Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, or the Central and Western Rajput States of India v2.c28: Book V. Annals of Mārwār
Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, or the Central and Western Rajput States of India v2.c28
- Language
- English
Contents
- v2.c28.115 — 3 parts
- v2.c28.s1 Chapter 7 — 142 parts
- v2.c28.s2 Chapter 12 — 25 parts
- v2.c28.s3 Chapter 13 — 50 parts
Book V. Annals of Mārwār
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Etymology of Mārwār.—Marwar is a corruption of Maruwar, classically Marusthali or Marusthan, ‘the region of death.’ It is also called Marudesa, whence the unintelligible Mardes of the early Muhammadan writers. The bards frequently style it Mordhar, which is synonymous with Marudesa, or, when it suits their rhyme, simply Maru. Though now restricted to the country subject to the Rathor race, its ancient and appropriate application comprehended the entire ‘desert,’ from the Sutlej to the ocean.
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The Rāthors.—A concise genealogical sketch of the Rathor rulers of Marwar has already been given;¹ we shall therefore briefly pass over those times “when a genealogical tree would strike root in any soil”; when the ambition of the Rathors, whose branches (sakha) spread rapidly over ‘the region of death,’ was easily gratified with a solar [2] pedigree. As it is desirable, however, to record their own opinions regarding their origin, we shall make extracts from the chronicles (hereafter enumerated), instead of fusing the whole into one mass, as in the Annals of Mewar. The reader will occasionally be presented with simple translations of whatever is most interesting in the Rathor records.
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¹ See Vol. I. p. 105.
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Authorities.—Let us begin with a statement of the author’s authorities; first, a genealogical roll of the Rathors, furnished by a Yati, or Jain priest, from the temple of Narlai.² This roll is about fifty feet in length, commencing, as usual, with the theogony, followed by the production of the ‘first Rathor from the spine (rahat) of Indra,’¹ the nominal father being ‘Yavanaswa, prince of Parlipur.’ Of the topography of Parlipur, the Rathors have no other notion than that it was in the north; but in the declared race of their progenitor, a Yavan prince, of the Aswa or Asi tribe,² we have a proof of the Scythic origin of this Rajput family.
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² An ancient town in Marwar [about 80 miles S.E. of Jodhpur city].
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¹ [A folk etymology, the name being derived from Rāshtrakūta, which may mean the chief, as opposed to the rank and file of the Ratta dynasty; but it has also been connected with Reddi, a Dravidian caste in S. India (BG, i. Part i. 119, Part ii. 22 note, 178, 383 ff.).]
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² One of the four tribes which overturned the Greek kingdom of Bactria. The ancient Hindu cosmographers claim the Aswa as a grand branch of their early family, and doubtless the Indo-Scythic people, from the Oxus to the Ganges, were one race.
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The chronicle proceeds with the foundation of Kanyakubja,³ or Kanauj, and the origin of Kama-dhwaja⁴ (vulgo Kamdhuj), the titular appellation of its princes, and concludes with the thirteen great Sakha, or ramifications of the Rathors, and their Gotracharya, or genealogical creed.⁵
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³ From kubja (the spine) of the virgin (kanya) [referring to the legend of the hundred daughters of Kusanābha rendered crooked by Vāyu].
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⁴ Kama-dhwaja, ‘the banner of Cupid.’
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⁵ Gotama Gotra, Mardwandani Sakha, Sukracharya Guru, Garapatya Agni, Pankhani Devi.
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Another roll, of considerable antiquity, commences in the fabulous age, with a long string of names, without facts; its sole value consists in the esteem in which the tribe holds it. We may omit all that precedes Nain Pal, who, in the year S. 526 (A.D. 470⁶), conquered Kanauj, slaying its monarch Ajaipal; from which period the race was termed Kanaujia Rathor. The genealogy proceeds to Jaichand, the last monarch of Kanauj; relates the emigration of his nephew Siahji, or Sivaji, and his establishment in the desert (Maruwar), with a handful of his brethren (a wreck of the mighty kingdom of Kanauj); and terminates with the death of Raja Jaswant Singh in S. 1735 (A.D. 1679), describing every branch and scion, until we see them spreading over Maru [3].
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⁶ It is a singular fact, that there is no available date beyond the fourth century for any of the great Rajput families, all of whom are brought from the north. This was the period of one of the grand irruptions of the Getic races from Central Asia, who established kingdoms in the Panjab and on the Indus. Pal or Pali, the universal adjunct to every proper name, indicates the pastoral race of these invaders [?]. [The reason why the Rājput genealogies do not go back to an early date is that many of them were recruited from Gurjara and other foreign tribes. The tale of the origin of the Rāthors from Kanauj is a myth, as the dynasty of that place belonged to the Gahadvāla or Gaharwār clan. The object of the story was to affiliate the tribe to the heroic Jaichand (Smith, EHI, 385).]
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Genealogy ceases to be an uninteresting pursuit when it enables us to mark the progress of animal vegetation, from the germ to the complete development of the tree, until the land is overshadowed with its branches; and bare as is the chronicle to the moralist or historian, it exhibits to the observer of the powers of the animal economy, data which the annals of no other people on earth can furnish. In A.D. 1193 we see the throne of Jaichand overturned; his nephew, with a handful of retainers, taking service with a petty chieftain in the Indian desert. In less than four centuries we find the descendants of these exiles of the Ganges occupying nearly the whole of the desert; having founded three capitals, studded the land with the castles of its feudality, and bringing into the field fifty thousand men, *ek bap ka beta*, ‘the sons of one father,’ to combat the emperor of Delhi. What a contrast does their unnoticed growth present to that of the Islamite conquerors of Kanauj, of whom five dynasties passed away in ignorance of the renovated existence of the Rathor, until the ambition of Sher Shah brought him into contact with the descendants of Siahji, whose valour caused him to exclaim “he had nearly lost the crown of India for a handful of barley,” in allusion to the poverty of their land! ¹
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¹ [See p. 835.]
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What a sensation does it not excite when we know that a sentiment of kindred pervades every individual of this immense affiliated body, who can point out, in the great tree, the branch of his origin, whilst not one is too remote from the main stem to forget its pristine connexion with it! The moral sympathies created by such a system pass unheeded by the chronicler, who must deem it futile to describe what all sensibly feel, and which renders his page, albeit little more than a string of names, one of paramount interest to the ‘sons of Siahji.’
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The third authority is the Suraj Prakas (Surya Prakasa), composed by the bard Karnidhan, during the reign and by command of Raja Abhai Singh. This poetic history, comprised in 7500 stanzas, was copied from the original manuscript, and sent to me by Raja Man, in the year 1820.¹ As usual, the Kavya (bard) commences with the origin of all things, tracing the Rathors from the creation down to Sumitra ; from whence is a blank until he recommences with the name of Kamdhuj, which appears to have been the title assumed by Nain Pal, on his conquest of Kanauj. Although Karnidhan must have taken his facts from the [4] royal records, they correspond very well with the roll from Narlai. The bard is, however, in a great hurry to bring the founder of the Rathors into Marwar, and slurs over the defeat and death of Jaichand. Nor does he dwell long on his descendants, though he enumerates them all, and points out the leading events until he reaches the reign of Jaswant Singh, grandfather of Abhai Singh, who “commanded the bard to write the Suraj Prakas.”
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¹ This manuscript is deposited in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society.
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The next authority is the Raj Rupak Akhyat, or ‘the royal relations.’ This work commences with a short account of the Suryavansa, from their cradle at Ajodhya ; then takes up Siahji’s migration, and in the same strain as the preceding work, rapidly passes over all events until the death of Raja Jaswant ; but it becomes a perfect chronicle of events during the minority of his successor Ajit, his eventful reign, and that of Abhai Singh, to the conclusion of the war against Sarbuland Khan, viceroy of Gujarat. Throwing aside the meagre historical introduction, it is professedly a chronicle of the events from S. 1735 (A.D. 1679) to S. 1787 (A.D. 1734), the period to which the Suraj Prakas is brought down.
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A portion of the Bijai Vilas, a poem of 100,000 couplets, also fell into my hands : it chiefly relates to the reign of the prince whose name it bears, Bijai Singh, the son of Bakhta Singh. It details the civil wars waged by Bijai Singh and his cousin Ram Singh (son of Abhai Singh), and the consequent introduction of the Mahrattas into Marwar.
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From a biographical work named simply Khyat, or ‘Story,’ I obtained that portion which relates to the lives of Raja Udai Singh, the friend of Akbar ; his son Raja Gaj, and grandson Jaswant Singh. These sketches exhibit in true colours the character of the Rathors.
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Besides these, I caused to be drawn up by an intelligent man, who had passed his life in office at Jodhpur, a memoir of transactions from the death of Ajit Singh, in A.D. 1629, down to the treaty with the English Government in A.D. 1818. The ancestors of the narrator had filled offices of trust in the State, and he was a living chronicle both of the past and present.
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From these sources, from conversations with the reigning sovereign, his nobles, his ambassadors, and subjects, materials were collected for this sketch of the Rathors—barren, indeed, of events at first, but redundant of them as we advance.
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A genealogical table of the Rathors is added, showing the grand offsets, whose [5] descendants constitute the feudal frèrage of the present day. A glance at this table will show the claims of each house; and in its present distracted condition, owing to civil broils, will enable the paramount power to mediate, when necessary, with impartiality, in the conflicting claims of the prince and his feudatories.
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Rāthor Origins.—We shall not attempt to solve the question, whether the Rathors are, or are not, Ravi-vansa, ‘Children of the Sun’; nor shall we dispute either the birth or etymon of the first Rathor (from the rahat or spine of Indra), or search in the north for the kingdom of the nominal father; but be content to conclude that this celestial interference in the household concerns of the Parlipur prince was invented to cover some disgrace. The name of Yavana, with the adjunct Aswa or Asi, clearly indicates the Indo-Scythic ‘barbarian’ from beyond the Indus. In the genealogy of the Lunar races descended of Budha and Ila (Mercury and the Earth—see Table I. Vol. I.), the five sons of Bajaswa are made to people the countries on and beyond the Indus; and in the scanty records of Alexander’s invasion mention is made of many races, as the Assasenae and Assakenoi, still dwelling in these regions.
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This period was fruitful in change to the old-established dynasties of the Hindu continent, when numerous races of barbarians, namely, Huns, Parthians, and Getae, had fixed colonies on her western and northern frontiers.¹
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¹ Cosmas. Annals of Mewār. Getae or Jat Inscription, Appendix, Vol. I.
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“In S. 526 (A.D. 470) Nain Pal obtained Kanauj, from which period the Rathors assumed the title of Kamdhuj. His son was Padarath,² his Punja, from whom sprung the thirteen great families, bearing the patronymic Kamdhuj, namely:
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² Called Bharat in the Yati’s roll; an error of one or other of the authorities in transcribing from the more ancient records.
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“1st. Dharma Bambo : his descendants styled Danesra Kamdhuj.
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“2nd. Banuda, who fought the Afghans at Kangra, and founded Abhaipur : hence the Abhaipura Kamdhuj.
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“3rd. Virachandra, who married the daughter of Hamira Chauhan, of Anhilpur Patan; he had fourteen sons, who emigrated to the Deccan : his descendants called Kapolia Kamdhuj.
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“4th. Amrabijai, who married the daughter of the Pramara prince of Koragarh¹ on the Ganges ;—slew 16,000 Pramaras, and took possession of Kora, whence the Kora Kamdhuj² [6].
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¹ [In the Fatehpur District (IGI, xv. 398.]
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² An inscription given in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society (vol. ix. p. 440), found at Kora, relates to a branch of the Kanauj family.
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“5th. Sujan Binod : his descendants Jarkhera Kamdhuj.
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“6th. Padma, who conquered Orissa, and also Bogilana,³ from Raja Tejman Yadu.
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³ [? Bāglān in Nāsik District, Bombay (IGI, vi. 190).]
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“7th. Aihar, who took Bengal from the Yadus : hence Aihara Kamdhuj.
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“8th. Bardeo ; his elder brother offered him in appanage Benares, and eighty-four townships ; but he preferred founding a city, which he called Parakhpur :⁴ his descendants Parakh Kamdhuj.
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⁴ Qu. Parkar, towards the Indus ?
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“9th. Ugraprabhu, who made a pilgrimage to the shrine of Hinglaj Chandel,⁵ who, pleased with the severity of his penance, caused a sword to ascend from the fountain, with which he conquered the southern countries touching the ocean :⁶ his descendants Chandela Kamdhuj.
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⁵ On the coast of Mekran.
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⁶ If we can credit these legends, we see the Rathor Rajputs spreading over all India. I give these bare facts verbatim, as some traces may yet remain of the races in those countries. [These are pure legends, see Smith, EHI, 377 ff.]
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“10th. Muktaman, who conquered possessions in the north from Bhan Tuar : his descendants Bira Kamdhuj.
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“11th. Bharat, at the age of sixty-one, conquered Kanaksar, under the northern hills, from Rudrasen of the Bargujar tribe : his descendants styled Bhariau Kamdhuj.
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“12th. Alankal founded Khairoda ; fought the Asuras (Muslims) on the banks of the Attock : his descendants Kherodia Kamdhuj.
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“13th. Chand obtained Tarapur in the north. He married a daughter of the Chauhan of Tahera,¹ a city well known to the world : with her he came to Benares. “And thus the race of Surya multiplied. “Bambo,² or Dharma-Bambo, sovereign of Kanauj, had a son, Ajaichand.³ For twenty-one generations they bore the titles of Rao; afterwards that of Raja. Udaichand, Narpati, Kanaksen, Sahassal, Meghsen, Birabhadra, Deosen, Bimalsen, Dansen, Mukund, Budha, Rajsen, Tirpal, Sripunja, Bijaichand,⁴ his son Jaichand, who became the Naik of Kanauj, with the surname Dal Pangla.”
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¹ [Bahra] a city often mentioned by Ferishta [i. Introd. lxxii.] in the early times of the Muhammadans.
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² Nain Pal must have preceded Dharma-Bambo by five or six generations.
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³ Called Abhaichand, in the Suraj Prakas.
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⁴ Also styled Bijaipal; classically Vijayapala, ‘Fosterer of Victory.
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Jaichand.—Nothing is related of the actions of these princes, from the conquest of Kanauj [7] by Nain Pal, in A.D. 470, and the establishment of his thirteen grandsons in divers countries, until we reach Jaichand, in whose person (A.D. 1193) terminated the Rathor sovereignty on the Ganges; and we have only twenty-one names to fill up the space of seven centuries, although the testimony on which it is given⁵ asserts there were twenty-one princes bearing the title of Rao prior to the assumption of that of Raja. But the important information is omitted as to who was the first to assume this title. There are names in the Yati’s roll that are not in the Suraj Prakas, which we have followed; and one of these, Rangatdhwaj, is said to have overcome Jasraj Tuar, king of Delhi, for whose period we have correct data: yet we cannot incorporate the names in the Yati’s roll with that just given without vitiating each; and as we have no facts, it is useless to perplex ourselves with a barren genealogy. But we can assert that it must have been a splendid dynasty, and that their actions, from the conqueror Nain Pal to the last prince, Jaichand, were well deserving of commemoration. That they were commemorated in written records there cannot be a doubt; for the trade of the bardic chroniclers in India has flourished in all ages.
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⁵ The Suraj Prakas.
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The City of Kanauj.—Although we have abundant authority to assert the grandeur of the kingdom of Kanauj ¹ at the period of its extinction, both from the bard Chand and the concurrent testimony of Muhammadan authors, yet are we astonished at the description of the capital, attested not only by the annals of the Rathors, but by those of their antagonists, the Chauhans.
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¹ See Inscriptions of Jaichand, Vijayachand, and Kora, in the 9th and 14th vols. of the Asiatic Researches.
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The circumvallation of Kanauj covered a space of more than thirty miles; and its numerous forces obtained for its prince the epithet of ‘Dal Pangla,’ meaning that the mighty host (Dal) was lame or had a halt in its movements owing to its numbers, of which Chand observes that in the march “the van had reached their ground ere the rear had moved off.” The Suraj Prakas gives the amount of this army, which in numbers might compete with the most potent which, in ancient or modern times, was ever sent into the field. “Eighty thousand men in armour; thirty thousand horse covered with pakhar, or quilted mail; three hundred thousand Paiks or infantry; and of bow-men and battle-axes two hundred thousand; besides a cloud of elephants bearing warriors” [8].
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This immense army was to oppose the Yavana beyond the Indus; for, as the chronicle says, “The king of Gor and Irak crossed the Attock. There Jai Singh met the conflict, when the Nilab changed its name to Surkhab.² There was the Ethiopic (Habshi) king, and the skilful Frank learned in all arts,³ overcome by the lord of Kanauj.”
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² The Nilab, or ‘blue water,’ the Indus, changed its name to the ‘Red-stream’ (Surkhab), or ‘ensanguined.’
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³ It is singular that Chand likewise mentions the Frank as being in the army of Shihabu-d-din, in the conquest of his sovereign Prithiraj. If this be true, it must have been a desultory or fugitive band of crusaders.
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The chronicles of the Chauhans, the sworn foe of the Rathors, repeat the greatness of the monarch of Kanauj, and give him the title of “Mandalika.”⁴ They affirm that he overcame the king of the north,⁵ making eight tributary kings prisoners; that he twice defeated Siddhraj, king of Anhilwara, and extended his dominions south of the Nerbudda, and that at length, in the fulness of his pride, he had divine honours paid him in the rite Swayamvara.¹ This distinction, which involves the most august ceremony, and is held as a virtual assumption of universal supremacy, had in all ages been attended with disaster. In the rite of Swayamvara every office, down to the scullion of the Rasora, or banquet-hall, must be performed by royal personages; nor had it been attempted by any of the dynasties which ruled India since the Pandu: not even Vikrama, though he introduced his own era, had the audacity to attempt what the Rathor determined to execute. All India was agitated by the accounts of the magnificence of the preparations, and circular invitations were despatched to every prince, inviting him to assist at the pompous ceremony, which was to conclude with the nuptials of the raja's only daughter, who, according to the customs of those days, would select her future lord from the assembled chivalry of India. The Chauhan bard describes the revelry and magnificence of the scene: the splendour of the Yajnasala, or ‘hall of sacrifice,’ surpassing all powers of description; in which were assembled all the princes of India, “save the lord of the Chauhans, and Samara of Mewar,” who, scorning this assumption of supremacy, Jaichand made their effigies in gold, assigning to them the most servile posts; that of the king of the Chauhans being Poliya, or ‘porter of the hall.’ Prithiraj, whose life was one succession of feats of arms and gallantry, had a double motive for action—love and revenge. He determined to enjoy both, or perish in the attempt; “to spoil the sacrifice and bear away the fair of Kanauj from its halls, though beset [9] by all the heroes of Hind.” The details of this exploit form the most spirited of the sixty-nine books of the bard. The Chauhan executed his purpose, and, with the élite of the warriors of Delhi, bore off the princess in open day from Kanauj. A desperate running-fight of five days took place. To use the words of the bard, “he preserved his prize; he gained immortal renown, but he lost the sinews of Delhi.” So did Jaichand those of Kanauj; and each, who had singly repelled all attacks of the kings, fell in turn a prey to the Ghori Sultan,² who skilfully availed himself of these international feuds, to make a permanent conquest of India.
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⁴ [Ruler of a district (mandal).]
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⁵ They thus style the kings west of the Indus.
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¹ [The “Seonair” of the text seems to represent swayamvara, the rite of selection of her husband by a maiden.]
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² [Shihābu-d-dīn, A.D. 1175–1206.]
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The Great States of North India.—We may here briefly describe the state of Hindustan at this epoch, and for centuries previous to the invasions of Mahmud.
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There were four great kingdoms, namely—
1. Delhi, under the Tuars and Chauhans.
2. Kanauj, under the Rathors.
3. Mewar, under the Guhilots.
4. Anhilwara, under the Chauras and Solankis.
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To one or other of these States the numerous petty princes of India paid homage and feudal service. The boundary between Delhi and Kanauj was the Kalinadi, or ‘black stream’; the Kalindi of the Greek geographers.¹ Delhi claimed supremacy over all the countries westward to the Indus, embracing the lands watered by its arms, from the foot of the Himalaya,—the desert—to the Aravalli chain. The Chauhan king, successor to the Tuars, enumerated one hundred and eight great vassals, many of whom were subordinate princes.
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¹ [The Kālindi River, the name of which was corrupted into Kālinadi, rises in the Muzaffarnagar District, and joins the Ganges near Kanauj, 310 miles from its source (IGI, xiv. 309).]
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The power of Kanauj extended north to the foot of the Snowy mountains; eastward to Kasi (Benares); and across the Chambal to the lands of the Chandel (now Bundelkhand); on the south its possessions came in contact with Mewar.
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Mewar, or Madhyawar, the ‘central region,’² was bounded to the north by the Aravalli, to the south by the Pramaras of Dhar (dependent on Kanauj), and westward by Anhilwara, which State was bounded by the ocean to the south, the Indus on the west, and the desert to the north.
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² [The word Mewār represents the original Medapāta, “land of the Med tribe.” The bulk of the army of Chashtana, the Western Satrap, appears to have consisted of Mevas or Medas, from whose settlement in Central Rājputāna the province seems to have received its present name, Mewāda (BG, i. Part i. 33).]
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There are records of great wars amongst all these princes. The Chauhans and Guhilots, whose dominions were contiguous, were generally allies, and the Rathors and Tuars (predecessors of the Chauhans), who were only divided by the Kalinadi, often dyed it with their blood. Yet this warfare was never of an [10] exterminating kind; a marriage quenched a feud, and they remained friends until some new cause of strife arose.
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If, at the period preceding Mahmud, the traveller had journeyed through the courts of Europe, and taken the line of route, in subsequent ages pursued by Timur, by Byzantium, through Ghazni (adorned with the spoils of India), to Delhi, Kanauj, and Anhilwara, how superior in all that constitutes civilization would the Rajput princes have appeared to him!—in arts immeasurably so; in arms by no means inferior. At that epoch, in the west, as in the east, every State was governed on feudal principles. Happily for Europe, the democratical principle gained admittance, and imparted a new character to her institutions; while the third estate of India, indeed of Asia, remained permanently excluded from all share in the government which was supported by its labour, every pursuit but that of arms being deemed ignoble. To this cause, and the endless wars which feudality engendered, Rajput nationality fell a victim when attacked by the means at command of the despotic kings of the north.
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The Invasion of Shihābu-d-dīn.—Shihabu-din, king of Ghor, taking advantage of these dissensions, invaded India. He first encountered Prithiraj, the Chauhan king of Delhi, the outwork and bulwark of India, which fell. Shihabu-d-din then attacked Jaichand, who was weakened by the previous struggle. Kanauj put forth all her strength, but in vain; and her monarch was the last son of “the Yavana of Parlipur” who ruled on the banks of the Ganges. He met a death congenial to the Hindu, being drowned in the sacred stream in attempting to escape.¹
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¹ [His corpse was recognized by his false teeth, “a circumstance which throws some light on the state of manners” (Elphinstone 365).]
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This event happened in S. 1249 (A.D. 1193), from which period the overgrown, gorgeous Kanauj ceased to be a Hindu city, when the “thirty-six races” of vassal princes, from the Himalaya to the Vindhya, who served under the banners of Bardai Sena,² retired to their patrimonial estates. But though the Rathor name ceased to exist on the shores of the Ganges, destiny decreed that a scion should be preserved, to produce in a less favoured land a long line of kings; that in thirty-one generations his descendant, Raja Man, “Raj, Rajeswara,” ‘the king, the lord of kings,’ should be as vainglorious of the sceptre of Maru as either Jaichand when he commanded divine honours, or his still more remote ancestor Nain Pal fourteen [11] centuries before, when he erected his throne in Kanauj. The Rathor may well boast of his pedigree, when he can trace it through a period of 1360 years, in lineal descent from male to male; and contented with this, may leave to the mystic page of the bard, or the interpolated pages of the Puranas, the period preceding Nain Pal.
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² Another title of the monarch of Kanauj, “the bard of the host,” from which we are led to understand he was as well versed in the poetic art as his rival, the Chauhan prince of Delhi.
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Migration of the Rāthors into Rājputāna.—In S. 1268 (A.D. 1212), eighteen years subsequent to the overthrow of Kanauj, Siahji and Setram, grandsons of its last monarch, abandoned the land of their birth, and with two hundred retainers, the wreck of their vassalage, journeyed westward to the desert, with the intent, according to some of the chronicles, of making a pilgrimage to the shrine of Dwarka;¹ but according to others, and with more probability, to carve their fortunes in fresh fields, unscathed by the luxuries in which they had been tried, and proud in their poverty and sole heritage, the glory of Kanauj [12].
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¹ [The date of Siha or Siāhji, the traditional founder of the Mārwār dynasty, was until recently uncertain. An inscription on a memorial stone gives the date as Vikrama Sambat 1330, A.D. 1387, and for his grandson, Dhūhada V.S. 1336, A.D. 1393. He is called the eldest son of Asvatthāma mentioned in the text (IA, xi. 301). The tradition is vitiated by the fact that this was not the first appearance of Rāthors in Rājputāna. An inscription at Bījapur states that five of this clan ruled at Hathūndi (Hastikūndi) in the tenth century (Erskine iii. A. 54; IGI, vi. 247 f.).]
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The Tribes of Rājputāna.—Let us rapidly sketch the geography of the tribes over whom it was destined these emigrants of the Ganges should obtain the mastery, from the Jumna to the Indus, and the Gara River to the Aravalli hills. First, on the east, the Kachhwahas, under Malesi, whose father, Rao Pajun, was killed in the war of Kanauj. Ajmer, Sambhar, and the best lands of the Chauhans fell rapidly to the Islamite—though the strongholds of the Aravalli yet sheltered some, and Nadol continued for a century more to be governed by a descendant of Bisaldeo. Mansi, Rana of the Indha ² tribe, a branch of the Parihars, still held Mandor, and the various Bhumias around paid him a feudal subjection as the first chief of the desert. Northward, about Nagor, lived the community of the Mohils (a name now extinct), whose chief place was Aurint, on which depended 1440 villages. The whole of the tracts now occupied by Bikaner to Bhatner were partitioned into petty republics of Getae or Jats, whose history will hereafter be related. Thence to the Gara River, the Johyas, Dahyas, Kathis, Langahas, and other tribes whose names are now obliterated, partly by the sword, partly by conversion to Islamism. The Bhattis had for centuries been established within the bounds they still inhabit, and little expected that this handful of Rathors was destined to contract them. The Sodha princes adjoined the Bhattis south, and the Jarejas occupied the valley of the Indus and Cutch. The Solankis intervened between them and the Pramaras of Abu and Chandravati, which completed the chain by junction with Nadol. Various chieftains of the more ancient races, leading a life of fearless independence, acknowledging an occasional submission to their more powerful neighbours, were scattered throughout this space; such as the Dabhis of Idar and Mewa; the Gohils of Kherdhar; the Deoras of Sanchor; and Sonigiras of Jalor; the Mohils of Aurint; the Sankhlas of Sandli, etc.; all of whom have either had their birthright seized by the Rathor, or the few who have survived and yet retain them are enrolled amongst their allodial vassals.
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² [The Indhas occupy the W. tract of Mārwār; will not eat the flesh of the boar; believe that no member of the clan can be struck by lightning, owing to the prediction of Khākhaji, one of their ancestors; no epidemic ever breaks out in their territory as it is under the protection of their goddess, Chāwanda Māta (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 31).]
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The Exploits of Siāhji.—The first exploit of Siahji was at Kulumad (twenty miles west of the city of Bikaner, not then in existence), the residence of a chieftain of the Solanki tribe. He received the royal emigrants with kindness, and the latter repaid it by the offer of their services to combat his enemy, the Jareja chieftain of Phulra, well known in all the annals of the period, from the Sutlej to the ocean, as Lakha Phulani, the most celebrated riever of Maru, whose castle of Phulra stood amidst the almost inaccessible [13] sandhills of the desert. By this timely succour the Solanki gained a victory over Lakha, but with the loss of Setram and several of his band. In gratitude for this service, the Solanki bestowed upon Siahji his sister in marriage, with an ample dower; and he continued his route by Anhilwara Patan, where he was hospitably entertained by its prince, to the shrine of Dwarka. It was the good fortune of Siahji again to encounter Lakha, whose wandering habits had brought him on a foray into the territory of Anhilwara. Besides the love of glory and the ambition of maintaining the reputation of his race, he had the stimulus of revenge, and that of a brother's blood. He was successful, though he lost a nephew, slaying Lakha in single combat, which magnified his fame in all these regions, of which Phulani was the scourge.
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Flushed with success, we hear nothing of the completion of Siahji's pilgrimage; but obedient to the axiom of the Rajput, “get land,” we find him on the banks of the Luni, exterminating, at a feast, the Dabhis of Mewa,¹ and soon after the Gohils of Kherdhar,² whose chief, Maheshdas, fell by the sword of the grandson of Jaichand. Here, in the “land of Kher,” amidst the sandhills of the Luni (the salt-river of the desert), from which the Gohils were expelled, Siahji planted the standard of the Rathors.
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¹ The Dabhi was one of the thirty-six royal races; and this is almost the last mention of their holding independent possessions. See Vol. I. p. 138, and the map for the position of Mewa at the bend of the Luni. [Kher is now a ruined village near Jasol, about 60 miles S.W. of Jodhpur city, on the left bank of the Lūni.]
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² In my last journey through these regions, I visited the chief of the Gohils at Bhavnagar, in the Gulf of Cambay. I transcribed their defective annals, which trace their migration from ‘Kherdhar,’ but in absolute ignorance where it is! See Vol. I. p. 137.
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At this period a community of Brahmans held the city and extensive lands about Pali, from which they were termed Paliwal;³ and being greatly harassed by the incursions of the mountaineers, the Mers and Minas, they called in the aid of Siahji's band, which readily undertook and executed the task of rescuing the Brahmans from their depredations. Aware that they would be renewed, they offered Siahji lands to settle amongst them, which were readily accepted; and here he had a son by the Solankani, to whom he gave the name of Asvatthama. With her, it is recorded, the suggestion originated to make himself lord of Pali; and it affords another example of the disregard of the early Rajputs for the sacred order, that on the Holi, or Saturnalia, he found an opportunity to “obtain land,” putting to death the heads of this community, and adding the district to his conquests [14]. Siahji outlived his treachery only twelve months, leaving his acquisitions as a nucleus for further additions to his children. He had three sons, Asvatthama, Soning, and Ajmall.
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³ [Pāli, 45 miles S.S.E. of Jodhpur city. The Pāliwāls have some remarkable customs; they do not observe the Rākhi festival because of a tradition that on the day the town was sacked by Shihābu-d-dīn, the sacred cords of the men slain and the bangles of those women who immolated themselves weighed respectively 9 and 84 maunds. Compare the story of Chitor (Vol. I. p. 383) (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 79).]
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Asvatthāma.—One of the chronicles asserts that it was Asvatthama, the successor of Siahji, who conquered “ the land of Kher ” from the Gohils. By the same species of treachery by which his father attained Pali, he lent his aid to establish his brother Soning in Idar. This small principality, on the frontiers of Gujarat, then appertained, as did Mewa, to the Dabhi race; and it was during the matam, or period of mourning for one of its princes, that the young Rathor chose to obtain a new settlement. His descendants are distinguished as the Hathundia¹ Rathors. The third brother, Aja, carried his forays as far as the extremity of the Saurashtra peninsula, where he decapitated Bikamsi, the Chawara chieftain of Okhamandala,² and established himself. From this act his branch became known as the ‘Vadhel’;³ and the Vadhels are still in considerable number in that furthest track of ancient Hinduism called the “World’s End.”
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¹ [Who take their name from their capital, Hathūndi, now ruined, near Bījapur in S.E. Mārwār.]
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² On the western coast of the Saurashtra peninsula. [The Okhamandal legend calls the Rāthor leaders Virāval and Bijal, who overcame the Chāwaras, and abandoning the name Rāthor, called themselves Vādhel, ‘slayers’ (BG, v. 590 f.).]
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³ From badh, vadh, ‘to slay.’
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Asvatthama died, leaving eight sons, who became the heads of clans, namely, Duhar, Jopsi, Khampsao, Bhopsu, Dhandhal, Jethmall, Bandar, and Uhar; of which, four, Duhar, Dhandhal, Jethmall, and Uhar, are yet known.
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Duhar or Dhūhaḍa.—Duhar succeeded Asvatthama. He made an unsuccessful effort to recover Kanauj; and then attempted to wrest Mandor from the Parihars, but “watered their lands with his blood.” He left seven sons, namely, Raepal, Kiratpal, Behar, Pital, Jugel, Dalu, and Begar.
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Rāēpāl, Chhada, Thīda, Salkha, Biramdeo, Chhonda.—Raepal succeeded, and revenged the death of his father, slaying the Parihar of Mandor, of which he even obtained temporary possession. He had a progeny of thirteen sons, who rapidly spread their issue over these regions. He was succeeded by his son Kanhal [or Kānpāl], whose successor was his son Jalhan; he was succeeded by his son Chhada, whose successor was his son Thida. All these carried on a desperate warfare with, and made conquests from, their neighbours. Chhada and Thida are mentioned as very troublesome neighbours in the annals of the Battis of Jaisalmer, who were compelled to carry the war against them into the “land of Kher.” Rao Thida took the rich district of Bhinmal from the Sonigira, and made other additions to his territory from the Deoras and Balechas [15]. He was succeeded by Salakh or Salkha. His issue, the Salkhawats, now Bhumias, are yet numerous both in Mewa and Rardara. Salkha was succeeded by his son Biramdeo, who attacked the Johyas of the north, and fell in battle. His descendants, styled Biramot and Bijawat, from another son Bija, are numerous at Setru, Siwana, and Dechu. Biramdeo was succeeded by his son Chonda, an important name in the annals of the Rathors. Hitherto they had attracted notice by their valour and their raids, whenever there was a prospect of success; but they had so multiplied in eleven generations that they now essayed a higher flight. Collecting all the branches bearing the name of Rathor, Chonda assaulted Mandor, slew the Parihar prince, and planted the banners of Kanauj on the ancient capital of Maru.
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So fluctuating are the fortunes of the daring Rajput, ever courting distinction and coveting *bhum*, ‘land,’ that but a short time before this success, Chonda had been expelled from all the lands acquired by his ancestors, and was indebted to the hospitality of a bard of the Charan tribe, at Kalu; and they yet circulate the *kabit*, or quatrain, made by him when, in the days of his greatness, he came and was refused admittance to “the lord of Mandor”; he took post under the balcony, and improvized a stanza, reminding him of the Charan of Kalu: “*Chonda nahīn āwē chit, Khichar Kalu tanna? Bhup bhaya bhay-bhit, Mandawar ra mālya?*” “Does not Chonda remember the porridge of Kalu, now that the lord of the land looks so terrific from his balcony of Mandawar?” Once established in Mandor, he ventured to assault the imperial garrison of Nagor. Here he was also successful. Thence he carried his arms south, and placed his garrison in Nadol, the capital of the province of Godwar. He married a daughter of the Parihar prince,¹ who had the satisfaction to see his grandson succeed to the throne of Mandor. Chonda was blessed with a progeny of fourteen sons, growing up to manhood around him. Their names were Ranmall,¹ Satta, Randhir, Aranyakanwal,² Punja, Bhim, Kana, Ajo, Ramdeo, Bija, Sahasmall, Bagh, Lumba, Seoraj.
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¹ He was of the Indha branch of the Parihars, and his daughter is called the Indhavatni.
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¹ The descendants of those numbering 1, 2, 4, 7 still exist.
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² This is the prince mentioned in the extraordinary feud related (p. 731) from the annals of Jaisalmer. Incidentally, we have frequent synchronisms in the annals of these States, which, however slight, are of high import.
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Chonda had also one daughter named Hansa, married to Lakha Rana of Mewar [16], whose son was the celebrated Kumbha. It was this marriage which caused that interference in the affairs of Mewar, which had such fatal results to both States.³
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³ See Vol. I. p. 323.
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The feud between his fourth son, Aranyakanwal, and the Bhatti prince of Pugal, being deemed singularly illustrative of the Rajput character, has been extracted from the annals of Jaisalmer, in another part of this work.⁴ The Rathor chronicler does not enter into details, but merely states the result, as ultimately involving the death of Chonda—simply that “ he was slain at Nagor with one thousand Rajputs ”; and it is to the chronicles of Jaisalmer we are indebted for our knowledge of the manner. Chonda acceded in S. 1438 (A.D. 1382), and was slain in S. 1465 [A.D. 1408-9].
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⁴ See p. 730.
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Ranmall killed A.D. 1444.—Ranmall succeeded. His mother was of the Gohil tribe. In stature he was almost gigantic, and was the most athletic of all the athletes of his nation. With the death of Chonda, Nagor was again lost to the Rathors. Rana Lakha presented Ranmall with the township of Darla and forty villages upon his sister’s marriage, when he almost resided at Chitor, and was considered by the Rana as the first of his chiefs. With the forces of Mewar added to his own, under pretence of conveying a daughter to the viceroy of Ajmer, he introduced his adherents into that renowned fortress, the ancient capital of the Chauhans, putting the garrison to the sword, and thus restored it to Mewar. Khemsi Pancholi, the adviser of this measure, was rewarded with a grant of the township of Kata, then lately captured from the Kaimkhanis.⁵ Ranmall went on a pilgrimage to Gaya, and paid the tax exacted for all the pilgrims then assembled.
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⁵ [The Kāim or Qāimkhānis were originally Chauhāns, converted to
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The bard seldom intrudes the relation of civil affairs into his page, and when he does, it is incidentally. It would be folly to suppose that the princes of Maru had no legislative recorders; but with these the poet had no bond of union. He, however, condescends to inform us of an important measure of Rao Ranmall, namely, that he equalized the weights and measures throughout his dominions, which he divided as at present. The last act of Ranmall, in treacherously attempting to usurp the throne of the infant Rana of Mewar, was deservedly punished, and he was slain by the faithful Chonda, as related in the annals of that State.¹ This feud originated the line of demarcation of the two States,² and which remained [17] unaltered until recent times, when Marwar at length touched the Aravalli. Rao Ranmall left twenty-four sons, whose issue, and that of his eldest son, Jodha, form the great vassalage of Marwar. For this reason, however barren is a mere catalogue of names, it is of the utmost value to those who desire to see the growth of the frèrage of such a community.³
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¹ See Vol. I. p. 327.
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² See Vol. I. p. 328.
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³ It is only by the possession of such knowledge that we can exercise with justice our right of universal arbitration.
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| Names. | Clans. | Chieftainships or Fiefs. |
| 1. Jodha (succeeded) | Jodha. | |
| 2. Kandal | Kandalot, conquered lands in | Bikaner. |
| 3. Champa | Champawat | Awa, Kata, Palri, Harsola, Rohat, Jawala, Satlana, Singari. |
| 4. Akhairaj had seven sons : 1st Kumpa | Kumpawat | Asop, Kantalia, Chandawal, Siryari, Kharla, Harsor, Balu, Bajoria, Surpura, Dewaria. |
| 5. Mandla | Mandlot | Sarunda. |
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Islām in the time of Fīroz Shāh. They are said to derive their name from the first famous convert. It is a rule with them not to use wooden planks in their doorways (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 37 f.; Rose, Glossary, iii. 257).]
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| Names. | Clans. | Chieftainships or Fiefs. |
| 6. Patta | Pattawat | { Kurnichari, Bara, and Desnokh.¹ |
| 7. Lakha | Lakhawat | . |
| 8. Bala . | Balawat . | Dunara. |
| 9. Jethmall . | Jethmallot . | Palasni. |
| 10. Karna | Karnot . | Lunawas. |
| 11. Rupa | Rupawat | Chutila. |
| 12. Nathu | Nathawat | Bikaner. |
| 13. Dungra | Dungrot . | |
| 14. Sanda | Sandawat | |
| 15. Manda | Mandot | |
| 16. Biru | Birot | |
| 17. Jagmall . | Jagmallot . | Estates not mentioned ; |
| 18. Hampa [18] . | Hampawat . | their descendants have |
| 19. Sakta | Saktawat | become dependent on |
| 20. Karimchand . | ————— | the greater clanship. |
| 21. Arival | Arivalot . | |
| 22. Ketsi | Ketsiot . | |
| 23. Satrasal . | Satrasalot | |
| 24. Tejmall . | Tejmallot | |
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¹ Brave soldiers, but, safe in the deep sands, they refuse to serve except on emergencies.
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Jodha, A.D. 1444–88. The Foundation of Jodhpur.—Jodha was born at Danla, the appanage of his father in Mewar, in the month Baisakh, S. 1484. In 1511 he obtained Sojat, and in the month Jeth, 1515 (A.D. 1459) laid the foundation of Jodhpur, to which he transferred the seat of government from Mandor. With the superstitious Rajput, as with the ancient Roman [19], every event being decided by the omen or the augur, it would be contrary to rule if so important an occasion as the change of capital, and that of an infant State, were not marked by some propitious prestige, that would justify the abandonment of a city won by the sword, and which had been for ages the capital of Maru. The intervention, in this instance, was of a simple nature; neither the flight of birds, the lion’s lair, or celestial manifestation; but the ordinance of an anchorite, whose abode, apart from mankind, was a cleft of the mountains of Bakharchiriya. But the behests of such ascetics are secondary only to those of the divinity, whose organs they are deemed. Like the Druids of the Celts, the Vanaprastha Jogi,¹ from the glades of the forest (vana) or recess in the rocks (gupha), issue their oracles to those whom chance or design may conduct to their solitary dwellings. It is not surprising that the mandates of such beings prove compulsory on the superstitious Rajput: we do not mean those squalid ascetics, who wander about India, and are objects disgusting to the eye;
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but the genuine Jogi, he who, as the term imports, mortifies the flesh, till the wants of humanity are restricted merely to what suffices to unite matter with spirit; who has studied and comprehended the mystic works, and pored over the systems of philosophy, until the full influence of Maya (illusion) has perhaps unsettled his understanding; or whom the rules of his sect have condemned to penance and solitude; a penance so severe, that we remain astonished at the perversity of reason which can submit to it.² To these, the Druids of India, the prince and the chieftain would resort for instruction. They requested neither lands nor gold: to them “the boasted wealth of Bokhara” was as a particle of dust. Such was the ascetic who recommended Jodha to erect his castle on ‘the Hill of Strife’ (Jodhagir), hitherto known as Bakharchiriya, or ‘the bird’s nest,’ a projecting elevation of the same range on which Mandor was placed, and about four miles south of it. Doubtless its inaccessible position seconded the recommendation of the hermit, for its scarped summit renders it almost impregnable [20], while its superior elevation permits the sons of Jodha to command, from the windows of their palace, a range of vision almost comprehending the limits of their sway. In clear weather they can view the summits of their southern barrier, the gigantic Aravalli; but in every other direction it fades away in the boundless expanse of sandy plains.
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Neither the founder, nor his monitor, the ascetic, however, were engineers, and they laid the foundation of this stronghold without considering what an indispensable adjunct to successful defence was good water; but to prevent any slur on the memory of Jodha, they throw the blame of this defect on the hermit. Jodha’s engineer, in tracing the line of circumvallation, found it necessary to include the spot chosen as his hermitage, and his remonstrance for undisturbed possession was treated with neglect; whether by the prince as well as the chief architect, the legend says not. The incensed Jogi pronounced an imprecation, that the new castle should possess only brackish water, and all the efforts made by succeeding princes to obtain a better quality, by blasting the rock, have failed. The memory of the Jogi is sanctified, though his anger compelled them to construct an apparatus, whereby water for the supply of the garrison is elevated from a small lake at the foot of the rock, which, being entirely commanded from the walls, an assailant would find difficult to cut off. This was the third grand event in the fortunes of the Rathors, from the settlement of Siahji.¹
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¹ [The Vanaprastha or anchorite stage (āsrama) of a Brāhman’s life (Manu, Laws, vi. 1 ff.).]
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² We have seen one of these objects, self-condemned never to lie down during forty years, and there remained but three to complete the term. He had travelled much, was intelligent and learned; but far from having contracted the moroseness of the recluse, there was a benignity of mien, and a suavity and simplicity of manner in him, quite enchanting. He talked of his penance with no vainglory, and of its approaching term without any sensation. The resting position of this Druid (vanaprastha) was by means of a rope suspended from the bough of a tree, in the manner of a swing, having a cross-bar, on which he reclined. The first years of this penance, he says, were dreadfully painful; swollen limbs affected him to that degree, that he expected death; but this impression had long since worn off. ‘Even in this, is there much vanity,’ and it would be a nice point to determine whether the homage of man or the approbation of the Divinity most sustains the energies under such appalling discipline.
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¹ Pali did not remain to Siahji’s descendants, when they went westward and settled on the Luni: the Sesodias took it with other lands from the Parihar of Mandor. It was the feud already adverted to with Mewar which obtained for him the fertile districts of Pali and Sojat, by which his territories at length touched the Aravalli, and the fears of the assassin of Rana Kumbha made his parricidal son relinquish the provinces of Sambhar and Ajmer (see Vol. I. p. 339).
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Such was the abundant progeny of these princes, that the limits of their conquests soon became too contracted. The issue of the three last princes, namely, the fourteen sons of Chonda, the twenty-four of Ranmall, and fourteen of Jodha, had already apportioned amongst them the best lands of the country, and it became necessary to conquer “fresh fields in which to sow the Rathor seed.”
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Jodha had fourteen sons, namely—
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| Names of Chiefs. | Clans. | Fiefs or Chieftainships. | Remarks. |
| 1. Santal, or Satal | — | Satalmer | Three coss from Pokaran. |
| 2. Suja (Suraj) | — | — | Succeeded Jodha. |
| 3. Gama [21] . | — | — | No issue. |
| 4. Duda . [Dhuhada] | Mertia | Merta | Duda took Sambhar from the Chauhans. He had one son, Biram, whose two sons Jaimall and Jagmall founded the clans Jaimallot and Jagmallot. |
| 5. Birsingh . | Birsinghgot | Nolai | In Malwa. |
| 6. Bika . | Bikayat | Bikaner | Independent State. |
| 7. Baharmall . | Baharmallot | Bai Bhilara | — |
| 8. Sheoraj . | Sheorajot | Dunara | On the Luni. |
| 9. Karamsi . | Karamsot | Khinwasar | — |
| 10. Raemall . | Raemallot | — | — |
| 11. Savantsi . | Savantsiot | Dawara | — |
| 12. Bida . | Bidawat | Bidavati | In Nagor district. |
| 13. Banhar . | — | — | Clans and fiefs not mentioned. |
| 14. Nimba . | — | — | |
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Sāntal, Sātal, 1488–91.—The eldest son, Santal, born of a female of Bundi, established himself in the north-west corner, on the lands of the Bhattis, and built a fort, which he called Satalmer, about five miles from Pokaran.¹ He was killed in action by a Khan of the Sahariyas (the Saracens of the Indian desert), whom he also slew. His ashes were burnt at Kasma, and an altar was raised over them, where seven of his wives became satis.
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Linked texts (25)
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