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History of Mediaeval Hindu India (being a History of India from 600 to 1200 A.D.) v1.c5: Chapter I: Accession of Harsha

History of Mediaeval Hindu India (being a History of India from 600 to 1200 A.D.) v1.c5

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Chapter I: Accession of Harsha

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[THE broad facts mentioned in these Chapters are of course taken from Sir V. Smith's now standard work on the early history of India. I have, however, studied the materials referred to by him in the original and by their help and the help of the Harsha-Charita of Bāṇa have tried to throw additional light on many incidents in Harsha's life. On two points I have ventured, with some diffidence, to put forward views differing from those of Sir Vincent Smith. I have further added a few detailed notes embodying discussion on the most controversial points. And lastly I have attempted to determine, on data supplied by the Harsha-Charita, the exact date of the birth of Harsha.]

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When the seventh century of the Christian era opened Prabhākaravardhana of Thanesar was undoubtedly the premier king of Northern India. He had defeated and humbled the Huns who, notwithstanding their signal defeat in the previous century by the combined forces of India led by Yaśodharma of Malwa and Bālāditya of Magadha, were still a powerful people in the Panjab and had their kingdoms at Gāndhāra or Peshawar and at Śākala or Sialkot still in existence. He had defeated the ruling kings of Sind and Gurjara, the chief state in Rajputana, and had also conquered the kings ruling in Malwa and Gujarat at the close of the sixth century.¹ In the eastern portion of Northern India the Maukharis of Kanauj held sway very probably as far east as the Brahmaputra called Lauhitya in ancient days and southwards as far as the Vindhya range which extends accross India into Magadha; and they were connected with him by marriage, his daughter Rājyashrī being married to Grahavarmā of Kanauj. Thus Prabhākaravardhana of Thanesar was in 605 A. D. by far the most powerful king in Hindustan and he was well justified in assuming the title of Mahārājādhirāja Paramabhattāraka, whereas his father¹ and grandfather were simply Mahārājas, as the seal of Harsha found at Sonpat shows.

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¹ See हूणहरिणकेसरी सिन्धुराजज्वरो गुर्जरप्रजागरः गान्धाराधिपहास्तिज्वरो लाटपाटव-पाटच्चरो मालवलक्ष्मीलतापरशुः। H.C., p. 174.

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¹ Gupta inscripttons (No. 52) Corp. Ins. Ind. Vol III., p. 231 :- परमादित्यभक्तो महाराज-श्रीराज्यवर्धनस्तस्य पुत्रः परमादित्यभक्तो महाराज-श्री-आदित्यवर्धनस्तस्य पुत्रः श्रीमहासनागुप्तदेव्यामुत्पन्नः सर्ववर्णाश्रमव्यवस्थापनप्रवृत्तः श्रीपरमादित्यभक्तो परम-भट्टारक-महाराजाधिराज-श्रीप्रभाकरवर्धनस्तस्यपुत्रः श्रीमत्यांयशोमत्यामुत्पन्नः परमसौगतः (परम-भट्टारक) महाराजाधिराज-श्रीराज्यवर्धनस्तस्यानुजः महादेब्यां यशोमत्यामुत्पन्नः (परम भट्टारकम्) हाराजा (धि) राज श्रीहर्षवर्धनः

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But within a year there was a sudden change in the fortunes of Prabhākaravardhana though not of his people or country. The Huns suddenly invaded the northern boundaries of his dominions and he had time only to send his elder son Rājyavardhana to oppose and chastise them. The Maukharis of Kanauj also appear to have fought with the Huns often, probably in conjunction with the forces of Thanesar²; but there was no time to call in their aid. Rājyavardhana, the elder son of Prabhākara, was a youthful prince of about nineteen or twenty at this time and must probably have been anxious to save his father the trouble of proceeding against the Huns in person, which he had often done before. Rājyavardhana proceeded with all haste towards the Huns of the Panjab, and his younger brother Harsha followed him as a matter of exercise and hunted in the jungles at the foot of the Himalayas. Rājyavardhana decisively defeated the Huns and drove them away and came back in triumph to Thanesar only to find the capital immersed in grief by the sudden death of his father.

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² See Aphsad Inscription of Adityasena to be noted more particularly in a note. The words important here are यो मौखरैः समि तिषूद्धतहूणसैन्या वल्गद्धटा विवटयन्बुरुवारणानाम्। translated as follows :-" Breaking up the proudly stepping array of elephants belonging to the Maukhari which had thrown aloft in battle the troops of the Huns" (page 206.) Thus the Maukharis of Kanauj seem to have had fights with the Huns, of course of the Panjab, and must be supposed to be allied in these conflicts with the troops of Thanesar whose country intervened between Kanauj and the country of the Huns.

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Harsha had already returned from his hunting trip on hearing of his father’s sudden illness and had been by his bedside at the time of his death. His mother Yaśomatī with more than Rajput instinct had preceded her husband by burning herself on a pyre in spite of the implorations of Harsha. Thus, by a sudden turn of the wheel of fortune, Rājyavardhana found himself raised to the throne of Thanesar though rendered inconsolable by the sudden demise of both his parents. The Buddhist Rājya thought of retiring in favour of the astounded Harsha; but all such thoughts were laid aside when just at that moment a messenger arrived with news of the strangest character. The Guptas of Malwa seem to have been the hereditary enemies of the Maukharis of Kanauj.¹ When news spread abroad, and in ancient India, in spite of the absence of railways and telegraphs, news always spread very quickly, that Prabhākara was dead and that his son Rājya had gone on an expedition against the Huns, Deva Gupta of Malwa thought it an opportune moment to attack the young king Grahavarmā of Kanauj. He suddenly marched on that city, killed Grahavarmā in a surprise attack and taking his queen Rājyashrī a prisoner, inhumanly confined her like an ordinary deliquent, loaded with iron fetters, in a prison. He thought himself now strong enough to invade the kingdom of Thanesar itself and commenced his march towards its capital, though his ally and friend Saśānka Gupta of Karnasuvarna or Bengal, who had already marched to his assistance, had not yet arrived. It is not difficult to understand that the Guptas of Bengal like the Guptas of Malwa were smarting under the supremacy of the Maukharis of Kanauj, who had supplanted the power of the Imperial Guptas and established their sway upto the Brahmaputra, and were only waiting for an opportunity to wreak their vengeance on them. It is also possible to conceive that the two Guptas were leagued against Thanesar and Kanauj, because the kings of the latter two were now Buddhists. No doubt religious differences, in ancient India, at least in the seventh century, were not of much animosity but still such differences might accentuate political enmities already existing and the kings of Bengal and Malwa might have been united in harbouring a wish to run down Grahavarmā of Kanauj and Rājyavardhana of Thanesar who were also both young and inexperienced at this time.

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¹ See note on Maukharis. The enmity of the Guptas and the Maukharis seems to have been hereditary and it is probably this enmity which explains the sudden attack on Kanauj by Deva Gupta. The Maukharis seem to have generally had the upperhand as appears from H. C. (Bom.) p. 252 तिमिरेस्तिरस्कारो रवेः यो मौखराणां मालवैः परिभवः Who Deva Gupta was we will also try to explain in a special note.

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Such was the grave news which reached Rājya, just raised to the throne of Thanesar and not yet rested from his fight with the Huns. He was, however, a valiant and an undaunted warrior. Setting his grief aside he started immediately, with a view to speedily reach his enemy, with a mobile force of 10,000 horse under the command of his trusted general, Bhandi, who was his compeer and cousin, being a son of his maternal uncle. In spite of entreaties he left Harsha his younger brother behind at Thanesar both as a matter of convenience and precaution. He surprised his enemy Deva Gupta by the suddenness of his movement and totally defeated him, the latter being probably killed in action. He marched on to the relief of Kanauj and met Saśānka of Bengal on the way. The wheel of destiny which was evidently working from the first in favour of Harsha now had a third turn and engulfed Rājya in its working. Saśānka was unequal to face Rājya and resolved to rid himself of his enemy by a bold stroke of treachery. He offered his submission to the youthful king of Thanesar and promised to give his daughter in marriage to him in atonement for his fault.¹ Such was the usual Kshatriya fashion to patch up differences between contending kings. Rājyavardhana, straight and confiding, without arms and with a few followers only, went to the camp of Saśānka and while at a feast was treacherously murdered by that unscrupulous king. He, then, without attempting to try conclusions with Rājya's army commanded by Bhandi, as suddenly marched back from Kanauj to his kingdom as he had marched to it; while a Gupta chief who was in charge of the city of Kanauj quietly released Rājyashrī from confinement¹ and sent her away, in order probably to divert the attention of Bhandi.

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¹ The commentator on Harsha-Charita makes this suggestion which is very likely तथाहि तेन शशाङ्केन विश्वासार्थं कन्याप्रदानमुक्त्वा प्रलोभितो राज्यवर्धनः स्वगेहे सानुचरो भुञ्जान एव छद्मना व्यापादितः ॥ H. C., p. 241.

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¹ कान्यकुब्जाद्वौडसंभ्रं गुवितो गुप्तनाम्ना कुलपुत्रेण निष्कासनं निर्गताया राज्यवर्धन-मरण-श्रवणं . . . सर्वमश्रणोत्परिजनतः ।। H. C., p. 332.

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Such were the strange, yet not improbable, circumstances which, within a few months of the year 606 A. D. (about May), placed Harsha on the throne of Thanesar at the early age of 16². They have been very eloquently related by Bāṇa, the most famous prose writer of Sanskrit literature, who was Harsha's contemporary and protege, and they are supported to a considerable extent by the account of Hiuen Tsang, the most famous and trustworthy traveller of China who was honoured for his Buddhist learning and piety by Harsha. Young as he was, Harsha was a man of extraordinary courage, ability and good fortune like his remote successor Akbar who fought his first battle at 14, ascended the throne of Dehli a few months later and assumed absolute power at 18. Harsha resolved at once on punishing the dastardly Gupta of Bengal and on rescuing the unfortunate queen of Kanauj. He harnessed his army of elephants, horses and men with a view not only to conquer Bengal but the whole of India, for he well surmised that the whole country would be arrayed against him, unfriended and inexperienced as he apparently was. To quote the poetic expression of Bāṇa he therefore asked his foreign secretary to write to all the kings of India to proffer either battle or submission. He started immediately on this *Digvijaya* or expedition for the conquest of the four quarters.

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His first camp was pitched on the banks of the Sarasvatī, only a few miles east of Thanesar and the Patel or headman of the village came forward to receive his king at this first halting place and offered the customary *nuzzar* of a gold coin marked with a bull and specially struck anew for the occasion, on the palm of his hand. Harsha, while picking up the coin, accidentally let it go and it fell on the muddy bank of the Sarasvatī imprinting the soft soil with its impression. Persons present stood aghast at this ill omen happening at the very outset of his march for *Digvijaya*, but Harsha, with undaunted courage and wit, remarked that it was a good augur as it plainly indicated that the earth would soon be stamped with the sign of his sovereignty. To a man of such strength and presence of mind no advice was needed, yet his minister implored him to guard himself against possible treachery giving him a score of examples how in past times kings had been murdered by various devices by wily persons, both male and female. Thankfully accepting his minister’s advice and entrusting his kingdom to the proper persons, Harsha set forth on his conquering expedition and now marched towards Kanauj. He met Bhandi on the way and with tears in his eyes heard from him again the story of Rājya’s murder.

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He saw the army of elephants captured from the defeated king of Malwa as also the vast treasure secured and the family and courtiers of the king all put in chains in return for his savage treatment of Rājyashrī. He learned, however, from Bhandi that Rājyashrī had been let off from confinement, that she had taken refuge in the jungles of the Vindhya and that in spite of efforts made, her whereabouts were not still ascertained. In the impetuosity of his affection for Rājyashrī, Harsha bade his army halt on the banks of the Ganges and with a select retinue started off himself in search of his sister. He came by chance to the hermitage of one Divākarmitra, a Buddhist recluse, who turned out to be a close friend of his brother-in-law, Grahavarmā. From one of his disciples he heard that a lady in affliction was going to burn herself on a pyre just in the neighbourhood and with this man's aid Harsha reached in time to save the queen of Kanauj, who, unable to bear her calamities, was going thus to put an end to her life. But the calamities of both the brother and the sister were now at an end, and they joyfully went to take leave of Divākaramitra. Rājyashrī was so impressed with the sanctity and quiet of the Āshrama of the Buddhist hermit, her husband's friend, that she implored her brother to permit her to turn a Buddhist nun.

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But Harsha and Divākaramitra both dissuaded her, Harsha prophetically saying that he and she would both together take the holy order when their life's business was done. Harsha then returned with his sister Rājyashrī to his camp on the bank of the Ganges.

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² From the Harsha-Charita some idea may be formed of the probable and exact age of Harsha. We have added a note trying to fix his exact age. But it may be noted here that Rājya appears from Harsha-Charita to have been three years older than Harsha and Harsha about two years older than Rājyashrī. When Kumāra and Mādhava were given to them as companions Kumāra is said to be 18 years of age. अष्टादशवर्षवयसम् (H. C., p. 196). Rājyashrī was married about a year after this and Prabhākara's death might have happened a year later. If we take Rājya to be about the same age as Kumāra Rājya seems at this time to be about 19 years of age and Harsha about 16 when he came to the throne of Thanesar.

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Here ends the romantic, but not unauthentic story of Harsha and Rājyashrī given in the Harsha-Charita of Bāna, who, to the great regret of the historian and the general reader, unaccountably leaves off the story in the middle. But it is of great help to us in understanding the account recorded by Hiuen Tsang. Hiuen Tsang's account has been to my mind misunderstood. It plainly seems that that account relates to what happened subsequently at Kanauj and does not relate to what had already happened at Thanesar. Harsha probably was the sole remnant in the family of the kings of Thanesar, and his brother Rājya, young as he was, had left no issue. Rājya was probably not even married.¹ Harsha, therefore, became king of Thanesar at once and without any doubt. The doubts entertained by Harsha as to whether he should be king or not as related by Hiuen Tsang must be referred to his doubts as to whether he should be king of Kanauj. The whole story becomes intelligible, if we connect these doubts with the kingdom of Kanauj. When Harsha and Rājyashrī reached Kanauj, there must have been some anxious deliberation there as to the disposal of that kingdom. From the Harsha-Charita Grahavarmā appears to have been the eldest son of his father Avantivarmā¹. Should Rājyashrī be set aside and consigned to obscurity and some younger heir of Avantivarmā be raised to the throne? Harsha who had just brought the afflicted Rājyashrī back from a pyre and a hermitage was unwilling to do so. He was also unwilling to sieze the kingdom for himself. Grahavarmā was a Buddhist and presumably Rājyashrī also. Harsha, too, owing to his great and sudden afflictions in early age had Buddhistic inclinations though he was a declared devotee of Shiva.² It was thus naturally and perhaps astutely decided, that the difficulty should be solved by a reference to the Bodhisatva Avalokitesvara whose temple was outside the city of Kanauj, and the Bodhisatva solved the difficulty in a congenial manner. Rājyashrī, it was ordained, should rule and Harsha should be her lieutenant. He should not ascend the throne nor take the title of the king of Kanauj but should style himself only Rājaputra Śiladitya. According to the Chinese work, Fang Chih, Harsha henceforward "administered the kingdom in conjunction with his widowed sister" (page 338, V. Smith's E. History, 3rd edition). To my mind this explanation of the apparent hesitation of Harsha is simple and plain and it also explains why after Harsha's death there was anarchy and disorder again in the kingdom of Kanauj as will be related hereafter. At this stage it is difficult to understand how historians came to confound Thanesar and Kanauj³ and how it is for a moment entertained that the nobles of Thanesar hesitated to offer their allegiance to Harsha. The nobles of Thanesar, as related by Bāṇa, had at once acclaimed him king of Thanesar and it was only at Kanauj where he arrived in his conquering expedition with his widowed beloved sister Rājyashrī that doubts arose with regard to the succession to the throne of that kingdom—doubts which were finally removed as aforesaid. Harsha very naturally hereafter gave up residence at Thanesar and made Kanauj his capital which he ruled in conjunction with his sister. Between the two the fondest attachment subsisted throughout their reign. Their Buddhistic tendencies united them in religious sentiment also and it appears that during their long reign nothing happened to mar their amicable relations.

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¹ See H. C., p. 253. कलत्रं रक्षात्विति श्रीस्ते निस्त्रिंशेऽधिवसति।

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¹ See H. C., p. 200. अवन्तिवर्मण सूनुर्यजो ग्रहवर्मा.

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² The Bankshera inscription of the 9th year of his reign declares Harsha to be Parama Máhesvara still. Bāna also relates that when Harsha started on his Digyijaya from Thanesar, he first worshipped the god Mahesvara, see विरचय्य परमभक्त्या भगवतो नीललोहितस्यार्चाम् ।। H. C. page 273.

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³ Probably the Records mixed up the two kingdoms and hence the misunderstanding. The words in the Records are: "The statesmen of KANAUJ, on the advice of their leading man Bani invited Harshavardhana, the younger brother of the murdered king, to become their sovereign. He seemed unwilling and made excuses. He then determined to take the advice of Avalokitevara," &c, I think Bâna's account and this must be put together and Harsha's unwillingness to take up the kingdom of Kanauj

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should be explained as above. It is also probable that Vineent Smith's unwillingness to accept Kanauj as the capital of the Maukhari Grahavarma has increased the difficulty But the fact that the Maukharis ruled at Kanauj cannot, as shown fn a note, be denied, The Imperial Gazetteer, too, under Kanauj unreservedly accepts the theory that the Maukharis ruled at Kanauj before Harsha.

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