The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist Period, including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang c6.s3.t21: 19. Kapila.

The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist Period, including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang c6.s3.t21

Language: English

19. Kapila.

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From Srâvasti both of the Chinese pilgrims proceeded direct to Kapila, which was famous throughout India as the birth-place of Buddha. Hwen Thsang makes the distance 500 *li*, or 83 miles, to the southeast;* but according to the earlier pilgrim Fa-Hian the distance was 13 *yojanas*, or 91 miles, in the same direction.† The difference of 1 *yojana*, or 7 miles, seems to be due to some confusion as to the relative positions of Kapila, and the birth-place of Krakuchanda, which were just one *yojana* apart. Fa-Hian reached the latter place first before visiting Kapila; but Hwen Thsang went first to Kapila, and afterwards to the birth-place of Krakuchanda. As the site of this place may with great probability be identified with *Kaküa*, 8 miles to the west of *Nagar*, which I propose to identify with *Kapila-nagara*, I am inclined to adopt the narrative of Fa-Hian. Now the distance between Sâhet and Nagar is rather more than 81½ miles, as I found the road from Sâhet to Asokpur 42½ miles, and from Asokpur to Nagar the distance is 39 miles measured direct on the large map of the Indian Atlas. The actual distance by the winding roads of this part of the country cannot therefore be less than 85 miles, and is probably about 90 miles, as stated by Fa-Hian.

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∗ Julien's 'Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 309.

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† Beal's 'Fah-Hian,' xxi-xxii.

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Hwen Thsang estimates the circuit of the district at 4000 *li*, or 667 miles, which agrees very well with the size of the tract lying between the Ghâgra and the Gandak from Faizâbâd to the confluence of those rivers. The direct measurement is 550 miles, which would be upwards of 600 miles in road distance.*

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No trace of the name of Kapila has yet been discovered; but I believe that the position of the city can be fixed within very narrow limits by many concurring data. According to the Buddhist chronicles of Tibet, *Kapilavastu* or *Kapilanagara* was founded by some descendants of the solar hero Gotama,† on the bank of a lake near the river Rohini in Kosala. Now the town of Nagar, or *Nagar-khás*, that is "the city," is situated on the eastern bank of the Chando Tâl, near a large stream named Kohâna, a tributary of the Rapti, and in the northern division of Oudh beyond the Ghâgra river, and therefore in Kosala. Its distance and bearing from Srâvasti have already been noted as agreeing most precisely with those stated by the Chinese pilgrims. To the west a small stream named *Sidh* falls into the lake. This name, which means the "perfect or the holy one," is always applied to the sages of antiquity, and in the present instance I think that it may refer to the sage Kapila, whose hermitage was also on the bank of the lake opposite the city. The Gautamas had at first established themselves near the sage's dwelling; but, as the lowing of their kine had disturbed his meditations, they founded their new city of Kapilanagara at some distance, that is on the opposite or eastern end of the lake.

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∗ See Map No. XI.

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† Csoma de Körös in Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, ii. 391.

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The position of the Rohini river is more precisely indicated by the Chinese pilgrims and Ceylonese chronicles. According to Fa-Hian* the royal garden, named Lun-ming, or Lumbini, in which Buddha was born, was situated at 50 *li*, or 8 1/3 miles, to the east of Kapila. Hwen Thsang† calls the garden *La-fa-ni*, and places it on the bank of a small stream flowing to the south-east which the people called the "River of Oil." According to the Ceylonese Chronicles,‡ the Rohini flowed between the cities of Kapila and Koli, the latter being the birth-place of Mâyâ Devi, the mother of Buddha. It was also called *Vyághra-pura*, or "Tiger-town."§ When Mâyâ was near her confinement she went to pay a visit to her parents at Koli. "Between the two cities there was a garden of *Sál* trees called Lumbini, to which the inhabitants of both cities were accustomed to resort for recreation." There she rested and gave birth to the infant Buddha. In another place it is said that during a season of drought the inhabitants of Kapila and Koli quarrelled about the distribution of the waters of the Rohini for the irrigation of their rice-fields.|| From all these details I infer that the Rohini was most probably the Kohána river of the present day, which flows in a south-easterly course about 6 miles to the eastward of Nagar. It is the *Kooana* and *Quana* of the maps, and the *Koyane* of Buchanan,* who describes it as “a fine little river, which, with its numerous branches, fertilizes all the south-eastern parts of the district.” It therefore corresponds in all essential particulars with the Rohini of the Buddhist chronicles.

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∗ Beal's 'Fah-Hian,' xxii. 87.

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† 'Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 322.

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‡ Hardy's 'Manual of Buddhism,' p. 307.

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§ *Ibid.*, p. 136.

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|| *Ibid.*, p. 307.

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The position of *Koli* is doubtful; but it may perhaps be referred to the village of *Am Kohil*, which is exactly 11 miles to the east of *Nagar*, and rather less than 3 miles from the nearest point of the Kohâna river. The road from Nagar to *Kohil* crosses the Kohâna opposite the small town of *Mokson*, which may probably be the site of the once famous Lumbini garden, as it was also called *parádi-moksha*,† or “supreme beatitude.” In later times this appellation would have been shortened to *Moksha* or *Mokshan*, to which I would refer the possible origin of Hwen Thsang’s name of the “River of Oil,” as *mrakshan* is the Sanskrit term for oil. Abul Fazl calls the place of Buddha’s birth *Mokta*,‡ which is perhaps only a misreading of *Moksa*.

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† ‘Fo-kwe-ki,’ c. xxii., note 17, by Klaproth.

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‡ ‘Ayin Akbari,’ ii. 503.

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Another strong point in favour of the identification of Nagar with the ancient Kapila is the fact that the present chief of Nagar is a *Gautama Rajput*, and the districts of Nagar and Amorha are the head-quarters of the clan, as well as of the *Gautamiya Rajputs*, who are an inferior branch of the Gautamas. Now the *Sákyas* of Kapilavastu were also Gautama Rajputs, and *Sákya Muni* himself is still known amongst the people of Barma as Gautama Buddha, or simply Gautama. In the Vansalata* the Gautamas are said to be descendants of Arkabandhu, which is one of the names of Buddha given in the Amara Kosha of the famous Amara Sinha, who was himself a Buddhist.

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∗ ‘Eastern India,’ ii. 301.

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I have not visited Nagar myself, but I am informed that it possesses a khera, or mound of brick ruins, and that there are numerous remains of brick buildings in the neighbourhood. As Fa-Hian describes Kapila in the beginning of the fifth century as "literally a vast solitude, in which there was neither king nor people," but only a few monks and some ten or twenty houses, it is scarcely possible that there would be any conspicuous traces of the city which has lain desolate for upwards of twelve centuries. In the middle of the seventh century Hwen Thsang found the place so utterly ruined that it was impossible to ascertain its original size, I am therefore quite satisfied that the absence of any extensive ruins at the present day cannot overthrow the very strong claims which Nagar certainly possesses to be identified with the ancient city of Kapila. But this identification is still further strengthened by the names of several places in the vicinity, which would appear to represent some of the more holy spots that were famous in the early history of Buddhism. I allude more especially to the birthplaces of the two previous Buddhas, Krakuchanda and Kanaka-muni, and the Sara-kupa, or "arrow-fountain," which sprang into existence at the stroke of Buddha's arrow.

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Fa-Hian names Na-pi-kia as the birthplace of Krakuchanda; but in the Buddhist chronicles * the city is called *Kshemavati* and *Khemavati*.† In the books of Ceylon, however,‡ *Krakuchanda* is said to have been the *Purohit*, or family priest, of Raja Kshema, of Mekhala. According to Fa-Hian, the city was about 1 *yojana*, or 7 miles, to the west-north-west of Kapila; but according to Hwen Thsang it was 50 *li*, or 8½ miles, to the south of Kapila. In the absence of other data, it is difficult to say which of these statements may be correct; but as I find a town named *Kaküa*, exactly 8 miles to the west of Nagar, I am strongly inclined to adopt the account of Fa-Hian, as *Kaku* is the Pali form of *Kraku*. According to Hwen Thsang’s bearing, the city should be looked for in the neighbourhood of Kalwâri Khâs, which is 7 miles to the south of Nagar.

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∗ Buchanan, ‘Eastern India,’ ii. 458.

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† Turnour’s ‘Mahawanso,’ Introduction, p. 33.

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‡ Hardy’s ‘Manual of Buddhism,’ 96.

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A similar discrepancy is found in the position of the birthplace of *Kanaka-muni*, which, according to Fa-Hian, was to the south of Krakuchanda’s birthplace, but to the north-east of it according to Hwen Thsang. They agree exactly as to the distance, which the latter makes 30 *li*, or just 5 miles, while the former calls it somewhat less than 1 *yojana*, that is about 5 or 6 miles. In the Ceylonese chronicles the town is named *Sobhavati-nagara*, § which may possibly be represented by the village of *Subhay-Pursa*, at 6½ miles to the south-east of Kaküa, and the same distance to the south-west of Nagar.

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§ ‘Mahawanso,’ Introduction, p. 34.

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The same unaccountable difference of bearing is found also in the position of the *Sara-Kupa*, or the “Arrow Fountain,” which Fa-Hian places at 30 *li*, or 5 miles, to the south-west of Kapila, while Hwen Thsang places it at the same distance to the south-east. In this instance also I believe that Fa-Hian is right, as Hwen Thsang makes the distance from the *Sara-Kupa* to the *Lumbini* garden from 80 to 90 *li*, or 13 to 15 miles, which, as I have already shown, was on the bank of the Rohini or Kohâna river, to the east of Kapila. Now, if the Arrow Fountain was to the south-east of the capital, its distance from the *Lumbini* garden could not have been more than 6 or 7 miles, whereas if it was to the south-west, as stated by Fa-Hian, the distance would be about 12 or 13 miles. The probable position of the *Sara-Kupa*, or Arrow Fountain, may therefore be fixed near the village of Sarwanpur, which is exactly 5½ miles to the south-west of Nagar.

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∗ ‘Sapta Buddha Stotra,’ quoted by Remusat in ‘Fo-kwe-ki,’ c. xxi. note 3.

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In proposing all these identifications, I have assumed that *Nagar* is the site of the ancient Kapila, but as I have not examined this part of the country myself, and as the information which I have been able to obtain is necessarily vague, I feel that the final settlement of this important inquiry can only be satisfactorily determined by an actual examination of Nagar itself and the surrounding localities. In the meantime I offer the results of the present disquisition as useful approximations until the true sites shall be determined by actual observation.

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*Râmagráma.*

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From Kapila both pilgrims proceeded to *Lan-mo*, which has been identified with the *Râmagráma* of the Buddhist chronicles of India. Fa-Hian makes the distance 5 *yojanas*, or 35 miles, to the east,[*] and Hwen Thsang gives 200 *li*, or 33⅓ miles, in the same direction.* But in spite of their agreement I believe that the distance is in excess of the truth. Their subsequent march to the bank of the *Anoma* river is said to be 3 *yojanas* or 21 miles by Fa-Hian, and 100 *li* or 16⅔ miles by Hwen Thsang, thus making the total distance from Kapila to the Anoma river 8 *yojanas*, or 56 miles, according to the former, and 300 *li*, or 50 miles, according to the latter. But in the Indian Buddhist scriptures, this distance is said to be only 6 *yojanas*, or 42 miles, which I believe to be correct, as the *Aumi* river of the present day, which is most probably the *Anoma* river of the Buddhist books, is just 40 miles distant from Nagar in an easterly direction. The identification of the Anoma will be discussed presently.

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∗ Beal's ‘Fah-Hian,’ c. xxii. p. 89.

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According to the pilgrims' statements, the position of *Râmagrâma* must be looked for at about two-thirds of the distance between Nagar and the Anoma river, that is at 4 *yojanas*, or 28 miles. In this position I find the village of Deokali,† with a mound of ruins, which was used as a station for the trigonometrical survey. In the ‘Mahawanso’ it is stated that the stupa of Râmagâmo, which stood on the bank of the *Ganges*, was destroyed by the action of the current.‡ Mr. Laidlay has already pointed out that this river could not be the Ganges; but might be either the *Ghâgra*, or some other large river in the north. But I am inclined to believe that the Ganges is a simple fabrication of the Ceylonese chronicler. All the Buddhist scriptures agree in stating that the relics of Buddha were divided into eight portions, of which one fell to the lot of the Kosalas of Râmagrâma, over which they erected a stupa. Some years later seven portions of the relics were collected together by Ajatasatru, king of Magadha, and enshrined in a single stupa at Râjagriha; but the eighth portion still remained at Râmagrâma. According to the Ceylonese chronicler, the stupa of Râmagrâma was washed away by the Ganges, and the relic casket, having been carried down the river to the ocean, was discovered by the Nâgas, or water gods, and presented to their king, who built a stupa for its reception. During the reign of Dutthagâmini of Ceylon, B.C. 161 to 137, the casket was miraculously obtained from the Nâga king by the holy monk Sonuttaro, and enshrined in the Mahathupo, or “great stupa,” in the land of Lanka.*

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∗ Julien’s ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ ii. 325.

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† See Map No. XI.

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‡ ‘Mahawanso,’ c. xxxi. p. 185.

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Now this story is completely at variance with the statements of the Chinese pilgrims, both of whom visited Râmagrâma many centuries after Dutthagâmini, when they found the relic stupa intact, but no river. Fa-Hian,† in the beginning of the fifth century, saw a tank beside the stupa, in which a dragon (Nâga) lived, who continually watched the tower. In the middle of the seventh century, Hwen Thsang‡ saw the same stupa and the same tank of clear water inhabited by dragons (Nâgas), who daily transformed themselves into men, and paid their devotions to the stupa.§ Both pilgrims mention the attempt of Asoka to remove these relics to his own capital, which was abandoned on the expostulation of the Nâga king. “If by thy oblations,” said the Nâga, “thou canst excel this, thou mayest destroy the tower, and I shall not prevent thee.” Now according to the Ceylonese chronicler, this is the very same argument that was used by the Nâga king to dissuade the priest Sonuttaro from removing the relics to Ceylon.* I infer, therefore, that the original “tank” of Râmagrâma was adroitly changed into a river by the Ceylonese author, so that the relics which were in charge of the Nâgas of the tank, might be conveyed to the ocean-palace of the Nâga king, from whence they could as readily be transferred to Ceylon as to any other place. The river was thus a necessity in the Ceylonese legend, to convey the relics away from Râmagrâma to the ocean. But the authority of a legend can have no weight against the united testimony of the two independent pilgrims, who many centuries later found the stupa still standing, but saw no river. I therefore dismiss the Ganges as a fabrication of the Ceylonese chroniclers, and accept in its stead the Nâga tank of the Chinese pilgrims. Having thus got rid of the river, I can see no objection to the identification of Deokali with the Râmagrâma of Buddhist history. The town was quite deserted at the time of Fa-Hian’s visit, in the fifth century, who found only a small religious establishment; this was still kept up in the middle of the seventh century, but it must have been very near its dissolution, as there was only a single *srámanera*, or monk, to conduct the affairs of the monastery.

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∗ ‘Mahawanso,’ c. xxxi.

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† Beal’s ‘Fah-Hian,’ c. xxiii. p. 90.

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‡ Julien’s ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ ii. 326.

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§ *Ibid.*

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*River Anoma.*

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The river Anoma was famous in the history of Buddhism as the scene of Prince Siddhârta’s assumption of the dress of an ascetic, where he cut off his hair, and dismissed his attendant and his horse. According to the Burmese* and Ceylonese† chronicles, the distance from Kapila was 30 *yojanas*, or about 210 miles,—a mistake which must have originated in an erroneous opinion that the river was exactly halfway between Kapila and Rajagriha, as the total distance is said to be 60 *yojanas*. In the Tibetan translation of the *Lalita Vistára*,‡ the distance is stated at 6 *yojanas*, or 42 miles. This is somewhat less than the estimates of Fa-Hian and Hwen Thsang, but as the former is made up of two distances, given in whole *yojanas*, and the latter of two distances, given in round hundreds of *li*, they can only be accepted as approximations. Thus Fa-Hian's 5 *yojanas*, plus 3 *yojanas*, may have been only 4½ and 2½ *yojanas*, and Hwen Thsang's 200 *li*, plus 100 *li*, may have been actually only 180 *li*, plus 80 *li*. The former may thus be reduced to 7 *yojanas*, or 49 miles, and the latter to 260 *li*, or 43 miles. I therefore accept the 6 *yojanas*, or 42 miles, of the *Lalita Vistára* as the nearest approach to the real distance that could be stated in whole *yojanas*.

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∗ ‘Mahawanso,’ c. xxxi. p. 188.

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When Prince Siddhârta left Kapila to enter upon the life of an ascetic, he took the road by Vaisâli to Rajagriha. The general direction of his route was therefore nearly east-south-east past Deokali to the bank of the *Aumi* river below Sangrâmpur, and above the point where it enters the *Aumiyar* Lake.§ As the course of the Aumi is from north-west to south-east, the distance from Nagar varies from 40 to 45 miles. The route could not have crossed the river above Sangrâmpur, as the distance would be under 40 miles, nor below the Aumiyar Lake, which discharges itself by a very short channel into the Rapti. If the data are correct, the point of crossing must have been just above the head of the Aumiyar Lake.

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∗ Bigandet, ‘Legend of the Burmese Buddha,’ p. 41. † Turnour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vii.

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⁸⁰⁹ Hardy, ‘Manual of Buddhism,’ p. 160, says 480 miles, from which it is evident that he has adopted Turnour's erroneous valuation of the *yojana* at 16 miles. ‡ Foucaux, French translation, p. 214. § ‘Eastern India,’ ii.

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³¹⁴ Buchanan calls it the *Nawar* Lake, but

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Now Aumi, or in Sanskrit Avami, means "inferior," and as the name of a river it would be descriptive of its small size as compared with other rivers in its neighbourhood. A glance at the map is sufficient to show that the Aumi is an old bed of the Rapti, which left the present channel near Dumariyaganj. A main branch of the Aumi, named the Budh Nali, or "old river," which rises in the neighbourhood of Bânsi, is still supplied from the Rapti during the rainy season by a channel called Daldal Nala, or "Quicksand Stream." This fact alone affords a most decisive proof that the lower course of the Aumi, below the junction of the Budh Nala near Balehar, is an old bed of the Rapti. The name of Aumi or Avami Nadi, the "inferior" or "lesser river," was therefore an appropriate appellation of the old channel to distinguish it from the larger or main stream of the Rapti.

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According to the Lalita Vistára the point where Buddha crossed the river was at the town of Maneya, in the district of Anuvaineya.* The name of the town is unknown, but that of the district would appear to be the same as Anaola, which is the name of the divi-

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in the Atlas of India and other Government Maps it is named the Amiyar Tâl, and the river is called the Ami Nadi.

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∗ Foucaux, translation from Tibetan, p. 214.

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sion on the western bank of the lower course of the Aumi river, which includes both Sangrâmpur and the Aumiyar lake. *Anuvaineya* means the country along the *Vaineya* river, or on the lower course of the *Vaineya*. The name is probably derived from *Venu*, a "bambu," and if so it would mean "Bambu river," and would thus be equivalent to *Bánsi*, which might be appropriately applied to it, either on account of the *bambus* on its banks, or because it flows past the town of *Bánsi*.

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The Buddhist legends of Barma and Ceylon are unanimous in stating that Prince Siddhârta, on reaching the bank of the stream where he dismissed his attendants and horse, inquired its name, and on being informed that it was called *Anoma*, made a remark in allusion to the name of the river, which is differently rendered by the translators. According to the Burmese legend* the name of the river was *Anauma*, on hearing which the prince remarked, "I will *not* show myself *unworthy* of the high dignity I aspire to." Then "spurring his horse, the fierce animal leaped at once to the opposite bank." Mr. Hardy states the occurrence even more briefly:† "On arriving at the river he inquired its name from the noble, and when he was told that it was *Anoma*, 'illustrious or honourable,' he received it as another omen in his favour." Turnour gives the story at length from the Ceylonese *Attakatha* of the Buddhawanso.‡ Prince Siddhârta inquired of Chhando, "'What is the name of this river?'—'Lord, its name is *Anomá*.' Replying, 'Nor will there be any *Anoma* (inferiority) in my ordination,’ he pressed his heel to the horse and gave him the signal to leap.” Turnour notes that “this remark involves a pun;” but that a pun “is by no means a matter of levity in Buddhistical literature.” By some oversight, Turnour has rendered *anoma* by “inferiority,” whereas its meaning is exactly the reverse, and is correctly given by Hardy and Bishop Bigandet. According to the text of the Burmese and Ceylonese chronicles, it would appear that the name of the river was *Anoma*, the “not inferior,” that is the “superior,” and the prince’s remark must have been that so also would his ordination be *anoma*, or “superior.” But as the name of the river at the present day is *Aumi*, or “inferior,” and as Turnour’s translation of the word as “inferiority” would seem to show that in his copy at least the name was *Oma* or *Auma*, I cannot help suspecting that this is the true reading; and that when the prince was informed that the name of the river was *Auma*, or “inferior,” he remarked “My ordination shall be *anauma*, or “superior.” If the original name of the stream had been *Anoma*, it is difficult to understand how it could have been changed to *Aumi*, which has the very opposite meaning. But if it was properly *Aumi*, that is the “inferior” or lesser branch of the Rapti, and it was arbitrarily changed by the Buddhists to *Anauma*, a return to the use of the original name would have been only a natural consequence of the downfall of Buddhism.

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∗ 'Legend of the Burmese Buddha,' by Bishop Bigandet, p. 41. † 'Manual of Buddhism,' p. 160.

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But the identification of the Buddhistical *Anoma* with the modern *Aumi* is still further confirmed by the existence of three significant names on the eastern bank of the river, within a short distance of the point which I have assigned for the prince’s passage of the stream. On reaching the opposite bank, the prince alighted from his horse and directed his attendant *Chandaka* to return to Kapila.* At this spot there stood a stupa called *Chandaka-nivarttana*, or “Chandaka’s return,” which in the spoken dialects would probably have been shortened to *Chanda-bartta*. This place may, I think, be identified with the village of *Chandaoli* on the eastern bank of the Aumi river, near the head of the Aumiyar Lake, and 10 miles to the south of Gorakhpur. With his sword the prince then cut off his long locks of hair, *chuḍa*, which being thrown aloft were caught by the gods, who built a stupa on the spot called *Chuḍa-pati-graha*, or the “heap of hair-locks.” In the spoken dialects this name would have been shortened to *Chuḍa-gaha*, which, I think, may be identified with the village of *Chureya*, 3 miles to the north of Chandaoli. The prince next changed his royal garments, called *kásáya*, because made of the fine fabrics of *Kási*, or Banâras, for the plain dress of an ascetic; and on the spot where this took place the people erected a stupa, named *Kásáya-grahan*, or “doffed garments.” This place I would identify with the village of *Kaseyar*, 3½ miles to the south-east of Chandaoli. In favour of these identifications I may mention that Hwen Thsang places the stupa of the “doffed garments” to the east of that of “Chandaka’s return;” but his position of the stupa of the “cut hair” at a short distance from that of the “doffed garments” is directly opposed to the site that I have suggested at Chureya, which is 6 miles to the north of Kaseyar. It seems probable, therefore, that one of my suggested identifications must be wrong; but as the other two would appear to agree with the relative positions assigned by Hwen Thsang, I think that they are probably correct.

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∗ ‘Lalita Vistara.’ Foucaux, translation from Tibetan, p. 214.

Linked texts (3)

Buddhavaṃsa — Pāli
Tibetan translation ('Chi med mdzod) — Classical Tibetan
Mahāvaṃsa — Pāli