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History of Kanauj to the Moslem Conquest c20: Chapter XIV

History of Kanauj to the Moslem Conquest c20

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Chapter XIV

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We have seen above how under the vigorous rule of the Pratihāras and the Gāhaḍavālas the kingdom of Kanauj recalled the glories of Harṣa’s epoch by absorbing within itself distant parts of northern India. We now pass on to deal with its administrative machinery and religious condition during their sway. Unfortunately, no mediæval Kauṭilya or Megasthenes has left to posterity any work throwing light on such topics, but a few facts may be gleaned from the records of both the dynasties; and although here and there they reveal differences of detail in some of the institutions of the Pratihāras and the Gāhaḍavālas, it may reasonably be assumed that the general structure of government and religious traditions continued to be more or less the same.

Section A—Administration

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At the head of the state was the king, whose office was hereditary. He exercised despotic powers, and except his immediate advisers the people in general had hardly any share in the determination of his policy in peace or war. The inscriptions usually apply to him the epithets *Paramabhaṭṭāraka*, *Mahārājādhirāja* and *Parameśvara*, which have been taken to imply Imperial status. But sometimes to the names of even mighty potentates like Mihira Bhoja are prefixed merely the honorific *Śrīmat*¹ or the unassuming title of *Mahārāja*.*²* In the Gāhaḍavāla epigraphs the kings are also given the appellations of *Aśvapati*, *Gajapati*, *Narapati*, *Rājatrayādhipati*, *Vividha-vidyā-vicāra-vācaspati*; the exact connotation of the first three terms is no doubt obscure, but if our surmise, made elsewhere, be correct, they may be understood either to signify various classes of feudatories or to stand for the lordship over the three branches of the army¹. Next to the sovereign were the chief queen (*Agra* or *Paṭṭamahiṣī*) and the crown-prince (*Yuvarāja* or *Mahārājaputra*), and from the Gāhaḍavāla plates they appear to have been quite important personages being invested with certain "royal prerogatives" of granting land.² Their grants had, however, to receive the consent of the ruling monarch before they could take effect. Thus, when the Yuvarāja Jayacandra³ and the Mahārājñī Gosaladevi⁴ make a grant, they do so with the approval of Vijayacandra and Govindacandra respectively. Sometimes the crown-prince was more closely associated with the government, as was Govindacandra during his father's lifetime.

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¹ *Ep. Ind.*, I, p. 156, line 6.

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² *Ep. Ind.*, XIX, p. 18, line 6 (Barah copper plate).

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¹ See *Ante*. In the Candravati plates we come across two more epithets of rulers vanquished by Candradeva, viz., *Giripati* and *Triśaṅkupati*, whose meaning is not quite clear (*Ep. Ind.*, XIV, p. 193).

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² *Ind. Ant.*, XIV, p. 103; *Ep. Ind.*, II, pp. 359-60; *J. R. A. S.*, 1896, pp. 787-88.

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³ *Ep. Ind.*, IV, pp. 118, 120.

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⁴ *Ibid.*, V, pp. 117-18.

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The suzerain was the centre of a number of vassal chiefs, who helped him in military undertakings, and rendered him personal attendance when required. Such, for instance, were the chieftains named Uṇḍabhaṭa of Siyadoni,⁵ Balavarman and Avanivarman II Yoga of Saurāṣṭra,⁶ Mathanadeva of Rajorgarh⁷ during the Pratihāra times; and Singara (Śringaroṭa) Kamalapāla and Vatsarāja under the Gāhaḍavālas.¹ These feudatories are described as having obtained from their overlord the *Pañcamahāśabda*² or the *Rājapaṭṭi* i.e., the royal fillet or tiara.³ The inscriptions bestow on them such subordinate titles as *Mahāsāmantādhipati*, *Samadhigataśeṣamahāśabda*, and *Mahāpratīhāra*;⁴ but sometimes they even assumed the bombastic epithet of *Mahārājādhirāja*, as did Mathanadeva (Rajor inscription), Durbhaṭa and Niṣkalaṅka (Siyadoni inscription), which was probably due to varying degrees of dependence. The powers of these subordinate chiefs must have been considerably restricted, since we learn from certain inscriptions that even their grants were countersigned by provincial representatives of the suzerain. Thus, according to the Unā charter Dhīika, who was perhaps such an official under Mahendrapāla, gave his approval to a grant made by the Mahāsāmanta Avanivarman II Yoga.⁵ Again, the Partabgarh inscription represents that it was the provincial governor of Ujjain named Mādhavā that Indrarāja, the Cāhamāna feudatory (Mahāsāmanta), after having built a temple to the sun-god (Indrādityadeva), applied to make an endowment for its upkeep. The record calls Mādhava a "*Tantrapāla*," and also gives him the titles of *Mahāsāmanta* and *Mahādaṇḍanāyaka*. These governors were assisted in the enforcement of their authority by the military, which were posted at strategic points in the outlying provinces. Thus, Maṇḍapikā (Māṇḍū), near Ujjain, was the military headquarters for the southern regions, as we are told that Mahendrapāla II stationed there one Śrīśarman as his commander-in-chief.¹ Besides, provincial defence was organised by building forts, which were placed in charge of officers called "Koṭṭapāla" (guardian of fort). Under Bhoja I one such official was Alla. But his father Vaillabhaṭṭa, who was in the service of Rāmadeva, is given the designation of Maryādādhurya or Dhurodhikārī, meaning chief of the boundaries. This shows that one of his functions was also to watch that the existing boundaries were not disturbed by foreign encroachments.² Another provincial officer whom we know from the Barah copper-plate was the "Vyavahārin" or controlling officer.³ He supervised the grants that were made by kings with a view to avoiding their lapse into abeyance. These charters (śāsana) were conveyed by an officer called "Dūtaka," which literally means "messenger."⁴ Regarding his duties, Fleet remarks that "the Dūtaka's office was to carry, not the actual charter itself, for delivery into the hands of the grantees, but the king's sanction and order to the local officials, whose duty it was then to have the charter drawn up and delivered."⁵

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⁵ *Ibid.*, I, pp. 169, 173.

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⁶ *Ibid.*, IX, pp. 1-10 (Unā copper plate inscription).

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⁷ *Ibid.*, III, pp. 263-67. (Rajor inscription).

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¹ *Ibid.*, IV, pp. 130-33. (Kamauli copper plate inscription dated v. E. 1191).

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² *Ep. Ind.*, IX, p. 1 f. See also for an explanation, *Ind. Ant.*, V, pp. 251-52; XII, pp. 95-96; *Ep. Ind.*, XII, pp. 254-255; C. I. I., III, p. 296, note 9, etc.

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³ *Ep. Ind.*, IV, p. 130.

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⁴ *Ibid.*, I, pp. 169, 173.

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⁵ *Ibid.*, IX, pp. 2, 6.

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¹ Ibid., XIV, pp. 180, 185-87.

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² Ep. Ind., I, pp. 156, 157, 159, 160. Maryādā may also mean a constitution or regulation-system, especially of corporate bodies; and so Maryādādhurya may denote a person responsible for its maintenance. Dhurodhikāra, on the other hand, means only an officer in control, and Dr. L. D. Barnett is of opinion that it may not be a technical term.

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³ Ibid., pp. 16, 18; Cf. also Vyavaharaṇa in Ep. Ind., XI, p. 145, line 41.

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⁴ Ibid., V, pp. 212, 213.

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⁵ C. I. I., III, p. 100, note 3.

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In connection with the village administration we learn of officials designated as *Gāmagāmika*, *Mahattara*, and *Mahattama*.¹ The first term probably stands for headmen of the villages who were responsible to the government for the maintenance of peace and order within their boundaries. The other two terms have evidently the same political significance, although they have comparative and superlative inflexions. *Mahattara* literally means "one higher in rank;" *Mahattama*, "one highest in rank." It seems they were the two classes of elders of villages, who co-operated with the government officials in the management of rural affairs.

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¹ *Ep. Ind.*, III, p. 266.

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This list is further supplemented by the Gāhaḍavāla records, which it will be noticed, mix together court officials and strictly political functionaries, local or central:

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(a) *Mantrin*, or minister. He advised the king on matters of moment, but the inscriptions do not give any idea if there was a separate minister for each department. In the Unā charter the term *Amātya* occurs in the sense of counsellor.

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(b) *Purohita*, or chaplain. He ministered to the spiritual needs of royalty, whom he assisted in the maintenance of the *Dharma*. He was also the recipient of the royal gifts. The plates often mention the term *Mahāpurohita*, which shows that there was a high-priest in the kingdom.²

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² See Kauṭilya’s *Arthaśāstra* (Eng. Trans.), p. 15, for his duties and qualifications.

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(c) *Pratīhāra*, or door-keeper. The office of the chamberlain has always been a prominent one in the states of ancient India. This official is also mentioned in the records of the Pratīhāra kings,¹ and in the *Mahābhārata* and the *Arthaśāstra* of Kauṭilya he is called “Dvārapāla” and “Dauvārika” respectively.

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¹ *Ep. Ind.*, XVIII, pp. 107, 110; see also *Ibid.*, p. 97, etc.

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(d) *Senādhipati*, or commander of troops.

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(e) *Bhāṇḍāgārika*, or superintendent of stores. He had to see that all necessary articles were kept in readiness and that their distribution was in accordance with the king’s orders.

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(f) *Akṣapaṭalika*, or keeper of records. Considering the large number of Gahaḍavāla grants, his office must have been a very important one. Some inscriptions mention the superior officer called Mahākṣapaṭalika.²

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² *Ind. Ant.*, XVIII, p. 136.

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(g) *Bhiṣak*, or the physician. He looked after the health of the king, and was perhaps the head of the public health department.

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(h) *Naimittika*, or astrologer. He was responsible for forecasting the effects of particular conjunctions of the stars, portents, etc. : it was probably after his reading of the omens that undertakings were embarked upon.

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(i) *Antaḥpurika*, or superintendent of the seraglio. As kings not unoften used to have several wives, a special officer was appointed to look after the needs of the harem.

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(j) *Dūtas*, or envoys. These formed a diplomatic corps responsible for maintaining proper relations with foreign powers.

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(k) *Karyā-adhikāra-puruṣas*, or officers in charge of elephants. They were probably charged with the management of elephants, wild or domesticated.

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(l) *Turagādhikāra-puruṣas*, or officers in charge of horses. These two sets of functionaries formed a very important part of the state machinery, as its defence and power largely depended upon the efficiency and organisation of the cavalry and elephant forces.

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(*m*) *Pattanādhikāra-puruṣas*, or officers in charge of towns. These may be compared to the Drāngika of the Unā record and the “Nāgarika” of Kauṭilya’s *Arthaśāstra*, being charged with the administration of cities. From the Siyadoni record it also appears that during Pratīhāra times some sort of municipal government was not unknown. For it tells us that the town affairs were managed by an assembly of five called “Pañcakula,” and by a committee of two, appointed from time to time by the town.¹

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¹ *Ep. Ind.*, I, pp. 170, 177.

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(*n*) *Akarādhikāra-puruṣas*, or officers in charge of mines. They must have been very important officials, as the mines were one of the chief sources of revenue.

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(*o*) *Sthānādhikāra-puruṣas*, or officers of police-stations. They corresponded to modern *Thānādārs*, and were responsible for policing and maintaining law and order. The Unā inscription uses the term Daṇḍapāśika, which literally means “one who holds the fetters or noose of punishment” i.e.—a policeman. Or, does it connote a hangman or executioner?

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(*p*) *Gokulādhikāra-puruṣas*, or officers of cattle-stations. As agriculture was the main industry, it was necessary to have a separate officer for cattle in order to rear good breeds etc.

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(*q*) *Kāyastha* or *Karaṇika*, i.e., the scribe. He was apparently the writer of the records or legal documents.

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Besides these officers, the Unā charter mentions Rājasthānīya, Uparika, Cāṭa, Bhaṭa, Daṇḍoddharaṇika (either a judicial officer from daṇḍa in the sense of fine; or a police officer, from the same word in the sense of rod of chastisement), Ayuktaka, Niyuktaka (perhaps subordinate functionaries of the government); and the Sarnath inscription of Kumāradevī adds the term Pattalikā,¹ which according to Sten Konow is the feminine form of Pattalaka or head of a pattalā.²

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¹ *Ep. Ind.*, IX, pp. 325, 327, verse 22.

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² *Ibid.*, p. 320, note 2; see also *Ibid.*, III, p. 44, line 33, for the term Pattalaka.

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The Lucknow Museum plate of Kīrtipāla, found in the Gorakhpur district of the United Provinces, further refers to Aṣṭavargika, Mahātthāsāsanika, Mahāsādhanika, Dharmādhikaraṇika, Daivāgārika, Daivajña, and Saṅkhadhārī³ etc. The last four appear to be religious dignitaries, but it is difficult to determine exactly the functions of the other officials.

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³ *Ibid.*, VII, p. 97.

Territorial Divisions

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For purposes of administration the kingdom was divided into numerous provinces. These provinces were usually called *bhukti*, as the Kānyakubjabhukti in the Barah copper plate;⁴ or *bhūmi*, as the Gurjaratrā-bhūmi in the Daulatpura charter;⁵ or *maṇḍala*, as the Saurāṣṭra maṇḍala in the Unā grant.⁶ According to the Barah copper plate, however, *maṇḍala* was the next lower unit after *bhukti*, and was not a synonymous term. The provinces were further subdivided into *Viṣayas* or districts. Among examples of them we find mention of Udumbara¹ and Dindavanaka.² The term *bhoga* also seems to have been used sometimes in the same sense, as we read of the Vamśapoṭakabhoga.³ The headquarters of a district were called *Adhiṣṭhāna* or *Pattana*.

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⁴ *Ibid.*, XIX, pp. 18, 19.

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⁵ *Ibid.*, V, pp. 211, 213.

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⁶ *Ibid.*, IX, pp. 3, 9.

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¹ *Ibid.*, XIX, pp. 18, 19.

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² *Ibid.*, V, pp. 211, 213.

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³ *Ibid.*, III, p. 266.

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The next unit in the descending scale was the *Agrahāra* or a modern *Tahsil*. We thus read of the Valākāgrahāra in the Barah copper-plate. In the Gahaḍavāla records, however, the term *Pattalā* is used in the same sense.

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Last came the *grāma* or village, which has been the most stable unit of administration in India from time immemorial. Furthermore, in some records the term *pāṭaka* appears; this, according to the lexicographer Hemacandra denoted one-half of a village.⁴ It may be pertinent to note that Kielhorn also explains it as “grāmaikadeśa” i.e., “the outlying portion of a village or a kind of hamlet which had a name of its own, but really belonged to a larger village.”⁵

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⁴ Cf. “Pāṭakas-tu tadardhe syāt (see *Abhidhāna-Cintāmaṇi*, Boehtlingk’s edition, p. 179).

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⁵ *Ind. Ant.*, XVIII, p. 135.

Group-life

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As some Pratihāra inscriptions show, persons following the same occupation normally formed themselves into corporations for regulating their business. For example, the Gwalior (Vaillabhaṭṭasvāmin) epigraph⁶ refers to the guild of oil-millers (tailikaśreṇī) and gardeners (mālikaśreṇī), who in their corporate capacity made gifts to a temple. The members of these guilds had their chiefs called respectively *Tailikamahattaka* (lines 12, 13 and 14) and *Mālikamahar* (line 17). Similarly the Siyadoni record mentions such traders as potters, distillers of spirituous liquors, sugar-boilers, betel-sellers, oil-makers, stone-cutters,¹ and the Pehoa inscription adds to this list the horse-dealers,² whose organisation into guilds is proved by their joint action in matters of common concern, and by the fact that they had a foreman or *deśī*. We are told, for instance, that the distillers of liquors were required to give on every cask liquor worth half a *vigrahapāladramma* to the god Viṣṇu. Or, we may cite the joint agreement of the horse-dealers belonging to “various countries,” whereby they imposed upon themselves and upon their customers certain taxes, the proceeds of which were distributed among the temples and the priests in specified proportions.

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⁶ *Ep. Ind.*, I, pp. 160, 161.

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¹ *Ibid.*, pp. 167-68, 174-78.

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² *Ibid.*, I, pp. 184-90.

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Such guilds must have been of benefit to the state, inasmuch as they certainly fostered a law-observing spirit in the interests of the community, and thus facilitated the task of government, besides rendering useful service in organising society and administering justice in internal affairs.³

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³ Cf. R. C. Majumdar, *Corporate Life in Ancient India*, (Calcutta, 1922).

Fiscal conditions

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We may now set forth the evidence regarding the principal sources of revenue, on which depended the stability and strength of the state.⁴ The Rajor inscription of the Pratihāra feudatory Mathanadeva mentions numerous dues from a village⁵ like the *Bhoga* and the *Mayūta* income (probably the contributions of fruits, firewood, etc.), with all customary and not customary, fixed and not fixed receipts; the shares of all sorts of grain; the *Khalabhikṣā* (cess on threshing floors);¹ *Prasthaka*; *Skandhaka*; and *Mārgaṇaka*.² The meaning of these three terms is not quite clear. Dr. Ghoshal, however, thinks that *Mārgaṇaka* represented benevolences of a general character levied upon the villages, as distinguished from the special forms called *Prasthaka* (a cess on each *prastha* of grain over and above the usual grain-share) and *Skandhaka* (perhaps a cess at a certain rate per load).³

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⁴ Cf. e.g. “Koṣamūlo hi rājeti pravādaḥ sārva-laukikaḥ” (*Kāmandakīya Nītisāra*, XXI, 33).

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⁵ *Ep. Ind.*, III, pp. 264, 266.

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¹ Cf. also *Ibid.*, II, p. 179, verse 42. See *Ind. Ant.*, XVIII, p. 114, line 55, for Khalaka as a revenue term.

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² See also *Ind. Ant.*, XVIII, p. 83, line 20. Compare *Mārgaṇaka* with the Hindi word "māṅganā."

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³ *Hindu Revenue System*, pp. 294, 296, 298, etc.

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Fines for ten offences (*daśāparādhandaṇḍa*),⁴ gifts, likewise *aputrikādāna* (literally the property of a person who in the absence of a son has not appointed his daughter to raise a male issue for him, or in other words, it signifies the crown's right to confiscate the property of one who dies sonless?) and *naṣṭabharata* (*naṣṭabharaṭa*?) were other sources of revenue. Besides these, the state laid claim to treasure-trove and mineral products. The record also mentions the following taxes for purposes of worship : three *vimśopakas* on every sack of agricultural produce brought for sale to the market (*haṭṭadāna*); two *pālikas* on every *ghaṭaka-kūpaka* of clarified butter and oil; two *vimśopakas* per mensem on every shop; fifty leaves on every *collika* (of leaves) brought from outside the town. The Unā charters specify the usual dues—*bhāgabhoga*, *hiraṇyadāna*, daśāparādhadaṇḍa—and add the *Udranga* (revenue imposed upon the permanent tenants?), *Uparikara* (tax on cultivators who have no proprietory rights in the soil), *Collaka*, and other minor imposts.¹

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⁴ Jolly's *Hindu Law and Custom* (B. K. Ghosh's Eng. Trans., 1928), pp. 268-70. Also consult Fleet, *C. I. I.*, Vol. III, p. 189, note 4; Hira Lal, *Ep. Ind.*, IX, p. 47, note 1, etc.

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¹ *Ibid.*, IX, pp. 5, 10.

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Further, the Gāhaḍavāla plates mention the following sources of revenue :

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(a) *Bhāga*, or share : this possibly represents a stipulated share exacted by the actual owner from the farmer who cultivated the land.

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(b) *Bhoga*, or enjoyment : probably certain rights that the landlord enjoyed when the land was left fallow. Or, it might refer to the use of waste and taking of grass, etc., from the field when the cultivator’s crops had been removed. Or, is “bhāga” partial and “bhoga” complete proprietorship?

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(c) *Kara*, or rent proper, payable in cash or kind.

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(d) *Hiraṇya*, or gold : probably a money-tax levied on profits of trade or manufacture. It is, however, possible that “*Kara*” represents dues in kind and “*hiraṇya*” dues commuted into cash.

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(e) *Pravaṇikara* : a tax on turnpikes intended to preserve the peace of the village by discouraging the advent of large numbers of visitors. Or, is it a tax for the upkeep of roads? Sometimes it has also been taken to stand for a tax imposed upon certain classes of merchants.²

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² Ghoshal, *Hindu Revenue System*, p. 296.

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(f) *Turuṣka-daṇḍa* : a term that is most difficult to explain. It has been variously interpreted as a tax on aromatic reeds,³ or tribute paid to Ghazni by the ruler of Kanauj,⁴ or a tax levied on the Hindus to ward off the Moslems.¹ But, as pointed out by Sten Konow, it might also mean a tax imposed on the Moslems,² who, according to the *Kāmil-ut-tawārīkh*, settled in the Kanauj kingdom in the time of Mahmud-bin-Sabuktigin, and “were faithful to the law of Islam and constant in prayer and good works.”³ Thus it would be a sort of Hindu counterpart of the Moslem *Jizya*.

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³ J. A. S. B., LVI, pt. I (1887), p. 113.

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⁴ C. V. Vaidya, H. M. H. I., Vol. III, p. 211.

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¹ V. A. Smith, *Early Hist. of India*, 4th ed., p. 400, note 1.

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² Sten Konow, *Ep. Ind.*, IX, p. 329.

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³ Elliot, *History of India*, Vol. II, p. 251.

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(g) *Jalakara*, or tax on water. This must have been a fruitful source of income as the prosperity of the village largely depended upon irrigation.

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(h) *Gokara* : probably a tax on the breeding of cattle just as in the south there was a tax of “the good bull.” Or, was it charge covering grazing rights?

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(i) *Viṣayadāna* : This must have been some kind of district tax.

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(j) *Nidhi-nikṣepa*, i.e., treasure-trove.

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(k) *Kumāragadyāṇaka* : an obscure term. It has sometimes been explained as a tax at the rate of so much per *gadyāṇaka* (= 32 *guñja* berries) on behalf of royal princes.⁴ Presumably it was something like modern *nazar* offered to royal personages on ceremonial occasions.

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⁴ See *Hindu Revenue System*, p. 294.

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(l) *Ākara* : a tax on mines.

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In addition to the above the Gāhaḍavāla inscriptions mention the following taxes, but unfortunately their exact signification is unknown.

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(m) *Yamali-Kambala*.

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(n) *Kūṭaka* (e.g., *Ep. Ind.*, IV, p. 111).

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(o) Valaat (Ind. Ant., XVIII, p. 17).
(p) Vimśaticchavathā (Ibid.).
(q) Akṣapaṭaladāya (Ibid.).

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The last two are respectively called Viśatiṭhu (Vimśatyathū) prastha and Akṣapaṭalaprastha in the Basahi plate (Ind. Ant., XIV, p. 103), which refers to other imposts also like Varavajjhe, Pratīhāraprastha, and Daśabandha, etc.

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We also learn from inscriptions that there were regular customs-houses, called “Mattadāva” or “Maṇḍapikā,” where perhaps taxes on sales and manufactures were levied and collected.

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Regarding land settlement the details are meagre to the extreme. All the information that we get is that the village lands were measured by “hastas” and “nālukas” and they were well demarcated by boundaries.¹

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¹ Ep. Ind., V, pp. 113, 114.

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Further, we are told in the Gāhaḍavāla plates of the rights possessed by owners of villages, and granted to donees, viz., water (Jala); waste-land (sthala); iron-mines and salt-mines (lohalavaṇakara); fisheries (matsyakara); ravines (garta), saline soil (Oṣara); groves of madhuka and mango (madhukāmravanavāṭikā), grass and pasture land etc. (tṛṇa-yutigocaraparyantaḥ).

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Lastly, we may make a few observations about the currency of the period. As already shown, copper and silver coins of Madanapāla, and gold and copper issues of Govindacandra, have been discovered. It would, therefore, not be unreasonable to suppose that the Gāhaḍavāla kings minted in all the three metals. The copper pieces were probably meant for small transactions, for which barter may also have been practised. The gold and silver coins vary in their types and values, and the percentage of alloy indirectly throws light on the financial condition of the kingdom under their rule. For the Pratihāra times our extant evidence consists of the silver *Drammas* of Mihira Bhoja and the doubtful gold issues of Mahīpāla. The former are derived from the Indo Baktrian (Greek) *Drachmae* weighing 65 grains, and the Siyadoni inscription enumerates several distiner kinds of these *Drammas* in connection with donations:

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Dramma; Pañciyaka-dramma; Vigrahapāliya-dramma; Vigrahasatka dramma; Vigrahatungiya dramma; Ādivarāha; Ādivarāha dramma; Varāhakaya Vimśopaka (?); Vigraha-dramma visovaka; Kapardaka; Kākinī; Varātaka.¹

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¹ *Ep. Ind.*, I, pp. 169, 173-79.

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Judging from this comprehensive system of coinage and taxation, it would appear that the fiscal administration was fairly developed, and the government knew how to squeeze money out of people.

Section B

Religion

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The Gahaḍavāla kings, like the Pratihāras whose religion has already been stated, did not confine their devotions to one member only of the great Hindu pantheon. Thus, while they officially describe themselves as "*Paramamāheśvara*," i.e., "devout worshippers of the god Śiva," their records also invoke in the beginning the blessings of Śrī (Lakṣmī), the goddess of prosperity, and Dāmodara (Gaṇeśa), and on the seals attached to the copper-plates there are representations of the flying Garuḍa and conch-shell (Pāñcajanya conch?), which may indicate their predilections towards Vaiṣṇavism. Indeed, one of the Kamauli inscriptions even asserts that Jayacandra was initiated, with the consent of his father, as a devotee of the god Kṛṣṇa on the 10th tithi of the bright half of the month of Āṣāḍha of the Vikrama year 1224, corresponding to Sunday, the 16th of June, 1168 A. D.—the day of his installation to the dignity of Yuvarāja.¹ But so marked was the royal eclecticism that according to a Bodhgayā inscription in later life Jayacandra, out of reverence for a Buddhist monk named Śrīmitra, himself became his disciple "with a pleasing heart and an indescribable hankering."² Moreover, we are uniformly told in their documents that the Gāhaḍavāla monarchs made grants "after having worshipped the sun (sūrya), after having praised him (Śiva), after having performed adoration to Vāsudeva, and after having sacrificed to the fire an oblation of abundant milk, rice and sugar, and after having offered oblations to the manes."

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¹ Ep. Ind., IV, pp. 118, 119.

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² Ind. Hist. Quart., V. (1929), p. 26, verse

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Turning now to the matter of popular religion, the outstanding features during both the Pratīhāra and Gāhaḍavāla periods were the worship of idols and the variety of gods. Temples were built in large numbers, being known as "devagṛhas"³ or "caityas."⁴ With their lofty spires, rich ornamental designs, and graceful sculptures, the construction of these elaborate structures must have entailed great engineering skill and workmanship. Sometimes, it is interesting to note, they were even hewn out of a single piece of rock.⁵ But unfortunately almost all these noble monuments of the liberality and religious zeal of the princes and peasants alike have disappeared owing to the ravages of time, or were razed to the ground by the iconoclastic fury of the victorious Moslems. For instance, the Tāj-ul Maāsir¹ and Firishta’s account² testify that in Benares alone Sihābuddin Ghori destroyed more than one thousand temples, and raised mosques on their foundations.

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³ Ep. Ind., IX, p. 200, line 17.

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⁴ Ind. Ant., XVI, p. 175. In the Pehoa inscription the word "Sthāna" occurs for a sanctuary (Ep. Ind., I, pp. 186, 188).

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⁵ Ibid., I, pp. 157, 159, verse 27. Cf. "Ramyesmin-ekaśile Viṣṇuḥ bhaktyā pratiṣṭhito bhavane."

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¹ Elliot, History of India, Vol. II, p. 223.

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² Briggs, I, p. 179.

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Among the gods, Viṣṇu was the most highly venerated. The Siyadoni inscription gives several names for him such as Viṣṇubhaṭṭāraka, Nārāyaṇabhaṭṭāraka, Vāmanasvāmideva (also mentioned in the Ahār inscription), Cakrasvāmideva, Tribhuvanasvāmideva, and Murāri.³ In the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja he is called Narakadviṣa,⁴ and in the Buckala record the term Parameśvara occurs for his image.⁵ The Pehoa inscription, however, simply describes him as the god riding on garuḍa (Viṣṇu garuḍāsana).⁶ The Gāhaḍavāla copper plates often allude to the god Vāsudeva and the temple of Ādikeśava at the confluence of the Varuṇā and the Ganges. We may also add here that the Ahār epigraph (No. VII) refers in general terms to all the ten incarnations of Viṣṇu, but in other documents there is specific mention of only three manifestations of the deity, viz., Kriṣṇa or Hriṣīkeśa, Varāha, and Vāmana.

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³ Ep. Ind., I, pp. 168, 173-79.

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⁴ Ep. Ind., XVIII, pp. 107, 110, verse 1.

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⁵ Ibid., IX, p. 200.

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⁶ Ibid., I, pp. 187, 189.

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The inscriptions further mention such gods as:
(a) Sūrya, also called Taruṇādityadeva,⁷ Indrarādityadeva or Indrādityadeva,⁸ or Gaṅgāditya.⁹ Another form of the sun was Lolārka,¹⁰ whose festival is even now annually celebrated in Benares during the rainy season. In the Siyadoni inscription occurs the term Bhaillas-vāmideva, which according to a Bhilsa record was a designation of the sun.¹

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⁷ Ibid., IX, pp. 1, 5.

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⁸ Ibid., XIV, pp. 180-85.

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⁹ Ibid., IV, pp. 121-23.

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¹⁰ Ibid., V, pp. 116-18; IV, pp. 128-29.

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¹ *J. A. S. B.*, XXXI, p. 112.

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(b) Siva (Jhusi inscription), also called Umāmaheśvara (Siyadoni inscription) or simply Maheśvara (Gāhaḍavāla plates), Trilocana,² Lacchukeśvara Mahādeva, so named after Mathanadeva’s mother (Rajor inscription), Yogasvāmin,³ Paśupati,⁴ and Śambhu (Haddala grant).

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² *Ind. Ant.*, XVIII, pp. 11, 13.

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³ *Ibid.*, VI, pp. 174, 175 (Asni inscription).

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⁴ *Ep. Ind.*, VII, p. 95. (Lucknow Museum plate of Kirtipāla dated 1111-12 A. D.).

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(c) Vināyaka⁵ or Dāmodara (Gāhaḍavāla plates).

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⁵ *Ep. Ind.*, IX, p. 279.

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(d) Kumāra (Kārtikeya) with his host of Mātṛikas i.c., female companions who performed wonderful deeds.⁶

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⁶ *Ibid.*, VIII, pp. 109, 114, verse 22.

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(e) Mahākāla (Partabgarh inscription) or Kāla-priya (Cambay plates) in Ujjain.

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Among other names and temples of gods we come across Nityapramutideva⁷; Aghoreśvara, Indramādhava, Lauḍeśvara, Pañcoṁkāra;⁸ Krittivāsas⁹ etc.

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⁷ *Ibid.*, III, p. 266.

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⁸ *Ibid.*, VIII, p. 153, lines 18-19.

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⁹ *Ibid.*, IV, p. 126, line 22.

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The inscriptions refer to names of goddesses also, such as Bhagavatī or Durgā (Partabgarh inscription) or Vaṭayakṣṇīdevī;¹⁰ Sri Aṁba Lohidevī (Siyadoni inscription);¹¹ Kanakadevī or Kāñcanadevī, Gandhadevī, Sarvamangaladevī (Ahar inscription); Śrī or Lakṣmī (Gāhaḍavāla inscriptions); Vasudhārā¹ etc.

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¹⁰ *Ibid.*, XIV, p. 188, line 33.

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¹¹ *Ibid.*, I, p. 178, line 35.

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¹ Ibid., IX, pp. 325, 327, verse 21.

Position of the Brahmans

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The Brahmans had gained complete ascendancy, and it was considered meritorious by the other castes—Kṣatriyas, Vaiśyas and Śūdras—to make them gifts. Sometimes, however, the Gāhaḍavāla monarchs gave lands to a hereditary Rāuta or a Kṣatriya, as for example, Jayacandra made six grants in favour of the Rāuta Rājyadharavarman, who is expressly called a Kṣatriya.² This shows that non-Brahmans were not then altogether excluded from the bounty of donors. Further, there are some instances of Buddhists being objects of royal generosity. The Sahet-Maheṭh inscription records that Govindacandra, having been gratified by the Saugata Parivrājaka, the Mahāpaṇḍita Śākyarakṣita (a resident of the Utkala country) and his disciple the Saugata Parivrājaka, the Mahāpaṇḍita Vāgīśvararakṣita (a resident of the Coḍa country), bestowed the villages of Vihāra, Paṭṭanā, Upalaüṇḍa, Vavvahali, Meyī-sambaddha-Ghosāḍī, Pothivāra-sambaddha Payāsi upon “the most respectable community of Buddhist friars (Śākyabhikṣu), of which Buddharakṣita was the chief, residing in the holy convent of Jetavana.”³ Incidentally the above inscription proves that Buddhism was still lingering on, and that the Gāhaḍavāla kings were tolerant enough to extend their patronage to its votaries. This view is also supported by the Bodhgayā inscription, which describes Jayacandra as a disciple of the Buddhist saint Śrīmitra, and the Sarnath inscription of Kumāradevī, the Buddhist queen of Govindacandra, who repaired or restored the Dharmacakra Jina, originally set up by Dharmāśoka and placed it in a new *vihāra* at Sarnath. It was customary for donors to make grants by a libation of water after bathing in a sacred river such as the Ganges,¹ the Jumna,² confluences of rivers such as the Sarayū and the Ghargarā,³ the Triveṇī at Allahabad,⁴ or that of the Varuṇā and the Ganges at Benares.⁵ The usual occasions for such gifts were the lunar⁶ or solar eclipse,⁷ the annual Śrāddha in honour of one's father,⁸ the royal birthday (*Jātakarma*),⁹ the name-giving (*Nāmaka-raṇa*),¹⁰ or the installation ceremonies,¹¹ the Uttarāyaṇa¹² and the Dakṣiṇāyana Saṃkrāntis,¹³ the Akṣayatritīyā festival¹⁴ and so on. The gifts were as a rule absolute, and were to hold good "as long as the sun and moon endure." Resumption was expressly forbidden with dire imprecations, it being laid down that whoever took back land once given, or obstructed its enjoyment, "cannot be purified by a hundred horse-sacrifices, but lives in hell until the destruction of all beings."

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² Ind. Ant., XVIII, pp. 135-43.

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³ Ep. Ind., XI, pp. 24-26.

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¹ See e.g., *J. A. S. B.*, V, (1922), p. 83.

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² " " *Ind. Ant.*, XIV, p. 103.

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³ " " *Ep. Ind.*, XIV, pp. 194, 196.

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⁴ " " *Ibid.*, XIII, p. 219.

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⁵ " " *Ibid.*, XIV, pp. 198, 199.

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⁶ " " *Ibid.*, IV, p. 101.

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⁷ " " *Ibid.*, IV, p. 108.

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⁸ " " *Ibid.*, IV, p. 105.

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⁹ " " *Ibid.*, IV, p. 127.

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¹⁰ " " *Ind. Ant.*, XIII, pp. 131, 134.

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¹¹ " " *Ep. Ind.*, IV, p. 121.

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¹² " " *Ibid.*, VIII, p. 159.

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¹³ " " *Ind. Ant.*, XVIII, p. 35.

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¹⁴ " " *Ep. Ind.*, VII, pp. 98, 99.

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The Brahmans are distinguished by their *Gotras* and *Pravaras* in inscriptions, which mention among the former : Kāsyapa, Kātyāyana, Bhāradvāja, Bandhula, Gobhila, Vatsa, Vasiṣṭha, Pārāvasa, Sarkarākṣa, Sāṇḍilya, Gautama, Kṛṣṇātreya, Sāṃkṛtya, Kauśika, Kapisthala, Kauṇḍinya, Upamanyu, Parāśara, Bhārgava, Jīvantyāyana, Garga, Gārgya, Dhaumya, Sausravasa, Sāvarṇa, Kūtsa, Gālava, Sārkara, Dakṣa, Candrātreya, Jātukarṇa, Gauṇya, Pippalāda, Maunya, Harīta, Maudgalya, Darbha, Kaṇva, Agasti, Ātreya, etc.¹

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¹ See *Ep. Ind.*, VII, p. 99; *Ibid.*, V, pp. 118, 212-13; *Ibid.*, XIX, pp. 18-19; *Ibid.*, IV, pp. 101, 132, 133; *Ibid.*, VIII, p. 154; *Ibid.*, XVIII, pp. 12, 222; *Ibid.*, XIV, pp. 202-09.

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The Pravaras are enumerated as : Bandhula, Aghamarṣaṇa, Visvāmitra, Gobhila, Āṅgirasa, Ambariṣa, Bhārgava, Cyāvana, Apnavāna, Aurva, Jāmadagna, Maudgalya, Bharmyāsva, Kāsypa, Āvatsara, Naidhruva, Bhāradvāja, Bārhaspatya, Kāṅkāyana, Kauśika, Dhaumya, Audalya, Devarāta, Gautama, Aitatha, Avitatha, etc.²

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² *Ep. Ind.*, IV, p. 101; *Ibid.*, p. 112; *Ibid.*, pp. 130, 133; *Ibid.*, VII, pp. 99-100; *Ibid.*, XVIII, pp. 12, 13, 17, 19, 222, 224; *Ind. Ant.*, XIV, p. 103, etc.

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In some records we also find mention of such Brahmanic surnames as Miśra³, Dvivedī or Dvivedin,⁴ Tripāṭhī or Tripāṭhin,⁵ Dīkṣita⁶, Śarman⁷, Avasthī,⁸ Caturvedin⁹ or Caturvaidya¹⁰, and the title Paṇḍita, which shows that terms in modern use had at this time begun to come into vogue. In some inscriptions even the terms Ṭhakkura and Rāuta¹ are applied for Brahmans, whereas in another record the title Prāṇācārya with Bhaṭṭa occurs.²

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³ *Ibid.*, XIV, p. 207.

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⁴ *Ibid.*, p. 205.

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⁵ *Ibid.*, p. 208.

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⁶ *Ibid.*, IV, p. 98.

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⁷ *Ibid.*, XVIII, p. 123.

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⁸ *Ibid.*, p. 226.

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⁹ *Ibid.*, XIV, p. 204.

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¹⁰ *Ibid.*, XIX, p. 54.

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¹ Ind. Ant., XV, pp. 8, 10, 12, 13, etc.

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² Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 154.

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The Brahmans are further described as practising Yoga³ and pursuing the study of the Vedas, of which the inscriptions mention all the four, viz., the Rigveda, Yajurveda, Sāmaveda and the Atharvaveda. Among the vedic Sākhas they specially refer to the Āśvalāyana,⁴ Vājasneya,⁵ Chāndogya,⁶ and the Sānkhyāyana-Bahvrica.⁷ According to Alberuni, who wrote his Tahkik-i-Hind in 1030 A. D., the Brahmans learnt the Vedas by heart, and many could recite them without difficulty, although their contents were understood by a few only.⁸ The Brahmans also studied such works as the 18 Purāṇas, Smritis composed by "twenty sons of Brahman," philosophical treatises on the Sāmkhya, Nyāya, Vaiśeṣika Mīmānsā etc., the Epics, and those dealing with the exact sciences like Grammar, metrics, Astronomy, Astrology, Mathematics, and medicine etc.⁹ These texts were written down in the current alphabet of the times, about which Alberuni remarks : "The most generally known alphabet is called Siddha Mātrikā, used in Kashmir and Vārāṇasī. These are the high schools of Hindu sciences. The same writing is used in Madhyadeśa, the country all around Kanauj, also called Āryāvarta."¹⁰ But in spite of the widespread knowledge of the art of writing, the Brahmans preferred to trust their trained memories for the preservation of the Veda, and Alberuni explains their attitude thus : "They do not allow the Veda to be committed to writing because it is recited according to certain modulations, and they therefore avoid the use of the pen, since it is liable to cause some error, and may occasion an addition or a defect in the written text."¹ Besides this, the Brahmans did not want any encroachment upon their monopoly by extending to the bulk of the population the privilege of knowing the "sacred word." This is evident from the following general observation of Alberuni : "The Brahmans teach the Veda to the Kṣatriyas. The latter learn it, but are not allowed to teach it, not even to a Brahman. The Vaiśya and Śūdra are not allowed to hear it, much less to pronounce and recite it. If such a thing can be proved against one of them, the Brahmans drag him before the magistrate, and he is punished by having his tongue cut off."² Such unmeaning laws must have engendered a spirit of tyranny and exclusiveness among the higher castes, and crushed the enthusiasm of the masses for the existing order of things. It is no wonder, therefore, that the hardy races of the northwest, fired as they were by a new message of equality and brotherhood, scored an easy triumph against a power that countenanced invidious distinctions between man and man.

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³ Ind. Ant., XVI, pp. 174, 175.

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⁴ Ep. Ind., V, pp. 212, 213.

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⁵ Ibid., XIX, pp. 18, 19.

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⁶ Ind. Ant., XVIII, pp. 12, 13; Ep. Ind., V, pp. 117-18.

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⁷ Ind. Ant., XIV, p. 103; Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 154.

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⁸ Sachau, Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 125.

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⁹ Ibid., I, pp. 130-59.

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¹⁰ Ibid. I, p. 173.

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¹ Sachau *Alberuni's India*, Vol. I, pp.125-26 ² *Ibid.*, I, p. 125; see also Vol. II, p. 136.

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