet far off” (*hunuz Delhi dur ast*). Prince Jauna Khan erected a wooden pavilion at Afghanpur, a village six miles to the south-east of Delhi, to accord reception to his father. It is said that “the building was so designed as to fall when touched in a certain part by the elephants……” The prince entertained his father under the pavilion, and, when the meal was over, he requested his father to let him have a view of the elephants that he had brought from Bangal. The Sultan agreed. The elephants were brought out and paraded. As soon as they came into contact with that part of the building which had been designed to bring about its collapse, the entire pavilion fell and Ghiyas-ud-din, along with his second son, prince Mahmud Khan, was crushed. Jauna Khan is said to have purposely delayed ordering the diggers to remove the debris. When the debris were removed, the Sultan was found bent over the body of his favourite son, Mahmud Khan, as if to protect him.

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Historians are divided in their opinion regarding prince Jauna Khan’s complicity in the affairs. Dr. Mahdi Husain says that the pavilion fell of its own accord and that the prince had no hand in the matter. Sir Woolsely Haig and Dr. Ishwari Prasad, on the other hand, maintain that the whole thing was the result of a plot cleverly engineered by the prince. The latter view seems to be correct, as it is based on the statement of the famous African traveller, Ibn Battuta, who derived his information from Shaikh Rukn-ud-din who was present in the pavilion at that time but had been asked by prince Jauna Khan to leave for his prayers just before the elephants were brought out to be paraded before the building.

Estimate of Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq

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At the time of his accession, Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq was an experienced soldier and a seasoned general. He had also had the reputation of being a loyal and faithful official and a successful warden of the marches. He was possessed of almost all the qualities a good ruler should have. He established peace and order in the kingdom and stamped out theft, robbery and brigandage. By his policy of moderation, he conciliated the old nobility and won over most of the halfhearted supporters of Khusrav. He seems to have been the first Sultan of Delhi to take a correct view of the position of the agriculturists, as he believed that the prosperity of the State depended upon the wellbeing of the tillers of the soil. That was why he issued instructions that revenue officers should do their best to extend the area under cultivation rather than to increase the rates of the land tax. He followed the middle course with regard to the hereditary official class in the department of revenue, namely, *muqaddams*, *khuts* and *chaudharis*. Hence his reign was marked by some kind of material prosperity of the people.

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Tughluq Shah was careful about the administration of justice. He held his daily court twice, that is, morning and evening, and endeavoured to maintain the prestige of the Sultanate. He also believed in the policy of military domination. Some of the modern writers have called him a mild and benevolent ruler. But this is not a correct description of his character. He was mild and generous to his courtiers and former friends and colleagues for whom his elevation to the throne brought no change so far as his attitude towards them was concerned. But for the common people, particularly the Hindus, he was fairly strict. He also pursued the policy of aggressive warfare against his Hindu neighbours.

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Ghiyas-ud-din paid special attention to the army. He kept the military machine in proper trim and retained Ala-ud-din's reforms, such as taking down of the descriptive rolls of the soldiers and the branding of the horses. He was a rigid Sunni Musalman and, though not bitterly hostile to the religion of the vast majority of his subjects, he was surely not sympathetic towards it.

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Ghiyas-ud-din was fond of buildings. Early in his reign he laid the foundation of a big palace-fort which became known as Tughluqabad. Within the enclosure of this building were erected his palaces and other buildings. His main palace was built of gilded bricks which shone so brilliantly in the sun that none could gaze steadily upon it. Ibn Battuta relates that the Sultan had his treasure-rooms in one of which there was a cistern into which molten gold was poured so that it became one solid mass. He was, also, a patron of learning and had scholars and poets at his court.

Muhammad bin Tughluq, 1325—1351

His early career

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The eldest son of a frontier governor, Fakhr-ud-din Muhammad Jauna Khan had been brought up as a soldier. Even as a boy he must have distinguished himself in this profession. From his ability as a scholar, when he was in the prime of his life, it is clear that he must have been given the best possible literary eduation in his boyhood and he must have been a precocious child. The first important office that he held was that of the master of the horse under Khusrav Shah. Fakhr-ud-din was an extremely ambitious youth who saw the possibility of his reaching the throne of Delhi. To realise this object he set foot on agitation against Khusrav, his patron, who had endeavoured to placate him; and his father, Ghazi Tughluq, seems to have acted simply on the advice and initiative of his more clever and ambitious son. His opportunities came when his father became the Sultan of Delhi in 1329. He was nominated heir-apparent and given the title of Ulugh Khan. In 1321, he undertook an expedition to Warangal which failed disastrously. Two years later, he was again sent to reduce Prataprudra Deva to submission. This time he succeeded in defeating the ruler of Warangal and bringing him a prisoner to Delhi. Early in 1325 he brought about his father's death, probably because he would not wait but wanted to anticipate the course of nature. Four years before that date he had believed in the rumours of his father's death and had almost carried out his accession. These facts show beyond doubt that he was an over-ambitious and unscrupulous youth. He believed in his ability and wisdom and thought that he would do better as a ruler than any of his predecessors.

His accession

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After Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq's death in February or March, 1325, Ulugh Khan sat upon the throne under the title of Muhammad Tughluq. For forty days he remained at Tughluqabad, after which he marched in state to the city of Delhi and took his seat on the throne in the Red Palace of Balban. The capital city was well decorated for his reception. The king threw gold and silver coins among the populace. His accession was well received by the people and there was no revolution and no opposition. People seem to have expected great things from him and he, too, seems to have been confident of doing better than the previous Sultans of Delhi.

Revenue reforms, 1326-27

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Muhammad was a very diligent ruler. Soon after his accession he issued numerous ordinances for the improvement of the administration of revenue. The first ordinance was for the compilation of a register of the revenue and expenditure of the provinces of his kingdom. He directed the governors of the provinces to send to the capital all relevant records and other materials for its compilation. Summaries of income and expenditure came to Delhi from distant parts of the empire, like the Dakhin, Bangal and Gujarat, and the work proceeded smoothly. The Sultan seems to have undertaken this labour in order to introduce a uniform standard of land revenue and to see that no village remained unassessed.

Taxation in the Doab

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His next measure was to increase taxation in the Doab with a view to augment his resources. Probably he wanted to raise the revenue by five to ten per cent, not by increasing the land tax but by certain other taxes. Probably these taxes were the house tax and the grazing tax. We are told by a later, though standard, authority that in order to realise these taxes the houses of the people in the rural areas were numbered and their cattle were branded. He attempted to realise the land revenue and the newly imposed taxes with rigour. Unfortunately, when the policy of additional taxation was enforced in the Doab, there occurred a famine owing to the failure of rains. The people offered resistance. The Sultan's officers continued realising the taxes. The cultivators had, therefore, to abandon their lands and take to highway robbery. Muhammad bin Tughluq made an attempt to help the cultivators by giving them loans to buy seed, bullocks, etc., and making arrangements for the digging of wells for irrigation, but the policy failed. In the first place, it was too late to have introduced the grant of loans. Secondly, as people had nothing to eat, they utilised the loans for purposes different from those for which they were intended. Thirdly, the house and grazing taxes had been unpopular since they were introduced by Ala-ud-din Khalji. As they had been allowed to fall into disuse under Ala-ud-din's successors, their revival by Muhammad was very much resented. The Sultan got no extra revenue. In fact, even the usual revenue could not be realised from the Doab. Worst of it all, the Sultan himself became thoroughly unpopular with his subjects.

Creation of agriculture department

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The next experiment of Muhammad Tughluq was the creation of the department of agriculture. It was called *Diwan-i-Kohi*. The main object of this department was to bring the uncultivated land under cultivation by giving direct financial support from the state treasury. A large tract of land, sixty miles square in area, was first chosen for this purpose. The land was cultivated and different crops in rotation were sown. The government spent over seventy lakhs on the scheme in two years' time. The land was distributed among those who were in the need of it and a large staff of officers and guards was appointed to look after it. But the experiment failed for several reasons. Firstly, the piece of land chosen for the experiment was not fertile. Secondly, the experiment was altogether new with no precedent and, therefore, required great attention from the Sultan himself which he could not give. Thirdly, three years were inadequate to yield any tangible result. Fourthly, the money earmarked for the purpose was badly spent; part of it was misappropriated by corrupt officials and a part was spent by the people on their personal needs. The experiment, which was one of the best in the history of the revenue administration in the country, had, therefore, to be abandoned.

Transfer of the capital, 1326-27

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An important political experiment of Muhammad was the transfer of the capital from Delhi to Devagiri which was renamed Daultabad. Several reasons led to this fateful decision. The first was that the Sultan was anxious to have a capital which should not only be situated at a strategic place but should also be in the centre of his far-flung kingdom. Muhammad was impressed by Devagiri, and we are told by Barani that the geographical importance of the place was one of the reasons for its selection as the metropolis. As he writes: "This place held a central situation; Delhi, Gujarat, Lakhanauti, Satgaon, Sonargaon, Telang, Malabar, Dwarasamudra and Kampil were about equidistant from thence........." Secondly, Delhi was too near the north-western frontier which was constantly threatened by Mongol raids, while the Sultan wanted the new capital to be at a safe distance from the invaders from the north-west. Thirdly, while northern India had almost been conquered and pacified, the Dakhin was a new and uneasy partner in the Sultanate. It could be effectively subdued and managed by a government that had its headquarters in southern India. Lastly, he must surely have felt that southern India was so rich and that he would be able to utilise its resources more easily and effectively by an intimate contact with it. Ibn Battuta gives another reason, namely, that Muhammad was disgusted with the citizens of Delhi who had written anonymous letters full of abuse and he undertook the transfer of the capital in order to punish them. Curiously enough, this tale has been accepted by a great historian like Woolseley Haig. It is impossible to imagine that so serious a measure could have been decided on so frivolous a ground.

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Having decided the measure, Muhammad ordered the transfer of the capital and also the people of Delhi, men, women and children, to Daultabad with all their belongings. The people would not like to leave Delhi which had been endeared to them by long association; but Muhammad was bent upon taking all the inhabitants with him. Ibn Battuta tells us that he caused a search to be made and a blind man and a cripple were found in the city unwilling to leave. It is said that the cripple was put to death, while the blind man was ordered to be dragged to Daultabad with the result that only one of his legs reached the new capital. The Sultan had a look over the deserted town from his palace and was satisfied to see that there came no smoke from the chimney or the kitchen of a single house. These stories are nothing more than bazar gossip.

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The Sultan made commendable arrangements for the comfort of the people during their journey from Delhi to Daultabad. It is said, temporary huts were set up along the seven hundred mile road and free food and drink were supplied. Shady trees were also said to have been planted; but these could have hardly afforded any shelter to the travellers, for they could not have grown up in such a short time. The people suffered tremendously from fatigue, privation and mental agony. Many of them died on the way and many after reaching their destination.

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The scheme was a complete failure, not because the transfer of the capital was undesirable and without precendent and should not have been undertaken, but because the Sultan failed to see that the only desirable thing to do was to shift the court. Courtiers, officers and big merchants and traders would themselves have sooner or later accompanied the court to Daultabad. It was unnecessary to order the transfer of the whole population bag and baggage. Secondly, the Sultan did not realise that people would not abandon their homes and hearth except in extreme and unavoidable circumstances. The people of Delhi, who loved their city as their ancestral abode, were no exception to this rule. Thirdly, the Muslim population of Delhi was unwilling to live in Hindu surroundings in the Dakhin. Fourthly, Delhi was, without doubt, a better place for the capital of India than Daultabad which could not have successfully controlled distant provinces like Bangal or the Panjab. Above all, it was very difficult, if not impossible, for the government to resist the Mongols and protect the north-western frontier of the country from their attacks from Daultabad. Hence Muhammad committed a twofold mistake, namely, wrong choice of the place and wrong method of bringing about the transfer.

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In fairness to the Sultan, it must be added that as soon as he saw that the scheme had failed, he ordered the people to return from Daultabad to their homes in Delhi. But Daultabad now became a deserted town, while Delhi was only partially repopulated. It did not regain its former prosperity for years to come.

The introduction of token currency, 1329-30

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The reign of Muhammad Tughluq is an important landmark in the history of Indian coinage. He has been called 'a prince of moneyers'. He reformed the entire system of coinage, fixed the relative values of the precious metals and issued various types of coins. Most of these coins were noted for their artistic design and execution. His most notable experiment in the field was the introduction of token currency. There were several reasons for introducing brass and copper coinage. Firstly, there was the want of precious money in the treasury which had been drained by wars and rebellions and also by costly experiments in the field of administration. Secondly, owing to famine and harsh taxation policy in the Doab, there was a considerable fall in the Sultan's revenue. Thirdly, he was anxious to augment his revenues in order to undertake the conquest of the distant provinces of India and of some foreign countries. Fourthly, Muhammad was fond of experimentation and, therefore, wanted to open a new chapter in the history of coinage in India. Fifthly, he was encouraged by the examples of Chinese and Persian rulers before him who had introduced token currency in their countries in the thirteenth century.

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With the above objects in view, Muhammad promulgated an order making copper coins the legal tender and putting these coins on par (in value) with gold and silver coins. He ordered that the people should use these coins in all transactions just like gold and silver coins; but he took no steps to make the mint the monopoly of the State. Those days, in make and design and in execution and finish, the coins turned out by the royal mint were not such that they could not be easily imitated by private persons. And as the Sultan made no arrangement for preventing the circulation of counterfeit coins, private persons began to manufacture copper coins. Barani says in right orthodox Muslim fashion that the house of every Hindu became a mint. There is no reason to believe that Musalmans resisted the temptation to which, according to Barani, the Hindus succumbed. People hoarded gold and silver coins and paid their revenues in the new ones. Foreign merchants purchased Indian commodities with the token currency in the country, but refused to accept the latter while selling foreign products. Trade came to a standstill. Business was very much hampered, and gold and silver became scarce. The result was a great confusion and the Sultan was bewildered to see his scheme crumbling down before his very eyes. He was compelled to withdraw the token currency and to order the people to take from the royal treasury gold and silver pieces in exchange for brass and copper coins. The State was, thus, defrauded, while private people made huge profits at its expense.

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The failure of the scheme was due not so much to the backwardness of the people and their prejudice and ignorance (though they failed to appreciate it) as to the failure on the part of the Sultan to prevent the manufacture of counterfeit coins by private individuals and their circulation in the market. It was a mistake on the part of Muhammad to have failed to appreciate the limitation and circumstances of the age. He must be, therefore, primarily held responsible for the failure of the scheme.

Policy towards Church

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With the example of Ala-ud-din before him, Muhammad ignored the *shariat* (Canon law) and "to base his political conduct on reason."

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[Figure: INDIA IN 1350 A.D. Muhammad Tughluq.

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Boundary of the Empire Territory Inherited Route of Ibn Battuta This page appears to be completely blank.

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He decided that in administrative and political matters secular considertions alone must prevail. This brought him into clash with the *ulema* who had all through, except during the reign of Ala-uddin, influenced the state policy. But the Sultan did not really intend to defy the *shariat*. He consulted theologians on all important matters, but accepted their advice only when it appealed to reason and expediency. He deprived the theologians of the monopoly of administration of justice. He overruled the judgment of the *qazis* whenever he found it defective. He appointed some non-theologians to judicial posts. Whenever the *ulema* were found guilty of rebellion, sedition or embezzlement of religious funds, the Sultan inflicted upon them severe punishments. Shaikhs and Sayyids were not immune from the rule of law. The result of the policy was that domination of the *ulema* in political and administrative affairs of the State came to an end. But this earned for the Sultan great unpopularity with Muslim divines.

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Like Balban, Muhammad believed that the Sultan was the "Shadow of God". His coins bore the expression, "*Al Sultan Zilli Allah*" (Sultan, the shadow of God). Through his coins he endeavoured to convey to the people the importance of the king's majesty. On some of his coins we come across verses like : "Sovereignty is not conferred upon every man, but is placed on the elect," "He who obeys the Sultan truly obeys God," "The Sultan is the shadow of God," and "God is the supporter of the Sultan." He dropped all reference to the Khilafat, though he did not assume the title of Khalifa.

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Inspite of his justice, generosity and personal ability, the Sultan found that he was getting more and more unpopular. Thinking that the disaffection of the people might be due to his ignoring the Muslim law, he reversed during the later part of his reign his policy towards the Khilafat. He implored the Khalifa of Egypt to confirm him as the Sultan of Delhi. He removed his own name from the coins and inserted that of the Khalifa. All royal orders were issued not in the name of the Sultan, but in that of the Khalifa. In 1340, the Sultan invited the beggarly descendant of the Khalifa of Egypt, named Ghiyas-ud-din Muhammad, showed him the utmost servility and respect and presented to him extremely costly gifts. But even this did not restore Muhammad's popularity, which caused him great worry; but there was no help.

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Muhammad was by nature a man of liberal disposition and broad outlook on life. He was not intolerant to the religion of the vast majority of his subjects. He employed some of them on fairly important posts. The contemporary Muslim historians who have indulged in unqualified praise for the policy of religious persecution of the Hindus by Muhammad’s predecessors on the throne of Delhi have no comment to make about this ruler’s attitude towards his non-Muslim subjects except to blame him for his generosity.

Plan for the conquest of Khurasan

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Like Ala-ud-din, Muhammad Tughluq was ambitious of conquering countries beyond the borders of India. Early during his reign he formed the design of conquering Khurasan, Iran and Trans-Oxiana. The Khurasan project was due to the instigation of some Khurasani nobles who had been attracted to the Sultan’s court by his lavish generosity. A huge army, numbering three lakhs and seventy thousand men, was collected and was paid one year’s salary in advance. But the project could not be undertaken and the army had to be dispersed. It was found that such a huge force could not be maintained for long without unduly straining the resources of the state. It was not an easy affair to cross the huge snowbound mountains that lay between India and Khurasan and to fight the hostile people inhabiting the intervening lands. Moreover, the political condition of Khurasan had taken a turn for the better. So the project was given up.

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Conquest of Nagarkot, 1337

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The fort of Nagarkot situated on a hill in the Kangra district in the Panjab had defied Turkish army since the time of Mahmud of Ghazni. Inspite of the conquest of almost the whole of India by Ala-ud-din Khalji, that fort had remained in the hands of a Hindu prince. In 1337 Muhammad undertook an expedition against it. The raja offered resistance, but he had to submit and the fort was restored to him.

Qarajal expedition, 1337-38

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Muhammad was desirous of establishing his authority over the Himalayan states which had not so far been reduced to submission. Hence he led an expedition to Qarajal which was situated in the Kamaun hills at a distance of ten days' journey from Delhi. The huge Delhi army attacked the Hindu stronghold, but it suffered greatly owing to the mountainous nature of the country and heavy rainfall. The Sultan was, therefore, obliged to retire; but he succeeded in compelling the chief to pay him an indemnity. Some modern writers have described the Qarajal expedition as an unsuccessful adventure to conquer China and Western Tibet. This view is incorrect, as no contemporary authority has made any mention of Muhammad's desire to conquer China or Tibet.

Relations with China

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Muhammad had cordial relations with some of the Asian countries, particularly China. The Chinese emperor, Toghan Timur, sent an envoy to Delhi in 1341 seeking Muhammad's permission to rebuild Buddhist temples in the Himalayan region. These Himalayan temples were demolished by Muhammad's soldiers during his Qarajal expedition. The Sultan sent Ibn Battuta as an envoy to the court of the Mongol emperor of China. Ibn Battuta started in July 1342, and returned in 1347. As regards the temples, Muhammad replied that according to the laws of Islam permission could not be given for their reconstruction unless *jizya* was paid.

Mongol invasions, 1328-29

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The north-western frontier of the Sultanate was threatened by a series of Mongol invasions which occurred after Muhammad had ordered the transfer of his capital to Daultabad. At the head of a powerful army, the Mongol chief, named Tarma Shirin, entered the frontier and ravaged the country from Multan and Lahore to the vicinity of Delhi. The Sultan was taken by surprise. He had neglected the frontier. There was no capable warden of the marches to resist the invaders. It seems that the Mongol chief was bribed and persuaded to retire. This was a very unwise policy. It exposed the weakness of Muhammad's administration and showed that the policy of resistance followed by Balban and Ala-ud-din was given up.

Rebellions

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Muhammad Tughluq's reign was disturbed by numerous rebellions. These may be divided into two categories: (a) early rebellions, and (b) later rebellions.

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*Early rebellions.* The early rebellions were due not to the failure of Muhammad’s domestic policy, but to the ambitious designs of certain important chiefs. The first rebellion was that of the Sultan’s cousin, Bha-ud-din Gursasp, governor of Sagar near Gulbarga. He was defeated in 1327 and flayed alive. The second rebellion was that of the Hindu chief of Kondhana (modern Singhgarh near Poona). He was defeated and compelled to become a vassal of Delhi. The third rebellion was that of Bahram Aiba of Multan who held, besides Multan, Uch and Sindh. He, too, was defeated and put to death.

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*Later rebellions.* The later rebellions, which were too many, were caused by the Sultan’s oppressive policy of increasing taxes and by his ruthless punishments inflicted upon the people. Certain others were due to the transfer of capital and the policy of the currency reforms which made Muhammad unpopular and instigated ambitious men to take advantages of his difficulties.

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(1) In 1335 Sayyid Jalal-ud-din Ahsan rebelled in Ma’abar (the eastern coast of southern India with its capital at Madura). Although Muhammad proceeded in person to southern India, the rebel could not be put down. Ma’abar became independent.

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(2) Amir Hulaju, governor of Lahore, was the next powerful notable to rebel. He was, however, defeated and killed.

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(3) Malik Hushang, son of the governor of Daultabad, revolted in 1335-36, but later he submitted and was pardoned.

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(4) Bangal took advantage of the unpopularity of Muhammad. The Sultan sent an army which defeated and killed Ghiyas-ud-din of Bangal (1330-31). A little later there occurred a dispute among certain powerful notables in that province. One of them, Ali Mubarak, appealed to Delhi for help, but received none. So he proclaimed himself king of Lakhanauti. That province was, thus, lost to Delhi.

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(5) The next to rebel was the governor of Kara, named Nizam Ma’in. He was, however, defeated and flayed alive in 1337-38.

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(6) In 1338-39 came the turn of Nasrat Khan, governor of Bidar. He was defeated, made to submit and deprived of his fief.

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(7) Ali Shah rebelled at Gulbarga in 1339-40. He was defeated and banished to Ghazni.

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(8) One of the most formidable rebellions was that of Ain-ul-mulk Multani, governor of Awadh. Ain-ul-mulk was probably one of the topmost living nobles and officers. He had held important offices since the time of Ala-ud-din Khalji and played a prominent part in the history of his time. He was a highly learned scholar and was well versed in theology and jurisprudence. He subsequently wrote a book, entitled *Munshat-i-Mahru* or *Insha-i-Mahru* which gives a good account of the administration of Firoz Tughluq. He was one of the few important men who could wield their sword and pen with equal facility. He was transferred by Muhammad from Awadh to Daultabad in 1340-41. Ain-ul-mulk was made to believe that his transfer was preliminary step towards his destruction. So he revolted. But he was defeated and taken a prisoner. He was dismissed from his post and subjected to indignities. But as the Sultan was convinced that he was a half-hearted rebel, he spared his life.

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(9) Shahu Afghan was another rebel who killed the governor of Multan and occupied the city. Muhammad himself proceeded to punish him. Shahu fled to the hills.

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(10) The next rebellion occurred in Sunam and Samana. The Sultan undertook an expedition to those places and defeated the chiefs—Jats and Bhatti Rajputs. After this success he brought to Delhi the rebel leaders and forcibly converted them to Islam.

Foundation of the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagar

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(11) The widespread rebellions gave an opportunity to the Hindus of southern India to make a bid for their independence. An enterprising Hindu leader, named Harihar, laid the foundation of the kingdom of Vijayanagar in 1336. He gave secret support to Krishna Nayak who rebelled against the Sultan of Delhi in 1343-44. This rebellion could not be suppressed and a large part of southern India passed into the hands of the Hindus.

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(12) The people of Devagiri rebelled in 1345 owing to the extortions and harsh treatment of the local officers. The historian, Farishta, writes that the people "rebelled in all quarters and the country was devastated and depopulated in consequence."

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(13) Next in importance came the rebellion of the foreign nobles, known as *Amiran-i-Sadah* (Centurians) who had enjoyed certain special privileges. These foreign nobles embezzled money, aided other rebels and took to plunder whenever there was any confusion in the Dakhin. Muhammad instructed Aziz Khummar, governor of Malwa, to punish the foreign nobles. Aziz treacherously put to death a number of them. This caused dissatisfaction among the foreign nobles in Gujarat who, too, raised the standard of rebellion. They captured Aziz and put him to death. Muhammad had to proceed to the scene of action. He defeated the rebels near Dabohi. This success was able to put down the *Amir-i-Sadah*.

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(14) The foreign nobles at Devagiri became apprehensive of their fate. They rebelled and occupied Devagiri. From there the trouble spread to Berar, Khandesh and Malwa. The Sultan had to proceed to Devagiri and to put down the rebellion. Meanwhile, there was another rebellion in Gujarat and Muhammad had to proceed there. This gave the rebels of Devagiri a chance. They repudiated allegiance to Delhi and laid the foundation of the Bahamani kingdom.

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(15) The rebellion in Gujarat proved to be formidable. The Sultan, however, hunted down the rebel, named Taghi, who was compelled to take shelter at Thatta in Sindh. Muhammad remained in Gujarat for three years in order to reorganise the administration of the province and conquer Girnar, that is, modern Junagarh. After this, he proceeded to Sindh to punish Taghi, and there he was taken ill. He died on March 20, 1351. In the words of the historian, Badauni, "The king was freed from his people and they from the king."

His character and estimate

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No character in our medieval history has aroused so much interest and controversy as that of Muhammad bin Tughluq. Contemporary historians, like Barani and Ibn Battuta, who came into intimate contact with him, have expressed opposite views about his personality and his virtues and faults. Modern European writers have passed diametrically opposite judgments on the character and achievements of the Sultan. Elphinstone, for example, expressed doubt "whether he was not affected by some degree of insanity." Havell, Edward Thomas and Smith have dittoed Elphinstone. Gardiner Brown, on the other hand, has painted Muhammad in bright colours and exonerated him from the charges of madness, blood-thirstiness and that of being a visionary. We have two monographs on the reign of this Sultan from the pen of two of our scholars. Yet the controversy is not stilled and the subject continues to exercise the minds of writers and thinkers as usual.

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As a private gentleman, Muhammad's character leaves nothing to be desired. Endowed with a keen intellect, a marvellous memory and an inordinate thirst for learning, he was a profound scholar of logic, philosophy, mathematics, astronomy and the physical sciences, besides Persian literature and poetry. Adept in the art of expression, composition as well as speech, he was also a noted dialectician. He loved calligraphy and fine arts, specially music, was a patron of letters and arts and loved the company of learned men.

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Muhammad’s personal life was marked by a high standard of morality. He was free from the prevailing vices of the age. By nature he was one of the humblest of men. Both Barani and Ibn Battuta bestow high praise on him for his generosity and tell us that the Sultan was profuse in the distribution of gifts, presents and rewards. He seems to have been an affectionate relation and a good friend as is testified by his fondness for his cousin, Firoz, and regard for Barani and other friends. Inspite of the charge of irreligiousness, it is clear from a perusal of Ibn Battuta that Muhammad had faith in morality and was devoted to his religion. He was regular and punctilious in the five daily prayers and fasts enjoined by Islam. By habit and inclination Muhammad was diligent. In fact, his application to the details of administration and his perseverance had become proverbial. He was brought up as a soldier. As an experienced general he had fought battles. Historians are unanimous in their praise for his love of military activity.

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As was to be expected from a man of his profound learning and wide range of interest, Muhammad was possessed of a liberal disposition and catholicity of taste. Inspite of his devotion to Islam, he was not intolerant and was ready to appreciate merit in men of diverse faiths and positions in life.

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But, when judged as a ruler and administrator, Muhammad must be pronounced a failure. In fact, his achievements, during his long reign of twenty-six years, were negative. He inherited a vast kingdom which embraced not only practically the whole of northern India but also the Dakhin. Before he closed his eyes in death, the Sultanate of Delhi was considerably reduced in size. The Dakhin was lost. Bangal severed its connection. Sindh, too, was slipping away from his grasp when death overtook him. Even in the provinces that still formed part of the Turkish kingdom, rebellion and strife were rife. His experience and reputation as a soldier and general failed him in the hour of his trial. He was out to conquer countries beyond the frontiers of India; he lost a considerable portion of what was his at the time of his accession. Muhammad’s ambition was to remodel the administration and to place the revenue administration and the currency system on a scientific basis. One of his cherished desires was to have a capital situated in the centre of his dominion. All these projects came to naught. Nay, they caused a considerable reaction and alienated the people beyond measure. Long before his death, he almost confessed his failure. “I visit them (people) with chastisement,” he said to the historian Barani, “upon the suspicion or presumption of their rebellious and treacherous designs, and I punish the most trifling act of contumacy with death. This I will do until I die, or until the people act honestly, and give up rebellion and contumacy. I have no such *wazir* as will make rules to obviate my shedding blood. I punish the people because they have all at once become my enemies and opponents. I have dispensed great wealth among them, but they have not become friendly and loyal.” What else could this mean except the confession of one who was conscious of his failure?

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Some modern writers are of opinion that Muhammad was not responsible for his failure as a ruler; he failed because circumstances were against him, because people were backward and prejudiced and, also, because the Muslim *ulema* turned against him for his policy of setting aside their interference in state affairs and punishing them for going against his orders. There is some point in the above contention; but Muhammad’s failure was chiefly due to his limitations and to certain grave defects in his character. He lacked balance, practical judgment and commonsense. He was obsessed with theoretical learning and his knowledge was bookish and was not derived from actual experience in life. He was not endowed with the royal gift of judging human character and lacked the power of inspiring confidence in men and getting on with his colleagues. It was his hobby to propound lofty theories and visionary projects. Seldom did he care to think out his schemes in detail. They were sound on paper; but, when reduced to practice, they came to nothing. Muhammad had no patience either with men or with institutions, including his own lofty projects. By character and habit he could not persevere on, but would give up a project without seeing its end. He was, without doubt, over-hasty. Possessed of a violent temper, he would easily get annoyed. Once angry, he would lose his balance and would never attempt to see the other side of a problem. He had no discrimination in the awarding of punishment and would inflict the penalty of death for a petty crime as well as for a heinous offence. Being sensitive, he imagined that the people were, without reason and inspite of his generosity, against him and so they must be punished. These were, therefore, the main causes of his failure. If the people were backward he should have attempted like a wise and practical statesman to take them with him in his projected reforms. What was after all the use of introducing schemes which were too ahead of the age and incomprehensible to his subjects for whose benefit they were intended? Generally speaking, circumstances were not against him. When he ascended the throne, he was cordially welcomed by the people; but as he persisted in his wild schemes, such as, raising the taxes in the Doab in the midst of a famine, it was but natural for the people to offer resistance. It seems too much to say that he failed because of ill-luck and that he should be styled as an ill-starred monarch.

Was he mad?

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Elphinstone was the first historian who believed that Muhammad suffered from some degree of insanity. His views have been shared by later European writers. A perusal of the contemporary authorities shows that there is nothing in the pages of Barani and Ibn Battuta which might show that the Sultan ever suffered from any kind of madness. Probably, Elphinstone and other European writers were misled by the statement of Barani and Ibn Battuta that there were always some dead bodies found lying in front of the Sultan's palace. Muhammad inflicted the punishment of death for petty offences not because he was mad but because he could make no discrimination between crime and crime. The mistake was due to the lack of a sense of proportion rather than to mental insanity. It must also be said in fairness to the Sultan that punishment of death was common in the medieval age both in Europe and in Asia. It is also incorrect to say that Muhammad delighted in shedding human blood. The charge was brought against him by Barani, who belonged to the clerical party which was particularly hostile to the Sultan for his policy of depriving them of their privileges and chastising them for their failings and presumptions.

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